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‘What have you done to our world?’: The rise of a global generational voice “你对我们的世界做了什么?”:全球一代人声音的崛起
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-22 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231180880
Cécile Van de Velde
Based on a comparative analysis of seven youth movements, this article shows the rise of a rhetoric of intergenerational injustice over the past decade, increasingly associated with a direct accusation of older generations and with a generational and global ‘we’. Theoritically, we propose to approach the ‘generational voice’ – rather than the generational ‘presence’ – to shed light on the generational grievances, emotions and identities carried within movements. We draw on the textual analysis of protest slogans (n = 1914) collected directly from: the Indignados (2011), the student movements in Chile and Quebec (2011–2012), the Paris ‘Nuit Debout’ movement (2016), the Hong Kong pro-democracy movements (2014 and 2019), and the Montreal pro-climate march (2019). Using mixed methods, the article shows the existence of four major rhetorics of generational injustice – be it economic, social, political or environmental – associated with an increasingly radical critique of a legacy, deemed too heavy for ‘future generations’.
基于对七次青年运动的比较分析,本文显示了过去十年代际不公正言论的兴起,越来越多地与对老一辈的直接指责以及世代和全球的“我们”联系在一起。从理论上讲,我们建议接近“代际声音”-而不是代际“存在”-来阐明运动中所携带的代际不满,情感和身份。我们对直接收集的抗议口号(n = 1914)进行了文本分析:2011年的愤怒运动、2011 - 2012年智利和魁北克的学生运动、2016年的巴黎“Nuit Debout”运动、2014年和2019年的香港民主运动和2019年的蒙特利尔亲气候游行。这篇文章用混合的方法展示了代际不公正的四种主要修辞的存在——无论是经济的、社会的、政治的还是环境的——与对遗产的日益激进的批评有关,认为遗产对“后代”来说太重了。
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引用次数: 0
The Moralization of Politics in Brazil 巴西政治的道德化
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-19 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231180879
Richard Miskolci, F. Balieiro
This article analyzes the formation of a media framing of political moralization in Brazil that was consolidated during the decade of 2010, during the peak of an anti-corruption prosecution and the campaign against ‘gender ideology’. This media framing was characterized by the association of the agenda for probity in the conduct of public business with a traditional family morality. The research methodology is anchored in studies of media framing in an analytical perspective that joins sources of digital sociology to political communication studies to analyze an archive collected on platforms of social networks and news media. We contrast the results of the investigation to contributions and gaps of political sociology and gender and sexuality studies focused on either public or private morality. The analysis of the materials shows how the far-right developed a political-communicational strategy on social networks to unite the two dimensions of morality to gain electoral support.
本文分析了巴西政治道德化的媒体框架的形成,这一框架在2010年的十年中得到了巩固,在反腐败起诉和反对“性别意识形态”运动的高峰期。这种媒体框架的特点是将公共事务的廉洁议程与传统的家庭道德联系在一起。研究方法以分析视角的媒体框架研究为基础,将数字社会学的来源与政治传播研究结合起来,分析在社交网络和新闻媒体平台上收集的档案。我们将调查结果与关注公共或私人道德的政治社会学和性别与性研究的贡献和差距进行了对比。对这些材料的分析表明,极右翼如何在社交网络上制定一种政治沟通策略,将道德的两个维度结合起来,以获得选举支持。
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引用次数: 1
Elite middle school students’ citizenship competence learning in Shanghai 上海市优秀中学生公民能力学习
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231175400
W. Ye, Meiru Chen
With specific reference to Shanghai city in China, this study investigates elite middle school students’ citizenship competence learning – political identity, scientific spirit, legal awareness, and public participation. The study uses a mixed methodology of questionnaires, classroom observations, document analyses, and interviews to collect data and identifies three patterns of students’ citizenship competence learning. This study provides empirical data that supplement the existing literature on elite students’ citizenship learning in the context of China.
本研究以中国上海市为例,调查了优秀中学生的公民能力学习——政治认同、科学精神、法律意识和公众参与。该研究采用了问卷调查、课堂观察、文件分析和访谈的混合方法来收集数据,并确定了学生公民能力学习的三种模式。本研究提供的实证数据补充了现有关于中国背景下精英学生公民身份学习的文献。
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引用次数: 0
Between autonomy and subordination: The micro-production mechanism of professional roles in a Chinese street social workstation 在自主与从属之间:中国街头社会工作站职业角色的微观生产机制
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-05-26 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231174875
Yu-jia Zhang
Based on the dilemma social workers face at the grassroots level in a street social workstation, this article discusses the micro-production mechanism of their professional role in China. Along with the life cycle of the social workstation, three different sets of camouflage schemes have been formed, namely, isomorphism, polymorphism, and heterogeneous isomorphism, to avoid identity crises and continue the survival logic. This study argues that the social workstation can not only be viewed as outsourcing of government social functions but rather bring the possibility of using social work methods as national governance techniques. The camouflage practice of social workers is an important manifestation of the penetration of national governance into society through the flexibility of social organizations. This new form of social work professional practice means that social workers have gradually evolved into stewards of government management, posing challenges to their professional roles and leading to more complex individual actions.
基于基层社会工作者在街道社会工作站中所面临的困境,本文探讨了我国基层社会工作者职业角色的微观生产机制。随着社会工作站的生命周期,形成了同构、多态和异构同构三种不同的伪装方案,以避免身份危机,延续生存逻辑。本研究认为,社会工作站不仅可以被视为政府社会职能的外包,还可以带来将社会工作方法作为国家治理技术的可能性。社工的伪装实践是国家治理通过社会组织的灵活性渗透到社会的重要体现。这种新形式的社会工作专业实践意味着社会工作者逐渐演变为政府管理的管理者,对他们的专业角色提出了挑战,并导致了更复杂的个人行动。
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引用次数: 0
Trust and the educational gap in the demand for redistribution: Evidence from the World Values Survey and the European Value Study 信任与再分配需求中的教育差距——来自世界价值观调查和欧洲价值观研究的证据
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231167834
Naoki Akaeda
Although previous studies have examined the influence of education on support for redistribution, studies on how this social cleavage of support for redistribution due to education varies depending on several conditions are scarce. To fill this gap, by focusing on the discussions of motivation with self-interest and with the perception of fairness, this study examines the moderation effects of social and institutional trust on the association between education and the demand for redistribution. For the analysis, the present study utilizes pooled data from multiple rounds of the World Values Survey and the European Values Study and two-way fixed-effects models. Through the international comparative analysis, this analysis finds that social trust but not institutional trust dampens the cleavage of support for redistribution due to education. These results suggest that the horizontal aspect of trust may be more influential on preferences for redistribution than the vertical aspect of trust.
尽管之前的研究考察了教育对再分配支持的影响,但关于教育导致的再分配支持的社会分化如何因多种条件而变化的研究很少。为了填补这一空白,本研究通过关注动机与自身利益和公平感的讨论,考察了社会和制度信任对教育与再分配需求之间关系的调节作用。为了进行分析,本研究利用了多轮世界价值观调查和欧洲价值观研究的汇总数据以及双向固定效应模型。通过国际比较分析,该分析发现,社会信任而非制度信任抑制了教育对再分配支持的分裂。这些结果表明,信任的横向方面对再分配偏好的影响可能比信任的纵向方面更大。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond money, power, and masculinity: Toward an analytical perspective on recruitment to Mexican drug trafficking organizations 超越金钱、权力和男子气概:从分析角度看待墨西哥贩毒组织的招募
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231168579
Piotr A. Chomczyński, R. Guy, Elena Azaola
Mexican drug trafficking organizations have experienced rapid attrition resulting in a continual need for personnel since 2006. However, the process by which these criminal organizations absorb new members remains obscure. In this article, we report on the social context of recruitment and motivational pathways into Mexican drug trafficking organizations through in-depth interviews with current and former cartel members (N = 79). We find that recruits are motivated by aspirations of financial success and notions of masculinity, but also influenced by attachment to social groups and jointly shared experiences that we term a collective trajectory. We argue that individual decisions to join criminal organizations are viewed in collective terms, or being connected with members of their immediate social group. We conclude with the applications of challenges of collective trajectory for sociological criminology.
自2006年以来,墨西哥贩毒组织经历了快速流失,导致持续需要人员。然而,这些犯罪组织吸收新成员的过程仍然模糊不清。在这篇文章中,我们通过对现任和前任卡特尔成员的深入采访,报道了招募墨西哥贩毒组织的社会背景和激励途径(N = 79)。我们发现,招聘人员的动机是经济成功的愿望和男子气概的观念,但也受到对社会群体的依恋和共同分享的经验的影响,我们称之为集体轨迹。我们认为,加入犯罪组织的个人决定是从集体的角度来看的,或者与他们直接社会群体的成员有关。最后,我们介绍了集体轨迹挑战在社会学犯罪学中的应用。
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引用次数: 0
Village-ness, discrimination, and urban modernity: Thinking alongside ‘village people’ in Lebanon 乡村性、歧视与城市现代性:与黎巴嫩的“村民”一起思考
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231165908
Alia Kassem
Based on qualitative phenomenological research alongside village dwellers in Lebanon, this article identifies village-ness – an experience of being labelled as ‘non-urban’ with an upbringing and habitus considered to be ‘of the village’ – as difference and lack. I accordingly argue for the recognition of a hierarchization between those considered ‘city people’ and ‘village people’ in mainstream Lebanese imaginary that establishes experiences of discrimination, prejudice, and assault. Developing this, the article explores participants’ understandings of transformation improving these conditions. (Western-style) education, (capitalist) employment, (modern) technology, and a deepened connectivity to the city emerge as key variables in this respect. This change, my analysis shows, is conceptualised as ‘becoming urban’ understood as ‘becoming modern’, where Modernity is specifically framed as a Western-centric formation with discourses of ‘civility’, linear time, ‘development’, and ‘progress’ dominant. Accordingly, the article posits that the construction, inferiorisation, and assault of village-ness is a key site of the establishment and (re)production of a Eurocentric ‘urban modernity’ at the level of everyday lived experiences. Recognising that this phenomenon extends far beyond Lebanon, I posit the need to seriously bring the ‘urban question’ into anti/post/decolonial thought.
基于对黎巴嫩农村居民的定性现象学研究,本文确定了村民性——一种被贴上“非城市”标签的经历,其成长和习惯被认为是“村庄”的——作为差异和缺乏。因此,我主张承认在黎巴嫩主流想象中被认为是“城市人”和“农村人”之间的等级制度,这种等级制度建立了歧视、偏见和攻击的经历。在此基础上,本文探讨了参与者对改善这些条件的转型的理解。(西式)教育、(资本主义)就业、(现代)技术以及与城市的深度联系成为这方面的关键变量。我的分析表明,这种变化被概念化为“成为城市”,被理解为“成为现代”,其中现代性被明确地框架为以西方为中心的形成,以“文明”、线性时间、“发展”和“进步”为主导的话语。因此,本文认为,在日常生活体验的层面上,村寨的建设、内部化和攻击是建立和(再)生产以欧洲为中心的“城市现代性”的关键场所。认识到这种现象远远超出黎巴嫩,我认为有必要认真地将“城市问题”纳入反/后/非殖民化的思想。
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引用次数: 0
Mapping redistribution in terms of family: A European comparison 从家庭角度绘制再分配图:欧洲比较
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231168135
Patricia Frericks, Martin Gurín, Julia Höppner
Redistribution is one of the fundamental characteristics of developed societies. While societal redistribution between working and non-working citizens has been studied intensively, redistribution in terms of family has been analysed mainly as private redistribution. In this contribution, we study societal redistribution in terms of family by systematically analysing its regulation and simulating its results. We map family-related redistribution in Europe by analysing to whom financial resources are granted (benefits) and from whom resources are demanded (obligations) to identify the degree and logic of family-related redistribution. We compare 68 family forms in 27 European countries based on the micro-simulation model EUROMOD. The findings show that there are clear country-clusters of redistribution in terms of family. They differ, though, as to benefits and obligations. The degree of redistribution reveals that in most countries, societal redistribution is highest towards low-income, single-parent families and lowest towards low-income family forms without children.
再分配是发达社会的基本特征之一。虽然对工作公民和非工作公民之间的社会再分配进行了深入研究,但对家庭再分配的分析主要是私人再分配。在这篇文章中,我们通过系统分析其调节并模拟其结果,从家庭的角度研究了社会再分配。我们通过分析向谁提供财政资源(福利)和向谁要求资源(义务)来确定与家庭相关的再分配的程度和逻辑,绘制了欧洲与家庭相关再分配的地图。基于微观模拟模型EUROMOD,我们比较了27个欧洲国家的68种家庭形式。研究结果表明,在家庭方面存在明显的国家再分配集群。然而,他们在利益和义务方面有所不同。再分配程度表明,在大多数国家,社会再分配对低收入单亲家庭最高,对无子女的低收入家庭最低。
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引用次数: 1
Influential allies and grassroots movement mobilization: Ukraine’s Maidan, 2013–2014 有影响力的盟友和基层运动动员:乌克兰独立广场,2013-2014
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-14 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231166575
O. Zelinska
Political allies, for example, parties, politicians, and civil society organizations, could be influential in grassroots mobilization. Yet, there are few empirical observations of whether and how these influential allies perform this role. I empirically examine the relationship between the influential allies and activists in Ukraine’s Maidan. I focus on mobilizing structures at the local level, that is, ‘local Maidans’, that arose in 2013–2014. In this mixed-methods study, I combine administrative and protest event data to generalize across cases, and I use interviews with activists, party members, and knowledgeable observers in Ukraine’s localities for conceptual and theoretical insights. The influential allies at the local level assisted in the mobilization of local Maidans across Ukraine. The presence of civil society organizations and opposition parties in localities, as well as interventions of local politicians created favorable conditions for mobilization, regardless of other factors such as the level of economic development.
政党、政治家和民间社会组织等政治盟友可以在基层动员中发挥影响力。然而,关于这些有影响力的盟友是否以及如何发挥这一作用的实证观察很少。我对乌克兰独立广场上有影响力的盟友和活动人士之间的关系进行了实证研究。我关注的是地方层面的动员结构,即2013-2014年兴起的“地方Maidans”。在这个混合方法的研究中,我结合了行政和抗议事件的数据来概括各个案例,我通过对乌克兰各地的活动家、党员和知识渊博的观察员的采访来获得概念和理论见解。在地方一级有影响力的盟友协助动员乌克兰各地的地方独立示威者。地方民间社会组织和反对党的存在,以及地方政治家的干预,为动员创造了有利条件,而不考虑经济发展水平等其他因素。
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引用次数: 1
Strain, depression, and deviant behavior among left-behind and non-left-behind adolescents in China 中国留守和非留守青少年的紧张、抑郁和异常行为
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-14 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231164036
Xiaohua Xu, I. Sun, Yuning Wu
China’s massive rural to urban migration has created a vast number of left-behind children (LBC) whose parents moved to cities for work. Drawing upon data from LBC and non-left-behind children (NLBC) in three Chinese cities, this study tests the applicability of general strain theory in explaining deviant behavior among adolescents. The analysis results show that LBC status is directly related to lower involvement in deviant behavior, whereas it is also directly linked to academic difficulty and depression, leading to more deviant acts. Compared with NLBC, LBC have an overall lower risk of deviance. Male and middle school students and students experiencing parental abuse and family poverty are more inclined to express greater depression, subsequently promoting higher participation in deviance.
中国大规模的农村向城市迁移造成了大量的留守儿童,他们的父母搬到城市工作。本研究利用中国三个城市的LBC和非留守儿童(NLBC)的数据,检验了一般紧张理论在解释青少年越轨行为方面的适用性。分析结果表明,LBC状态与越轨行为的参与程度较低直接相关,但也与学业困难和抑郁直接相关,导致更多的越轨行为。与NLBC相比,LBC的越轨风险总体较低。男性和中学生以及经历父母虐待和家庭贫困的学生更倾向于表达更大的抑郁情绪,从而促进更高程度的越轨行为。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
International Sociology
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