This article proposes to examine the parenting features of high socioeconomic class (SES) parents of children with disabilities. This examination also enables us to clarify to what extent high‐SES parenting of children with disabilities aligns with the prevailing research on high‐SES parenting of children without disabilities. To resolve this question, semi‐structured interviews were conducted with high‐SES parents of children with disabilities in Israel. The findings indicate that, in addition to financial advantages, these parents hold a clear class consciousness (enacted as cultural capital), which translates into advantages for their children. To that end, the study found four manifestations of cultural capital among high‐SES parents in their approach to special education. The discussion offers a critical interpretation concerning how class consciousness serves as cultural capital among high‐SES parents of children with disabilities, thus producing and maintaining inequity in the special education system.
{"title":"Class Consciousness as Cultural Capital among High‐SES Parents of Children with Disabilities","authors":"Pnina Gal‐Jacob, Avihu Shoshana","doi":"10.1111/soin.12598","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12598","url":null,"abstract":"This article proposes to examine the parenting features of high socioeconomic class (SES) parents of children with disabilities. This examination also enables us to clarify to what extent high‐SES parenting of children with disabilities aligns with the prevailing research on high‐SES parenting of children without disabilities. To resolve this question, semi‐structured interviews were conducted with high‐SES parents of children with disabilities in Israel. The findings indicate that, in addition to financial advantages, these parents hold a clear class consciousness (enacted as cultural capital), which translates into advantages for their children. To that end, the study found four manifestations of cultural capital among high‐SES parents in their approach to special education. The discussion offers a critical interpretation concerning how class consciousness serves as cultural capital among high‐SES parents of children with disabilities, thus producing and maintaining inequity in the special education system.","PeriodicalId":47699,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Inquiry","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139953272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study explores the Beheiren movement (also known as The Citizens' Alliance for Peace in Vietnam), Japan's first transnational anti-war movement (1965–1974). It focuses on the transcultural formation and transformation of its movement identity during the Vietnam war. Initially, movement participants developed an ethnoracial consciousness toward the Vietnamese based on their perceptions of a common victimization by U.S. imperialism. Yet, Beheiren leaders' transcultural interactions with both Korean detainees in the Omura Detention Facility in Japan and members of the Black Power movement in the United States helped them to develop an antiracist consciousness toward fellow Asians beyond the context of the Vietnam war. While their interactions with Korean detainees forced them to examine Japan's internal structural oppressions against fellow Asians (e.g., Korean residents in Japan) and fellow Japanese (e.g., the Okinawans), their interactions with the Black Power movement raised their awareness of antiracism and Third-Worldism. These interactions were necessary to transforming the movement's identity, resulting in a confrontation with its own anti-Asian racism in the local cultural context of Japanese society as well as in the form of economic imperialism in Asia.
{"title":"Confronting Japan's Anti-Asian Racism: The Transformation of the Beheiren Movement's Identity during the Vietnam War","authors":"Setsuko Matsuzawa","doi":"10.1111/soin.12594","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12594","url":null,"abstract":"This study explores the Beheiren movement (also known as The Citizens' Alliance for Peace in Vietnam), Japan's first transnational anti-war movement (1965–1974). It focuses on the transcultural formation and transformation of its movement identity during the Vietnam war. Initially, movement participants developed an ethnoracial consciousness toward the Vietnamese based on their perceptions of a common victimization by U.S. imperialism. Yet, Beheiren leaders' transcultural interactions with both Korean detainees in the Omura Detention Facility in Japan and members of the Black Power movement in the United States helped them to develop an antiracist consciousness toward fellow Asians beyond the context of the Vietnam war. While their interactions with Korean detainees forced them to examine Japan's internal structural oppressions against fellow Asians (e.g., Korean residents in Japan) and fellow Japanese (e.g., the Okinawans), their interactions with the Black Power movement raised their awareness of antiracism and Third-Worldism. These interactions were necessary to transforming the movement's identity, resulting in a confrontation with its own anti-Asian racism in the local cultural context of Japanese society as well as in the form of economic imperialism in Asia.","PeriodicalId":47699,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Inquiry","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139495725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In a 2020 U.S. survey, more Asian Indians than Chinese indicated that they were worried about post‐Covid‐19 hate crimes. Yet, post‐Covid violence against people of Asian background has been viewed as being directed against “Chinese‐looking” individuals. This is just one example of how South Asians are overlooked in discourses about Asian Americans. This theoretical paper provides an expansion of the racial formation framework to explain this exclusion. We demonstrate how global factors, including the foreign engagements of the United States shaped the development of the Asian American group and category, and why, even though Asian Americans can be brown, yellow, white, or black, an East Asian phenotype is viewed as denoting an “Asian” body in the United States. We also discuss how the racialization of religion shapes anti‐South Asian racism, a factor largely ignored in the literature on racial formation and Asian Americans. We end by calling for the inclusion of South Asians in Asian American literature to challenge many of the reigning paradigms regarding Asian America and anti‐Asian racism.
{"title":"Why Don't South Asians in the U.S. Count As “Asian”?: Global and Local Factors Shaping Anti‐South Asian Racism in the United States*","authors":"Prema A. Kurien, B. Purkayastha","doi":"10.1111/soin.12592","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12592","url":null,"abstract":"In a 2020 U.S. survey, more Asian Indians than Chinese indicated that they were worried about post‐Covid‐19 hate crimes. Yet, post‐Covid violence against people of Asian background has been viewed as being directed against “Chinese‐looking” individuals. This is just one example of how South Asians are overlooked in discourses about Asian Americans. This theoretical paper provides an expansion of the racial formation framework to explain this exclusion. We demonstrate how global factors, including the foreign engagements of the United States shaped the development of the Asian American group and category, and why, even though Asian Americans can be brown, yellow, white, or black, an East Asian phenotype is viewed as denoting an “Asian” body in the United States. We also discuss how the racialization of religion shapes anti‐South Asian racism, a factor largely ignored in the literature on racial formation and Asian Americans. We end by calling for the inclusion of South Asians in Asian American literature to challenge many of the reigning paradigms regarding Asian America and anti‐Asian racism.","PeriodicalId":47699,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Inquiry","volume":"2 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139380520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Dale W. Wimberley, Pallavi Raonka, Talitha Rose, Sofia Sabirova, Sasha Gheesling
College students and campuses have played key roles in social movements because colleges' cultural and structural features tend to facilitate movements. But such attributes vary across campuses. This quantitative study models how two campus features that correspond to core elements of social movement theory—students' collective identity strength and social network density—appear to impact United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS) groups' presence and success on 1,265 US 4-year public and private nonprofit campuses during 2000–2006, operationalizing success as schools' joining the Worker Rights Consortium (WRC) monitoring organization. Results generally indicate that collective identity strength and network density promote USAS presence and that network density facilitates WRC membership. USAS presence is pivotal, though not required, for WRC membership. Our logistic regression models also confirm that campus opportunity structures and off-campus movement actors' roles help account for these USAS outcomes; notably, antiunion location (“Right-to-Work” states) undermines and Roman Catholic school affiliation encourages USAS presence and success. We identify theoretically why certain factors may promote only some forms of student activism (e.g., conscience constituent but not beneficiary-based groups).
大学生和校园在社会运动中发挥了关键作用，因为高校的文化和结构特征往往有利于运动的开展。但不同校园的文化和结构特征各不相同。这项定量研究模拟了与社会运动理论核心要素相对应的两个校园特征--学生的集体认同力量和社会网络密度--是如何影响 2000-2006 年间美国 1265 所四年制公立和私立非营利性校园中的 "联合学生反血汗工厂组织"（USAS）的存在和成功的。结果普遍表明，集体认同的力量和网络密度促进了美国学生会的存在，而网络密度则促进了工人权利联合会的加入。虽然加入工人权利联合会并非必要条件，但加入 USAS 对加入该组织至关重要。我们的逻辑回归模型还证实，校园机会结构和校外运动参与者的作用有助于解释这些美国学生会的结果；值得注意的是，反工会地点（"工作权利 "州）削弱了美国学生会的存在和成功，而罗马天主教学校的隶属关系则鼓励了美国学生会的存在和成功。我们从理论上指出了为什么某些因素只能促进某些形式的学生行动主义（例如，良心选民团体而非受益团体）。
{"title":"The US Student Antisweatshop Movement's Presence and Success at the Campus Level: Impacts of Collective Identity Strength and Network Density1","authors":"Dale W. Wimberley, Pallavi Raonka, Talitha Rose, Sofia Sabirova, Sasha Gheesling","doi":"10.1111/soin.12584","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12584","url":null,"abstract":"College students and campuses have played key roles in social movements because colleges' cultural and structural features tend to facilitate movements. But such attributes vary across campuses. This quantitative study models how two campus features that correspond to core elements of social movement theory—students' collective identity strength and social network density—appear to impact United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS) groups' presence and success on 1,265 US 4-year public and private nonprofit campuses during 2000–2006, operationalizing success as schools' joining the Worker Rights Consortium (WRC) monitoring organization. Results generally indicate that collective identity strength and network density promote USAS presence and that network density facilitates WRC membership. USAS presence is pivotal, though not required, for WRC membership. Our logistic regression models also confirm that campus opportunity structures and off-campus movement actors' roles help account for these USAS outcomes; notably, antiunion location (“Right-to-Work” states) undermines and Roman Catholic school affiliation encourages USAS presence and success. We identify theoretically why certain factors may promote only some forms of student activism (e.g., conscience constituent but not beneficiary-based groups).","PeriodicalId":47699,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Inquiry","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139373418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Veterans Treatment Courts (VTCs) are one of the ever-developing brands of specialty or problem-solving courts that have emerged in recent decades. These courts recognize that the criminal behavior stems from a variety of issues, and that punishment should represent a therapeutic jurisprudential approach in its strategies. As such, VTCs treat substance abuse and mental health issues and address criminality in a manner that recognizes a need for individualized treatment and accountability in structure. This research provides an in-depth institutional ethnography of one Southern California VTC (SC VTC). To understand the powerful transformative tools of identity and narrative, this research utilized over 3 years of non-participant observation at 117 court sessions in the SC VTC, and 23 in-depth interviews with both current court participants and graduates and a judge, exploring participants' experiences with and perceptions of the SC VTC. This study demonstrates the utility of identity-based narratives to navigate legal systems and potentially desist from crime. These mechanisms of narrative and identity provide a powerful illumination of these courts that have ramifications for successful reintegration into society post-criminal justice interaction.
{"title":"“Be All That You Can Be”: The Role of Identity, Pro-Social Labeling, and Narratives in Veterans Treatment Courts*","authors":"Nicole Sherman","doi":"10.1111/soin.12591","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12591","url":null,"abstract":"Veterans Treatment Courts (VTCs) are one of the ever-developing brands of specialty or problem-solving courts that have emerged in recent decades. These courts recognize that the criminal behavior stems from a variety of issues, and that punishment should represent a therapeutic jurisprudential approach in its strategies. As such, VTCs treat substance abuse and mental health issues and address criminality in a manner that recognizes a need for individualized treatment and accountability in structure. This research provides an in-depth institutional ethnography of one Southern California VTC (SC VTC). To understand the powerful transformative tools of identity and narrative, this research utilized over 3 years of non-participant observation at 117 court sessions in the SC VTC, and 23 in-depth interviews with both current court participants and graduates and a judge, exploring participants' experiences with and perceptions of the SC VTC. This study demonstrates the utility of identity-based narratives to navigate legal systems and potentially desist from crime. These mechanisms of narrative and identity provide a powerful illumination of these courts that have ramifications for successful reintegration into society post-criminal justice interaction.","PeriodicalId":47699,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Inquiry","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139373386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Full-service sex workers (FSSWs) are at heightened risk of contracting HIV due to facing multi-level challenges to sexual health. This study investigated factors associated with willingness to use Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP)—a daily HIV preventative medication, among FSSWs. Using social–ecological theory, an online survey was developed with initial guidance from a local sex worker advocacy organization to assess barriers and facilitators to PrEP uptake willingness. The survey was disseminated with the assistance of local and national sex work advocacy organizations. In our sample of FSSWs (n = 83), two barriers and two facilitators initially were associated with PrEP uptake. However, in adopting a more conservative analysis, only anticipating stigmatizing disapproval from others for using PrEP and providing others with PrEP knowledge maintained statistical significance. These two variables collectively explained nearly 30% of the variance in PrEP uptake willingness. Implications for both future research and clinical work with FSSWs are discussed.
{"title":"Facilitators and Barriers to Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis Uptake Willingness for Full-Service Sex Workers: A Social–Ecological Approach","authors":"Stephen D. Ramos, Steff Du Bois","doi":"10.1111/soin.12589","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12589","url":null,"abstract":"Full-service sex workers (FSSWs) are at heightened risk of contracting HIV due to facing multi-level challenges to sexual health. This study investigated factors associated with willingness to use Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP)—a daily HIV preventative medication, among FSSWs. Using social–ecological theory, an online survey was developed with initial guidance from a local sex worker advocacy organization to assess barriers and facilitators to PrEP uptake willingness. The survey was disseminated with the assistance of local and national sex work advocacy organizations. In our sample of FSSWs (<i>n</i> = 83), two barriers and two facilitators initially were associated with PrEP uptake. However, in adopting a more conservative analysis, only anticipating stigmatizing disapproval from others for using PrEP and providing others with PrEP knowledge maintained statistical significance. These two variables collectively explained nearly 30% of the variance in PrEP uptake willingness. Implications for both future research and clinical work with FSSWs are discussed.","PeriodicalId":47699,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Inquiry","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138715904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines how Black gay men produce identities in correspondence with cultural scripts of Black manhood. I illustrate how these scripts organize a subjectivity shaped by white supremacy and signify racial consciousness, respectability, and commitment to Black antiracism. The script intentionally excludes queer men. Instead, Black queer men are “faggots,” a subjectivity signifying weakness, wasted manhood, and capitulation to whiteness. Utilizing Muñoz's (1999, Disidentifications: Queers of Color and the Performance of Politics, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis) concept of disidentification, I track how participants engage in a reimagining of the conventional script of heteronormative Black masculinity to embody a subjectivity I call Super Black Man. This hybrid subjectivity responds to interlocking systems of race, sexuality, and gender in their lives by locating space in conventional Black male subjectivities for Black gay men. As Super Black Men, participants accomplished identities that did not compromise their self-expression or affiliation with Black communities. I discuss how disidentification adds analytic complexity to this empirical investigation of Black gay men's identity work. What results is a more robust understanding of how race shapes the motives, trajectory, and outcomes of racialized sexual identities.
{"title":"“The Best Little Boy in the World”: Disidentification in the Production of Black Gay Male Subjectivity1","authors":"Christopher S. Chambers","doi":"10.1111/soin.12588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12588","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how Black gay men produce identities in correspondence with cultural scripts of Black manhood. I illustrate how these scripts organize a subjectivity shaped by white supremacy and signify racial consciousness, respectability, and commitment to Black antiracism. The script intentionally excludes queer men. Instead, Black queer men are “faggots,” a subjectivity signifying weakness, wasted manhood, and capitulation to whiteness. Utilizing Muñoz's (1999, <i>Disidentifications: Queers of Color and the Performance of Politics</i>, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis) concept of disidentification, I track how participants engage in a reimagining of the conventional script of heteronormative Black masculinity to embody a subjectivity I call Super Black Man. This hybrid subjectivity responds to interlocking systems of race, sexuality, and gender in their lives by locating space in conventional Black male subjectivities for Black gay men. As Super Black Men, participants accomplished identities that did not compromise their self-expression or affiliation with Black communities. I discuss how disidentification adds analytic complexity to this empirical investigation of Black gay men's identity work. What results is a more robust understanding of how race shapes the motives, trajectory, and outcomes of racialized sexual identities.","PeriodicalId":47699,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Inquiry","volume":"56 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138505810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The role skin color plays in shaping cross-ethnoracial relationships is not well understood despite its implications for the trajectory of U.S. ethnoracial relations. Using the National Longitudinal Study of Freshmen, I investigate two questions: Among ethnoracial minorities, how does a person's skin color relate to the likelihood of dating individuals from another ethnoracial group? Does this relationship vary by the combination of ethnoracial backgrounds of the individuals who are dating? The results indicate that the influence of skin color on interdating may depend on the status levels of partners' ethnoracial groups. A person from a lower status group with a darker skin color—relative to other similar group members with lighter skin color—is less likely to date someone from a higher status group, but darker skin color is associated with a greater likelihood of interdating when a darker-skinned member of a higher status group dates a member of a lower status group. Further, the results point to a complex relationship between two intermediate groups, Asians and Latinos, which seems dependent on Latino respondents' gender.
{"title":"Is Love (Skin Color) Blind?: Skin Color and Interdating across Ethnoracial Groups1","authors":"Emilce Santana","doi":"10.1111/soin.12587","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12587","url":null,"abstract":"The role skin color plays in shaping cross-ethnoracial relationships is not well understood despite its implications for the trajectory of U.S. ethnoracial relations. Using the National Longitudinal Study of Freshmen, I investigate two questions: Among ethnoracial minorities, how does a person's skin color relate to the likelihood of dating individuals from another ethnoracial group? Does this relationship vary by the combination of ethnoracial backgrounds of the individuals who are dating? The results indicate that the influence of skin color on interdating may depend on the status levels of partners' ethnoracial groups. A person from a lower status group with a darker skin color—relative to other similar group members with lighter skin color—is less likely to date someone from a higher status group, but darker skin color is associated with a greater likelihood of interdating when a darker-skinned member of a higher status group dates a member of a lower status group. Further, the results point to a complex relationship between two intermediate groups, Asians and Latinos, which seems dependent on Latino respondents' gender.","PeriodicalId":47699,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Inquiry","volume":"69 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138505809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Amie L. Nielsen, Margaret S. Kelley, Christopher G. Ellison, Oshea Johnson, Bryan T. Gervais
Our objective is to expand upon the emerging literature that examines the role of multiple forms of racism in gun ownership and gun control attitudes among non-Latino whites. While some of these studies, using standard measures of racial resentment, speculate about the color-coded nature of crime and whether this partially motivates gun ownership, here we specifically consider whether cognitive and apathetic types of racism along with explicit racism are associated with gun ownership and attitudes. In doing so, we advance the literature by using novel measures of racism and focus on generalized racial attitudes, not just anti-black views. We use data from the Guns in American Life Survey, an online survey using a national sample of adult respondents, and apply regression techniques to assess whether general racial attitudes, including fear of non-whites, are associated with gun ownership and gun control attitudes net of control variables. The multivariate results suggest that racism, including fear of other races, is not associated with gun ownership. However, cognitive and apathetic indicators of racism influence gun control attitudes for at least some whites. The implications are that racism in various forms needs to be considered in all studies involving gun-related issues.
我们的目标是扩展新兴文献，研究多种形式的种族主义在非拉丁裔白人的枪支持有和枪支管制态度中所起的作用。虽然其中一些研究使用种族怨恨的标准测量方法，推测犯罪的颜色编码性质，以及这是否在一定程度上促使人们拥有枪支，但在这里，我们特别考虑认知和冷漠类型的种族主义以及显性种族主义是否与拥有枪支和态度有关。在这样做的过程中，我们通过使用新的种族主义措施来推进文献，并关注普遍的种族态度，而不仅仅是反黑人的观点。我们使用来自“美国生活中的枪支调查”(Guns in American Life Survey)的数据，这是一项使用全国成年受访者样本的在线调查，并应用回归技术来评估一般的种族态度，包括对非白人的恐惧，是否与枪支持有和枪支管制态度相关。多元结果表明，种族主义，包括对其他种族的恐惧，与枪支持有无关。然而，种族主义的认知和冷漠指标影响了至少一些白人对枪支管制的态度。这意味着，在涉及枪支相关问题的所有研究中，都需要考虑各种形式的种族主义。
{"title":"Cognitive and Apathetic Racism in Patterns of Gun Ownership and Gun Control Attitudes","authors":"Amie L. Nielsen, Margaret S. Kelley, Christopher G. Ellison, Oshea Johnson, Bryan T. Gervais","doi":"10.1111/soin.12581","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12581","url":null,"abstract":"Our objective is to expand upon the emerging literature that examines the role of multiple forms of racism in gun ownership and gun control attitudes among non-Latino whites. While some of these studies, using standard measures of racial resentment, speculate about the color-coded nature of crime and whether this partially motivates gun ownership, here we specifically consider whether cognitive and apathetic types of racism along with explicit racism are associated with gun ownership and attitudes. In doing so, we advance the literature by using novel measures of racism and focus on generalized racial attitudes, not just anti-black views. We use data from the Guns in American Life Survey, an online survey using a national sample of adult respondents, and apply regression techniques to assess whether general racial attitudes, including fear of non-whites, are associated with gun ownership and gun control attitudes net of control variables. The multivariate results suggest that racism, including fear of other races, is not associated with gun ownership. However, cognitive and apathetic indicators of racism influence gun control attitudes for at least some whites. The implications are that racism in various forms needs to be considered in all studies involving gun-related issues.","PeriodicalId":47699,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Inquiry","volume":"73 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138505807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Drawing from in-depth interviews with an ethnically diverse sample of Black, Indigenous, and people of color living in Portland, Oregon, this article draws upon the concept of racial gaslighting, which Davis and Ernst (Politics, Groups, and Identities, 2019, 7, 761) describe as the political, social, economic, and cultural process that pathologizes those who resist or question the racial status quo. Racial gaslighting may create cycles of self-blame among racialized people who question their own perceptions of reality, even in purportedly progressive contexts. While the term gaslighting has historically been used to describe abusive interpersonal relationship dynamics, racial gaslighting is applicable to the emotional and mental health impacts of structural racism on racialized people. This research addresses how the historical, political, and demographic landscape of places may contribute to racial gaslighting. In particular, this study demonstrates how seemingly progressive contexts fuel the conditions for racial gaslighting.
{"title":"Racial Gaslighting in a Politically Progressive City","authors":"Ashley Woody","doi":"10.1111/soin.12586","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12586","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing from in-depth interviews with an ethnically diverse sample of Black, Indigenous, and people of color living in Portland, Oregon, this article draws upon the concept of <i>racial gaslighting</i>, which Davis and Ernst (<i>Politics, Groups, and Identities</i>, 2019, 7, 761) describe as the political, social, economic, and cultural process that pathologizes those who resist or question the racial status quo. Racial gaslighting may create cycles of self-blame among racialized people who question their own perceptions of reality, even in purportedly progressive contexts. While the term gaslighting has historically been used to describe abusive interpersonal relationship dynamics, racial gaslighting is applicable to the emotional and mental health impacts of structural racism on racialized people. This research addresses how the historical, political, and demographic landscape of <i>places</i> may contribute to racial gaslighting. In particular, this study demonstrates how seemingly progressive contexts fuel the conditions for racial gaslighting.","PeriodicalId":47699,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Inquiry","volume":"72 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138505808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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