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Village-ness, discrimination, and urban modernity: Thinking alongside ‘village people’ in Lebanon 乡村性、歧视与城市现代性:与黎巴嫩的“村民”一起思考
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231165908
Alia Kassem
Based on qualitative phenomenological research alongside village dwellers in Lebanon, this article identifies village-ness – an experience of being labelled as ‘non-urban’ with an upbringing and habitus considered to be ‘of the village’ – as difference and lack. I accordingly argue for the recognition of a hierarchization between those considered ‘city people’ and ‘village people’ in mainstream Lebanese imaginary that establishes experiences of discrimination, prejudice, and assault. Developing this, the article explores participants’ understandings of transformation improving these conditions. (Western-style) education, (capitalist) employment, (modern) technology, and a deepened connectivity to the city emerge as key variables in this respect. This change, my analysis shows, is conceptualised as ‘becoming urban’ understood as ‘becoming modern’, where Modernity is specifically framed as a Western-centric formation with discourses of ‘civility’, linear time, ‘development’, and ‘progress’ dominant. Accordingly, the article posits that the construction, inferiorisation, and assault of village-ness is a key site of the establishment and (re)production of a Eurocentric ‘urban modernity’ at the level of everyday lived experiences. Recognising that this phenomenon extends far beyond Lebanon, I posit the need to seriously bring the ‘urban question’ into anti/post/decolonial thought.
基于对黎巴嫩农村居民的定性现象学研究,本文确定了村民性——一种被贴上“非城市”标签的经历,其成长和习惯被认为是“村庄”的——作为差异和缺乏。因此,我主张承认在黎巴嫩主流想象中被认为是“城市人”和“农村人”之间的等级制度,这种等级制度建立了歧视、偏见和攻击的经历。在此基础上,本文探讨了参与者对改善这些条件的转型的理解。(西式)教育、(资本主义)就业、(现代)技术以及与城市的深度联系成为这方面的关键变量。我的分析表明,这种变化被概念化为“成为城市”,被理解为“成为现代”,其中现代性被明确地框架为以西方为中心的形成,以“文明”、线性时间、“发展”和“进步”为主导的话语。因此,本文认为,在日常生活体验的层面上,村寨的建设、内部化和攻击是建立和(再)生产以欧洲为中心的“城市现代性”的关键场所。认识到这种现象远远超出黎巴嫩,我认为有必要认真地将“城市问题”纳入反/后/非殖民化的思想。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond money, power, and masculinity: Toward an analytical perspective on recruitment to Mexican drug trafficking organizations 超越金钱、权力和男子气概:从分析角度看待墨西哥贩毒组织的招募
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231168579
Piotr A. Chomczyński, R. Guy, Elena Azaola
Mexican drug trafficking organizations have experienced rapid attrition resulting in a continual need for personnel since 2006. However, the process by which these criminal organizations absorb new members remains obscure. In this article, we report on the social context of recruitment and motivational pathways into Mexican drug trafficking organizations through in-depth interviews with current and former cartel members (N = 79). We find that recruits are motivated by aspirations of financial success and notions of masculinity, but also influenced by attachment to social groups and jointly shared experiences that we term a collective trajectory. We argue that individual decisions to join criminal organizations are viewed in collective terms, or being connected with members of their immediate social group. We conclude with the applications of challenges of collective trajectory for sociological criminology.
自2006年以来,墨西哥贩毒组织经历了快速流失,导致持续需要人员。然而,这些犯罪组织吸收新成员的过程仍然模糊不清。在这篇文章中,我们通过对现任和前任卡特尔成员的深入采访,报道了招募墨西哥贩毒组织的社会背景和激励途径(N = 79)。我们发现,招聘人员的动机是经济成功的愿望和男子气概的观念,但也受到对社会群体的依恋和共同分享的经验的影响,我们称之为集体轨迹。我们认为,加入犯罪组织的个人决定是从集体的角度来看的,或者与他们直接社会群体的成员有关。最后,我们介绍了集体轨迹挑战在社会学犯罪学中的应用。
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引用次数: 0
Mapping redistribution in terms of family: A European comparison 从家庭角度绘制再分配图:欧洲比较
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231168135
Patricia Frericks, Martin Gurín, Julia Höppner
Redistribution is one of the fundamental characteristics of developed societies. While societal redistribution between working and non-working citizens has been studied intensively, redistribution in terms of family has been analysed mainly as private redistribution. In this contribution, we study societal redistribution in terms of family by systematically analysing its regulation and simulating its results. We map family-related redistribution in Europe by analysing to whom financial resources are granted (benefits) and from whom resources are demanded (obligations) to identify the degree and logic of family-related redistribution. We compare 68 family forms in 27 European countries based on the micro-simulation model EUROMOD. The findings show that there are clear country-clusters of redistribution in terms of family. They differ, though, as to benefits and obligations. The degree of redistribution reveals that in most countries, societal redistribution is highest towards low-income, single-parent families and lowest towards low-income family forms without children.
再分配是发达社会的基本特征之一。虽然对工作公民和非工作公民之间的社会再分配进行了深入研究,但对家庭再分配的分析主要是私人再分配。在这篇文章中,我们通过系统分析其调节并模拟其结果,从家庭的角度研究了社会再分配。我们通过分析向谁提供财政资源(福利)和向谁要求资源(义务)来确定与家庭相关的再分配的程度和逻辑,绘制了欧洲与家庭相关再分配的地图。基于微观模拟模型EUROMOD,我们比较了27个欧洲国家的68种家庭形式。研究结果表明,在家庭方面存在明显的国家再分配集群。然而,他们在利益和义务方面有所不同。再分配程度表明,在大多数国家,社会再分配对低收入单亲家庭最高,对无子女的低收入家庭最低。
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引用次数: 1
Influential allies and grassroots movement mobilization: Ukraine’s Maidan, 2013–2014 有影响力的盟友和基层运动动员:乌克兰独立广场,2013-2014
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-14 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231166575
O. Zelinska
Political allies, for example, parties, politicians, and civil society organizations, could be influential in grassroots mobilization. Yet, there are few empirical observations of whether and how these influential allies perform this role. I empirically examine the relationship between the influential allies and activists in Ukraine’s Maidan. I focus on mobilizing structures at the local level, that is, ‘local Maidans’, that arose in 2013–2014. In this mixed-methods study, I combine administrative and protest event data to generalize across cases, and I use interviews with activists, party members, and knowledgeable observers in Ukraine’s localities for conceptual and theoretical insights. The influential allies at the local level assisted in the mobilization of local Maidans across Ukraine. The presence of civil society organizations and opposition parties in localities, as well as interventions of local politicians created favorable conditions for mobilization, regardless of other factors such as the level of economic development.
政党、政治家和民间社会组织等政治盟友可以在基层动员中发挥影响力。然而,关于这些有影响力的盟友是否以及如何发挥这一作用的实证观察很少。我对乌克兰独立广场上有影响力的盟友和活动人士之间的关系进行了实证研究。我关注的是地方层面的动员结构,即2013-2014年兴起的“地方Maidans”。在这个混合方法的研究中,我结合了行政和抗议事件的数据来概括各个案例,我通过对乌克兰各地的活动家、党员和知识渊博的观察员的采访来获得概念和理论见解。在地方一级有影响力的盟友协助动员乌克兰各地的地方独立示威者。地方民间社会组织和反对党的存在,以及地方政治家的干预,为动员创造了有利条件,而不考虑经济发展水平等其他因素。
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引用次数: 1
Strain, depression, and deviant behavior among left-behind and non-left-behind adolescents in China 中国留守和非留守青少年的紧张、抑郁和异常行为
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-14 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231164036
Xiaohua Xu, I. Sun, Yuning Wu
China’s massive rural to urban migration has created a vast number of left-behind children (LBC) whose parents moved to cities for work. Drawing upon data from LBC and non-left-behind children (NLBC) in three Chinese cities, this study tests the applicability of general strain theory in explaining deviant behavior among adolescents. The analysis results show that LBC status is directly related to lower involvement in deviant behavior, whereas it is also directly linked to academic difficulty and depression, leading to more deviant acts. Compared with NLBC, LBC have an overall lower risk of deviance. Male and middle school students and students experiencing parental abuse and family poverty are more inclined to express greater depression, subsequently promoting higher participation in deviance.
中国大规模的农村向城市迁移造成了大量的留守儿童,他们的父母搬到城市工作。本研究利用中国三个城市的LBC和非留守儿童(NLBC)的数据,检验了一般紧张理论在解释青少年越轨行为方面的适用性。分析结果表明,LBC状态与越轨行为的参与程度较低直接相关,但也与学业困难和抑郁直接相关,导致更多的越轨行为。与NLBC相比,LBC的越轨风险总体较低。男性和中学生以及经历父母虐待和家庭贫困的学生更倾向于表达更大的抑郁情绪,从而促进更高程度的越轨行为。
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引用次数: 2
Understanding revolutions: About the trilogy of Azmi Bishara 理解革命:关于阿兹米·比沙拉三部曲
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231158845
Sari Hanafi
Influential in his writing about the Arab Spring, Azmi Bishara delivers a trilogy about the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria which was first published in Arabic and then translated with some updates to English. while theoretically grounded, they are the outcome of extensive research and documentation of everyday events in these three countries and a reflection on the heated debates in the Arab world. Using a democratic transition theory perspective, Bishara thus explains the failure of the democratic transition and how it has impacted the Arab revolutions ever since. Despite the major setback in all these revolutions, Bishara, like myself, is still hopeful that this is the only dynamic that is possible to deliver long waiting changes.
阿兹米·比萨拉在他关于阿拉伯之春的著作中颇有影响力,他发表了一部关于突尼斯、埃及和叙利亚革命的三部曲,最初以阿拉伯语出版,后来被翻译成英语。虽然理论有根据,但它们是对这三个国家日常事件的广泛研究和记录的结果,也是对阿拉伯世界激烈辩论的反思。因此,从民主转型理论的角度,Bishara解释了民主转型的失败,以及它如何影响了此后的阿拉伯革命。尽管在所有这些革命中都遭遇了重大挫折,Bishara和我一样,仍然希望这是唯一可能带来等待已久的变革的动力。
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引用次数: 0
Charles Camic, Veblen: The Making of an Economist Who Unmade Economics 查尔斯·卡米奇,《凡伯伦:一个毁掉经济学的经济学家的成就》
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231158856a
Song Xu
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引用次数: 0
Gary Alan Fine, The Hinge: Civil Society, Group Cultures, and the Power of Local Commitments Gary Alan Fine,《铰链:公民社会、群体文化和地方承诺的力量》
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231158870
T. Olofsson
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引用次数: 0
Nazanin Shahrokni, Women in Place: The Politics of Gender Segregation in Iran Nazanin Shahrokni,《女性就位:伊朗的性别隔离政治》
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231158884
Alia Kassem
Transdisciplinary and brilliantly ethnographic, Women in Place is divided into three main case studies: Iran’s buses, parks, and football. In each, the ‘place of women’ is historicized, examined, and analysed exploring the formation, challenge, and change within state policies and women’s lived experiences. Through this, Women in Place offers a powerful intervention inviting us to re-think Iran, Islamism, and gender within the modern world. Not unlike other colonial and post-colonial contexts, the Iranian regime has sought to construct its identity – its ‘Islamic identity’ – on the bodies of ‘its’ women. This ‘Islamicness’, Women in Place argues, is primarily manufactured through mandatory hijab and gender segregation across buses, football stadiums, parks, and various institutions and spaces. Analysing the everyday lived experiences of women on whose bodies this unfolds, Shahrokni offers an in-depth analysis of the Islamic state itself. From public and personal safety, to health and wellbeing, to Islamic morality, and to national security, a large variety of different discourses are shown to have been mobilized by the Iranian state to justify and sell its various policies around the ‘women question’ over its 40-year history. Throughout, the state appears to create problems to then fashions itself as providing the solutions to these very problems including through a reformulation of such crises in a depoliticizing manner, for example, through technical or medical frames. Shahrokni’s analysis demonstrates the complexity of these discourses and, more importantly perhaps, the internal contradictions within and among them. The Iranian state accordingly emerges as ‘a flexible yet fragile’ heterogeneous body (p. 120) that has gone from revolutionary zeal to bureaucratic management. A pursuit of ‘balance’ and an attempt at ‘compromise’ here emerge as a key paradigm where the bodies of Iranian women persist as key sites upon which various political struggles are played. At times, these political struggles are within the state and among its various factions, but at others, it is with various non-state actors, such as the religious establishment, as well as international government and non-governmental bodies and organizations from Fédération internationale de football association 1158884 ISS0010.1177/02685809231158884International SociologyReviews: Sociology of Gender review-article2023
《女性在原地》是一本跨学科的、杰出的民族志著作,分为三个主要案例研究:伊朗的公共汽车、公园和足球。在每一本书中,“女性的地位”都被历史化、审视和分析,探讨了国家政策和女性生活经历中的形成、挑战和变化。通过这种方式,《女性在地》提供了一种强有力的干预,邀请我们重新思考现代世界中的伊朗、伊斯兰主义和性别。与其他殖民和后殖民背景一样,伊朗政权试图在“其”女性的身体上构建其身份-其“伊斯兰身份”。“在场的女性”认为,这种“伊斯兰性”主要是通过强制性的头巾和公共汽车、足球场、公园以及各种机构和空间的性别隔离来制造的。通过分析女性的日常生活经历,沙洛克尼对伊斯兰国家本身进行了深入的分析。从公共与个人安全,到健康与福祉,再到伊斯兰道德,再到国家安全,在过去40年的历史中,伊朗政府动员了各种不同的话语,为其围绕“妇女问题”的各种政策辩护和推销。在整个过程中,国家似乎制造了问题,然后把自己塑造成提供这些问题的解决方案,包括通过以非政治化的方式重新制定这些危机,例如,通过技术或医疗框架。沙洛克尼的分析展示了这些话语的复杂性,更重要的是,或许还展示了话语内部和话语之间的矛盾。伊朗国家因此成为一个“灵活而脆弱”的异质体(第120页),从革命热情转向官僚管理。对“平衡”的追求和对“妥协”的尝试在这里成为一种关键范例,伊朗女性的身体一直是各种政治斗争的关键场所。有时,这些政治斗争发生在国家内部和不同派系之间,但在其他情况下,它发生在各种非国家行为者之间,如宗教机构,以及国际政府和非政府机构和来自国际足联的组织。国际社会学评论:性别社会学评论- 2023
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引用次数: 0
Think tanks with Chinese characteristics 中国特色智库
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231158853
Wenxing Zhou
The year 2023 marks the 10th anniversary of the Chinese government’s announcement of the strategy to build ‘new-type think tanks with Chinese characteristics’. As thousands of new think tanks launched across the country, has the Chinese government attained its strategic goals including advancing the scientific and democratic decision-making and the modernization of the national governance system and capacity? What key questions concerning think tanks remain unsolved? And what prospects on new think tanks could be expected? To answer these questions, this essay reviews five books written by representative Chinese think tank scholars and practitioners. It argues that while China has made progress in terms of quality, quantity, and institution building of new think tanks, as the books under review demonstrate, some major challenges remain. Among them, the most severe is that China has yet to develop a competitive idea market and cultivate an open think tank culture. This essay concludes by arguing that there is a long road ahead for China to shift from a big think tank country to a powerful think tank country.
2023年是中国政府提出建设“中国特色新型智库”战略10周年。随着全国数千个新智库的成立,中国政府推进决策科学化、民主化、国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的战略目标是否已经实现?关于智库还有哪些关键问题没有解决?新智库的前景如何?为了回答这些问题,本文回顾了中国有代表性的智库学者和实践者所著的五本书。报告认为,尽管中国在新智库的质量、数量和制度建设方面取得了进步,但正如所审查的书籍所表明的那样,一些主要挑战仍然存在。其中,最严峻的是,中国还没有形成一个有竞争力的创意市场,没有培育开放的智库文化。本文最后认为,中国从智库大国向智库强国的转变还有很长的路要走。
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引用次数: 0
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International Sociology
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