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Moral dilemmas in food provisioning: Inflation, the claim for ‘just prices’ and for ‘fair wages’ 食品供应中的道德困境:通货膨胀,对“合理价格”和“公平工资”的要求
3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231200799
Susana Narotzky, Bibiana Martínez Álvarez
The cost of living we envision here stems from an interpretation of the ‘cost of living’ phrase which addresses (1) macro indicators of inflation, (2) the difference between farm gate price and consumer price as a cost to farmers that endangers their viability, and (3) how this cost transfers to the wages of workers and endangers their livelihood. Finally, (4) we wish to highlight that the energy that needs to be invested to assure social reproduction at the scale of individuals and households – workers and employers in agriculture – and at the scale of entire political communities such as the nation-state or the European Union, is translated into moral dilemmas that mediate and produce material results – in people’s bodies, in the environment, in political mobilizations of different kinds. The ‘cost of living’ here expands into the multiple and situated meanings of what it costs to live and the practices that they support.
我们在这里设想的生活成本源于对“生活成本”一词的解释,它涉及(1)通货膨胀的宏观指标,(2)农场入门价格和消费者价格之间的差异作为农民的成本,危及他们的生存能力,以及(3)这种成本如何转移到工人的工资并危及他们的生计。最后,我们希望强调,在个人和家庭(农业中的工人和雇主)的规模上,以及在民族国家或欧盟等整个政治社区的规模上,为确保社会再生产而需要投入的精力,被转化为调解和产生物质结果的道德困境——在人们的身体中,在环境中,在不同类型的政治动员中。这里的“生活成本”扩展为生活成本及其所支持的实践的多重和定位含义。
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引用次数: 0
Misalignments: House money and inflationary experiences 错位:住房资金和通货膨胀经历
3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231198004
Eugênia Motta, Federico Neiburg
This article deals with how residents of a favela region known as the Complexo da Maré (Maré Complex), in the city of Rio de Janeiro, experienced price increase, particularly in food and energy, during 2021 and 2022, still in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. We use the concept of alignment (and its derivatives, such as misalignment and realignment) to analyse the different ways of navigating an increase in the cost of living through accommodating material changes and future perspectives at different scales: from the ideals of a good life desired by people and families to decisions that need to be taken immediately or in a proximate future. We call alignment work the daily activities through which people and families deal with the instability of income, variation in money flows, the management of frustrations with the restrictions imposed by inflation, and the maintenance of significant ties which are altered or placed at risk by the crisis.
本文讨论了在2019冠状病毒病大流行的背景下,里约热内卢市一个名为Complexo da mar (mar Complex)的贫民窟地区的居民如何在2021年和2022年期间经历价格上涨,特别是食品和能源价格上涨。我们使用校准(及其衍生概念,如错位和重新校准)的概念来分析通过适应不同尺度的物质变化和未来前景来应对生活成本增加的不同方式:从人们和家庭所期望的美好生活的理想到需要立即或在不久的将来采取的决定。我们把协调工作称为日常活动,人们和家庭通过这些活动来应对收入的不稳定、资金流动的变化、对通货膨胀所施加的限制的挫折的管理,以及维持因危机而改变或处于危险中的重要关系。
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引用次数: 0
What do people look for in a potential partner after the age of 50? 人们在50岁以后寻找潜在伴侣的标准是什么?
3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231198159
Mercedes Fernández-Alonso
The intimate relationships of the older population have seldom been analyzed from a sociological perspective. This study provides novel information on what is desired in a partner after the age of 50 in Spain. The academic debate on this topic has been limited. Therefore, the contribution of this article is mainly an exploration of the empirical data. The database used is the Spanish General Social Survey prepared by the Sociological Research Center. The results indicate that personality is the most valued factor, followed by values and physical appearance. The variables with the greatest explanatory power in the estimated multinomial logit model are age, sex, level of education and cohabitation status. Educational homogamy appears among those with higher levels of education, with men more interested in physical appearance and women more interested in values and education. These last two characteristics are also more highly valued among those who are older.
很少有人从社会学的角度来分析老年人口的亲密关系。这项研究为西班牙人在50岁以后对伴侣的期望提供了新的信息。关于这个话题的学术辩论一直很有限。因此,本文的贡献主要是对实证数据的探索。使用的数据库是社会学研究中心编制的西班牙综合社会调查。结果表明,性格是最重要的因素,其次是价值观和外表。在估计的多项逻辑模型中,最具解释力的变量是年龄、性别、教育水平和同居状况。受教育程度较高的人更倾向于同性婚姻,男性对外表更感兴趣,而女性对价值观和教育更感兴趣。年龄较大的人也更看重后两个特点。
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引用次数: 0
National patterns of inequality coverage: Japanese and South Korean newspapers, 1990–2021 国家不平等报道模式:日本和韩国报纸,1990-2021年
3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231195958
Yuki Asahina, Jiehyun Roh, Jaeseog Yang
This article examines how newspaper coverage of inequality differs in Japan and South Korea, countries with comparable levels and nature of income inequality, but whose citizens maintain different attitudes toward it. Analyzing 18,630 articles in six major newspapers from 1990 to 2021, our analysis found (1) Japanese and South Korean newspapers report surprisingly little about inequality even in a period of growing inequality; (2) while South Korean newspapers significantly increased their coverage of within-country inequality in the 2010s, such a trend is not found in Japan; (3) progressive newspapers largely drive the increase in the coverage of inequality in South Korea. We also look closely into the four major topics within inequality coverage – income, employment, generation, and gender – to elaborate on qualitative differences in the ways inequality is discussed in newspapers in both societies. Our findings suggest that there exist nationally specific patterns of inequality coverage and offer important implications for the ongoing discussion about economic inequality in East Asia, as well as the literature on subjective inequality.
本文考察了日本和韩国的报纸对不平等的报道是如何不同的,这两个国家的收入不平等水平和性质都相当,但其公民对不平等的态度却不同。通过分析1990年至2021年间6家主要报纸的18630篇文章,我们的分析发现:(1)即使在不平等加剧的时期,日本和韩国的报纸对不平等的报道也少得令人惊讶;(2)韩国报纸在2010年代显著增加了对国内不平等的报道,但日本没有这种趋势;进步报纸在很大程度上推动了韩国对不平等现象的报道。我们还仔细研究了不平等报道中的四个主要主题——收入、就业、代际和性别——以详细说明两个社会的报纸在讨论不平等的方式上的质的差异。我们的研究结果表明,不平等的覆盖范围存在国家特有的模式,并为正在进行的关于东亚经济不平等的讨论以及关于主观不平等的文献提供重要启示。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond early motherhood: Trends and determinants of late fertility in Chile 超越早孕:智利晚育的趋势和决定因素
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231195956
Martina Yopo Díaz, Alejandra Abufhele
Delayed parenthood characterizes family formation in developed countries and is also emerging in developing countries. In Latin America, fertility trends have been historically characterized by early family formation and adolescent childbearing. Recent studies indicate emerging trends of late fertility, but there is conflicting empirical evidence on whether and why parenthood is being postponed. This mixed-methods study examines the trends and determinants of late fertility in Chile, focusing on whether and why women are delaying first childbearing. Quantitative findings indicate an increase in the age at first birth driven by a rise of the proportion of women becoming mothers after 30 years and a decrease of adolescent childbearing. Estimations show differences in the timing of first childbearing according to education, employment, and marital status. Qualitative findings suggest that delaying first childbearing is driven by aspirations of self-realization, emerging gender norms, intensification of mothering, partnership insecurity, and precarious social conditions for having children.
延迟生育是发达国家家庭形成的特点,发展中国家也出现了这种情况。在拉丁美洲,生育趋势的历史特征是早期家庭形成和青少年生育。最近的研究表明,晚育的趋势正在出现,但关于为人父母是否以及为什么被推迟,有相互矛盾的经验证据。这项混合方法研究考察了智利晚育的趋势和决定因素,重点关注女性是否以及为什么推迟第一次生育。定量研究结果表明,30岁后成为母亲的女性比例上升,导致第一胎年龄增加 年龄和青少年生育减少。估计显示,根据教育、就业和婚姻状况,首次生育的时间存在差异。定性研究结果表明,推迟第一次生育是由自我实现的愿望、新出现的性别规范、母亲养育的加剧、伴侣关系的不安全以及生孩子的不稳定社会条件所驱动的。
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引用次数: 0
Peter Staudenmaier, Ecology Contested: Environmental Politics Between Left and Right Peter Staudenmaier,生态学之争:左派和右派之间的环境政治
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231194154b
Jesse Callahan Bryant
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引用次数: 0
Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, Revolution and Dictatorship: The Violent Origins of Durable Authoritarianism Steven Levitsky和Lucan Way,《革命与独裁:持久威权主义的暴力起源》
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231194154
George Hong Jiang
The prospect of democracy seems gloomy, as post-lockdown policies show no sign of democratic revival (Economist Intelligence, 2023), and strongman politics is becoming popular in the global stage (Rachman, 2022). While new quasi-autocracies, for example, electoral autocracies, are posing new challenges to international politics, they share some characters with the revolutionary dictatorship which mushroomed in the twentieth century. The key of the shared patterns lies in how an autocratic regime stabilizes itself. In sociology, for example, Max Weber (2005) has highlighted the importance of legitimacy (charismatic, traditional, and legal-formal) for political domination (see also Schluchter, 1985). In economics, the existence of a strong state apparatus is often rationalized by the aims to achieve collective actions and facilitate economic growth (e.g. Olson, 2000). In politics, the degree of democratic development is associated with the emergence of an effective state and/or the rule of law, contributing to stability/instability of a regime (Fukuyama, 2012). Instead of studying dictatorship in general, Levitsky and Way focus on the revolutionary regimes in the twentieth century. As stated in Chapter 1, the revolutionary regimes are surprisingly durable in that on average they have much longer regime longevity than nonrevolutionary regimes, and they managed to survive many crises that would normally have toppled a regime. They are mostly exempt from military coup d’état (e.g. China, Iran); As weak as some revolutionary regimes are, they are able to withstand strong foreign pressure (e.g. Cuba, Vietnam); Most revolutionary regimes can effectively quell domestic uprisings. Unique characters of the revolutionary regimes play a key role in their survival. Aiming to explain their durability, the book has a very clear argument: severe counter-revolutionary conflicts reacting to radical revolutionary actions foster three pillars, that is, a cohesive ruling party, a powerful and loyal state apparatus, and the extermination of alternative power centers, thereby contributing to durable authoritarianism, while the 1194154 ISS0010.1177/02685809231194154International SociologyReviews: Political Sociology review-article2023
民主的前景似乎很黯淡,因为封锁后的政策没有显示出民主复兴的迹象(经济学人智库,2023),强人政治在全球舞台上越来越流行(拉赫曼,2022)。虽然新的准独裁政权,例如选举独裁政权,正在对国际政治提出新的挑战,但它们与20世纪兴起的革命独裁政权有一些共同的特点。共同模式的关键在于专制政权如何稳定自己。例如,在社会学中,马克斯·韦伯(2005)强调了合法性(魅力、传统和法律形式)对政治统治的重要性(另见Schluchter,1985)。在经济学中,强大的国家机构的存在往往被实现集体行动和促进经济增长的目标所合理化(例如Olson,2000)。在政治上,民主发展的程度与有效国家和/或法治的出现有关,有助于政权的稳定/不稳定(Fukuyama,2012)。Levitsky和Way没有研究一般的独裁统治,而是关注20世纪的革命政权。正如第一章所述,革命政权的持久性令人惊讶,因为平均而言,它们的政权寿命比非革命政权长得多,而且它们成功地度过了许多通常会推翻政权的危机。他们大多不受军事政变的影响(例如中国、伊朗);尽管一些革命政权很软弱,但他们能够承受强大的外国压力(例如古巴、越南);大多数革命政权都能有效地平息国内起义。革命政权的独特性格对其生存起着关键作用。为了解释它们的持久性,这本书有一个非常明确的论点:对激进革命行动作出反应的严重反革命冲突培养了三大支柱,即一个有凝聚力的执政党、一个强大而忠诚的国家机器和消灭替代权力中心,从而助长了持久的威权主义,而1194154 ISS0010.1177/02685809231194154国际社会学评论:政治社会学评论-文章2023
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引用次数: 1
Wendy Brown, Nihilistic Times: Thinking with Max Weber 温迪·布朗,《虚无主义时代:与马克斯·韦伯的思考》
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231194135
Christopher Adair-Toteff
Nihilistic Times: Thinking with Max Weber is a work that discusses what nihilism is and offers a possible means for overcoming it. Wendy Brown uses Nietzsche as the expert on nihilism and Max Weber as the thinker who offers a possible way to fight it. Brown references many of Nietzsche’s published and unpublished writings, but she focuses mainly on Weber’s two ‘Vocation’ lectures: ‘Wissenschaft als Beruf’ and ‘Politik als Beruf’; actually, she uses the translations ‘Science as Vocation’ and ‘Politics as Vocation’. This book is a revised and expanded version of the Tanner Lectures that she gave during November 2019. It is highly successful when read as a political work, but if read as a piece of scholarship, it is less successful. The book has four sections: ‘Introduction’, ‘Politics’, ‘Knowledge’, and ‘Afterword’. In the ‘Introduction’, Brown explains that the focus of the Tanner Lectures is to discuss values, and it has a goal to bring together values and knowledge which the Enlightenment had separated. Brown emphasizes that merging them now is critical, given the plethora of problems confronting humanity. She notes that it may seem counterintuitive to invoke Max Weber because he not only embraced the distinction between facts and values; he also seemed complicit with ‘some of the most sinister forces contouring our present’. Furthermore, Brown insists ‘Weber was a dark thinker’ (p. 7) and certainly he had a reputation as being volcanic. But he was realistic and that provides Brown with the first of three reasons to ‘think’ with Weber. The second was his willingness to confront the crises of liberalism. The third one which animates these essays was ‘his deep confrontation with the intellectual and political predicaments of our nihilistic epoch’ (pp. 7–10). Brown does not mean that all values have vanished nor does she suggest Weber thought the world lacked all meaning. However, she does insist that the world lost much of the basis for values when science replaced religion. She also insists that 1194135 ISS0010.1177/02685809231194135International SociologyReviews: Sociology and Sociologists review-article2023
《虚无主义时代:与马克斯·韦伯一起思考》探讨了什么是虚无主义,并提供了一种克服虚无主义的可能方法。温蒂·布朗认为尼采是虚无主义的专家,而马克斯·韦伯则是一位思想家,他提出了一种与虚无主义抗争的可能方式。布朗引用了许多尼采已发表和未发表的著作,但她主要关注韦伯的两场“使命”讲座:“智慧也是责任”和“政治也是责任”;实际上,她使用了“科学作为职业”和“政治作为职业”的翻译。这本书是她在2019年11月所做的坦纳讲座的修订版和扩展版。作为一部政治著作来读,它是非常成功的,但如果作为一部学术著作来读,它就不那么成功了。全书分为“导论”、“政治”、“知识”、“后记”四个部分。在“引言”中,布朗解释说,坦纳讲座的重点是讨论价值观,它的目标是将启蒙运动分离的价值观和知识结合在一起。布朗强调,考虑到人类面临的过多问题,现在将它们合并是至关重要的。她指出,引用马克斯·韦伯(Max Weber)的话似乎违反直觉,因为他不仅接受了事实与价值之间的区别;他似乎还与“影响我们现在的一些最邪恶的力量”沆瀣一气。此外,布朗坚持认为“韦伯是一个黑暗的思想家”(第7页),当然,他有一个火山般的名声。但他是现实的,这为布朗提供了与韦伯“思考”的三个理由中的第一个。其次是他愿意面对自由主义的危机。让这些文章充满活力的第三点是“他对我们这个虚无主义时代的思想和政治困境的深刻对抗”(第7-10页)。布朗并不是说所有的价值都消失了,也不是说韦伯认为世界失去了所有的意义。然而,她确实坚持认为,当科学取代宗教时,世界失去了许多价值观的基础。她还坚持1194135 iss0010.1177 /02685809231194135国际社会学评论:社会学和社会学家评论-文章2023
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引用次数: 0
Anca Parvulescu and Manuela Boatcă, Creolizing the Modern: Transylvania Across Empires Anca Parvulescu和Manuela Boatcă,Creolizing the Modern:Transylvania Across Empires
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231194158
Jack Palmer
Since its publication, Creolizing the Modern has won both the René Wellek Prize for outstanding books in the discipline of comparative literature and the Barrington Moore Book Award for the best book in comparative historical sociology. Few, if any, books can lay claim to receiving such esteemed accolades across the disciplines of sociology and literary studies and this alone should give the reader a sense of the significance that this intervention represents. A product of collaboration between a literary scholar (Anca Parvulescu) and a sociologist (Manuela Boatcă), the book is based around a close textual reading of Liviu Rebreanu’s 1920 modernist novel, Ion, which centres on struggle of its eponymous character for land ownership in the Transylvanian village of Pripas (now named after Liviu Rebreanu) in the early twentieth century. In Creolizing the Modern, Ion is situated within what the late French literary critic, Pascale Casanova, called the ‘world republic of letters’, a stratified and unequal global network of genre conventions, stylistic orders and linguistic systems. This notion of ‘world literature’ is itself melded with what Immanuel Wallerstein theorized as the capitalist ‘world system’, denoting the historical development of a transnational economy and an accompanying division of labour which divides the world into ‘core’, ‘peripheral’ and ‘semi-peripheral’ regions. Ion takes on a double significance in this meeting of world literature and world system. On the one hand, Ion is a modernist novel set in a rural part of a semi-peripheral region, written in the peripheralized language of Romanian and published within a marginal system of national literary institutions. This, resultantly, means that the novel has remained ‘virtually non-existent for global audiences’ (p. 12), a fact reflected in the difficulty of obtaining an English translation today (two versions exist, both produced in the 1960s and mostly held in university libraries having been acquired during the area studies heyday of the Cold War). On the other hand, Ion itself thematizes the formation of the capitalist world system and its attendant regimes of class, gender, ethnic and religious hierarchy. Over the course of Creolizing the Modern, various characters and passages from Ion are evoked to refract and connect themes such as the 1194158 ISS0010.1177/02685809231194158International SociologyReview: Historical Sociology review-article2023
自出版以来,《Creolizing the Modern》获得了勒内·韦勒克比较文学学科杰出图书奖和巴林顿·摩尔比较历史社会学最佳图书奖。很少有书能在社会学和文学研究领域获得如此受人尊敬的赞誉,仅此一点就应该让读者感受到这种干预所代表的意义。这本书是文学学者(Anca Parvulescu)和社会学家(Manuela Boatcă。在《Creolizing the Modern》中,Ion位于已故法国文学评论家Pascale Casanova所称的“世界字母共和国”中,这是一个由流派惯例、风格秩序和语言系统组成的分层和不平等的全球网络。这种“世界文学”的概念本身与伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦(Immanuel Wallerstein)所理论的资本主义“世界体系”相融合,后者表示跨国经济的历史发展以及随之而来的将世界划分为“核心”、“外围”和“半外围”区域的劳动分工。《离子》在这场世界文学与世界体系的交汇中具有双重意义。一方面,《离子》是一部以半周边地区农村为背景的现代主义小说,用罗马尼亚语的周边语言写成,并在国家文学机构的边缘体系中出版。因此,这意味着这部小说“对全球观众来说几乎不存在”(第12页),这一事实反映在今天很难获得英文译本上(有两个版本,都是在20世纪60年代制作的,大多保存在大学图书馆,是在冷战时期地区研究的鼎盛时期获得的)。另一方面,Ion本身将资本主义世界体系的形成及其随之而来的阶级、性别、种族和宗教等级制度主题化。在Creolizing the Modern的过程中,Ion的各种人物和段落被唤起,以折射和连接主题,如1194158 ISS0010.1177/02685809231194158国际社会学评论:历史社会学评论-文章2023
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引用次数: 1
Moncef Marzouki, الدوحة .مجدد سياسي لفكر أسس أي : والبدائل المراجعات: [Reviews and Alternatives: Which Foundations for a Renewed Political Thought?] منصف ،المرزوقي
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231194154c
Amany Abdelrazek-Alsiefy
Forchtner B (2019) The Far Right and the Environment: Politics, Discourse and Communication. New York: Routledge. İnal O (2022) Authoritarianism, populism, and the environment in Turkey. Environmental History 27(4): 634–641. Kaczynski TJ (1995) Industrial society and its future. The Washington Post. Available at: https:// www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/longterm/unabomber/manifesto.text.htm Lubarda B (2020) Beyond ecofascism? Far-right ecologism (FRE) as a framework for future inquiries. Environmental Values 29(6): 713–732. Ofstehage A, Wolford W and Borras SM Jr (2022) Contemporary Populism and the Environment. Annual Review of Environment and Resources 47: 671–696. Sedrez L (2022) Scorched land: The erosion of environmental governance during the Bolsonaro Administration. Environmental History 27(4): 657–664. Silke A and Morrison J (2022) Gathering storm: An introduction to the special issue on climate change and terrorism. Terrorism and Political Violence 34(5): 883–893. Staudenmaier P (2013) Organic farming in Nazi Germany: The politics of biodynamic agriculture, 1933–1945. Environmental History 18(2): 383–411. Staudenmaier P (2022) Ecology Contested: Environmental Politics between Left and Right. Porsgrunn: New Compass Press. Taylor B (2019) Alt-right ecology: Ecofascism and far-right environmentalism in the United States. In: Forchtner B (ed.) The Far Right and the Environment. New York: Routledge, pp. 275–292.
Forchtner B(2019)《极右翼与环境:政治、话语与传播》。纽约:劳特利奇。伊纳尔·奥(2022)土耳其的威权主义、民粹主义和环境。环境史27(4):634-641。Kaczynski TJ(1995)工业社会及其未来。《华盛顿邮报》。网址:https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/longterm/unabomber/manifesto.text.htm Lubarda B(2020)超越生态法西斯主义?极右翼生态主义(FRE)作为未来调查的框架。环境价值29(6):713-732。Ofstehage A、Wolford W和Borras SM Jr(2022)《当代民粹主义与环境》。《环境与资源年度评论》47:671–696。Sedrez L(2022)焦土:博索纳罗政府时期环境治理的侵蚀。环境史27(4):657–664。Silke A和Morrison J(2022)《聚集风暴:气候变化和恐怖主义特刊导论》。恐怖主义和政治暴力34(5):883–893。Staudenmaier P(2013)《纳粹德国的有机农业:生物动力农业的政治》,1933-1945。环境史18(2):383–411。Staudenmaier P(2022)《生态学之争:左翼与右翼之间的环境政治》。波尔斯格伦:新指南针出版社。Taylor B(2019)另类右翼生态学:美国的生态法西斯主义和极右翼环保主义。摘自:Forchtner B(编辑)《极右翼与环境》。纽约:Routledge,第275–292页。
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引用次数: 0
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International Sociology
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