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Tingles and Society: The Emotional Experience of ASMR as a Social Phenomenon 刺痛与社会:作为社会现象的 ASMR 情感体验
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-10 DOI: 10.1111/soin.12618
Michael Grothe‐Hammer
ASMR (“Autonomous Sensory Meridian Response”) is commonly defined as an emotional experience of a tingling sensation in the head and neck. It is said to be triggered by certain auditory, visual, interpersonal, tactile, and often socially intimate stimuli. A great many people around the world reportedly experience ASMR regularly. However, it was not before the year 2007 that the phenomenon has been publicly noticed. Since then, ASMR has become a persistent globalized phenomenon receiving enormous attention. But sociology has remained silent about the phenomenon. Therefore, this paper aims at bringing ASMR to the attention of sociology. ASMR constitutes a unique case of the social construction of a new emotion within the past 15 years or so. The paper offers a first attempt to grasp ASMR sociologically by looking at situational triggers, physiological sensations, the cultural labelling, and the problem of expressive gestures. The paper also identifies several areas of sociology for which ASMR has relevance and outlines potential research avenues.
ASMR("自主感觉经络反应")通常被定义为一种头部和颈部刺痛的情绪体验。据说,某些听觉、视觉、人际关系、触觉以及通常的社交亲密刺激都会触发这种感觉。据报道,世界各地有很多人经常体验 ASMR。然而,直到 2007 年,这种现象才被公开关注。从那时起,ASMR 已成为一种持续的全球化现象,受到了极大的关注。但社会学界对这一现象一直保持沉默。因此,本文旨在让社会学界关注 ASMR。ASMR 是过去 15 年中社会建构一种新情绪的独特案例。本文通过研究情境诱因、生理感觉、文化标签和表达手势问题,首次尝试从社会学角度把握 ASMR。论文还指出了 ASMR 与社会学相关的几个领域,并概述了潜在的研究途径。
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引用次数: 0
Cannabis Legalization and its Effects on Organized Crime: Lessons and Research Recommendations from Canada 大麻合法化及其对有组织犯罪的影响:加拿大的经验教训和研究建议
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-04 DOI: 10.1111/soin.12619
Martin Bouchard, Naomi Zakimi, Benoît Gomis
In October 2018, Canada legalized and regulated its entire recreational cannabis supply chain via the Cannabis Act. One of the objectives of this new policy was to take revenue away from organized crime groups. Five years after the Cannabis Act went into effect, we address the following question: what do we know about the impacts of cannabis regulation on organized crime? A review of the gray and academic literature revealed that there is little and inconclusive research on the matter, as well as a lack of diverse and relevant data sources from which to draw conclusions. Using Canadian and international literature, we developed recommendations for indicators that could be used to assess such impacts. These indicators could be particularly useful for policymakers and researchers in countries that have yet to regulate cannabis to allow for pre‐ and post‐legalization comparisons.
2018 年 10 月,加拿大通过《大麻法》将整个娱乐用大麻供应链合法化,并对其进行监管。这一新政策的目标之一是从有组织犯罪集团手中夺走收入。在《大麻法》生效五年后,我们探讨了以下问题:我们对大麻监管对有组织犯罪的影响了解多少?通过查阅灰色文献和学术文献,我们发现对这一问题的研究很少且没有定论,同时也缺乏可据以得出结论的多样化相关数据来源。利用加拿大和国际文献,我们提出了可用于评估此类影响的指标建议。这些指标对于尚未对大麻进行管制的国家的政策制定者和研究人员尤为有用,可以对合法化前后进行比较。
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引用次数: 0
Once upon a Time in Parenthood: Adolescents' Attitudes Toward Parents' Time with Children, 1991–2019 曾经为人父母:青少年对父母陪伴子女时间的态度,1991-2019 年
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-24 DOI: 10.1111/soin.12613
S. Abby Young, Ann M. Beutel
Recent decades have seen increases in parents' time with children and their endorsement of time‐intensive parenting, but little is known about adolescents' attitudes regarding the time that parents in general (i.e., not their own parents specifically) spend with children. We analyze separate attitudinal measures of fathers' time and mothers' time with children using data from the eighth and tenth grade Monitoring the Future surveys for 1991 to 2019. Overall, the majority of adolescents agree that most fathers and mothers, but especially fathers, should spend more time with their children than they do. Black girls are the most likely to agree that fathers and mothers should spend more time with their children while white boys are the least likely. The largest increases in agreement that fathers and mothers should spend more time with their children are found for white girls. Exploring parental education and mother's employment as potential mechanisms for these trends, we find that attitudes about the time most fathers and mothers should spend with children have converged across parental education levels and maternal employment statuses over the years of our study.
近几十年来,父母与子女在一起的时间增加了,他们也认可时间密集型的养育方式,但青少年对一般父母(即不是他们自己的父母)与子女在一起的时间的态度却知之甚少。我们利用 1991 年至 2019 年八年级和十年级 "监测未来"(Monitoring the Future)调查的数据,分别分析了父亲和母亲与子女相处时间的态度测量结果。总体而言,大多数青少年同意,大多数父亲和母亲,尤其是父亲,应该花比自己更多的时间陪伴孩子。黑人女孩最有可能同意父亲和母亲应该花更多时间陪伴孩子,而白人男孩则最不可能。同意父亲和母亲应该花更多时间陪伴子女的比例增幅最大的是白人女孩。将父母的教育程度和母亲的就业情况作为这些趋势的潜在机制进行探讨后,我们发现,在我们研究的这些年中,不同教育程度的父母和不同就业状况的母亲对大多数父亲和母亲应该花更多时间陪伴孩子的态度趋于一致。
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引用次数: 0
Steering Women out of Engineering: Career Assessment Tools as a Technology of Self‐Expressive Segregation 引导女性放弃工程学:作为自我表达隔离技术的职业评估工具
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-18 DOI: 10.1111/soin.12612
Mary Blair‐Loy, Olga V. Mayorova, Rana Hegazy, Olivia A. Graeve, Pamela C. Cosman
Previous research has shown that gendered societal expectations are adopted by students as seemingly personal and individualistic self‐assessments and preferences, which then lead to gender‐normative choices about college majors and careers. This study examines one seemingly objective mechanism, which millions use each year for guidance on college majors and careers. We examine two Career Assessment Tools (CATs) with deep institutional presence: O*NET and Traitify. Analyzing an exemplar case of engineering majors, we find that CATs are less likely to recommend engineering occupations to women, even after controlling for GPA, satisfaction with the major, and planned persistence. Even in our sample of engineering majors, CATs apparently use small differences in students' gender‐normative self‐expressive preferences to drive sharply different occupational recommendations, thereby solidifying pathways toward gender‐segregated occupations and reinforcing men's dominance of engineering. If women similar to our study participants take CATs, they are likely to be steered away from engineering occupations or majors. More broadly, CATs illustrate how taken‐for‐granted, seemingly neutral technologies can reinforce gender segregation.
以往的研究表明,性别化的社会期望会被学生采纳为看似个人化和个性化的自我评估和偏好,进而导致对大学专业和职业的性别规范化选择。本研究探讨了一种看似客观的机制,每年有数百万人利用这种机制来获得大学专业和职业方面的指导。我们研究了两个具有深厚体制基础的职业评估工具(CAT):O*NET 和 Traitify。通过分析工程专业的典型案例,我们发现,即使在控制了 GPA、对专业的满意度和计划的持续性之后,CAT 也不太可能向女生推荐工程专业。即使在我们的工程学专业样本中,CATs 显然也会利用学生在性别规范自我表达偏好上的微小差异来推动截然不同的职业推荐,从而巩固了性别隔离职业的发展路径,并强化了男性在工程学领域的主导地位。如果与我们的研究参与者类似的女性参加了 CAT 考试,她们很可能会被引导离开工科职业或专业。从更广泛的意义上讲,计算机辅助学习说明了理所当然的、看似中性的技术是如何强化性别隔离的。
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引用次数: 0
Recreational Cannabis and Recriminalization in the “Emerald Triangle” 翡翠三角 "的大麻休闲和重新定罪
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-14 DOI: 10.1111/soin.12609
Philip R. Kavanaugh
Cannabis had been illicitly cultivated for over half a century in the isolated tri‐county region of far northern California known in drugs lore as the “Emerald Triangle.” The regional industry gained legitimacy and experienced a significant boom in the 1990s when California legalized medical cannabis. In 2016, California legalized cannabis possession, use, and cultivation generally, and recreational sales for adults aged 21+ began in 2018. Drawing from 95 archived news reports published between 2018 and 2022 on California's move to legalize recreational cannabis as experienced in Humboldt County – the most populous in the region – I highlight how recreational legalization has invited opportunities for “soft” criminalization, while further legitimating the spectacle of police intervention into the illicit cannabis market. Soft criminalization has occurred via an onerous labyrinth of permitting laws that place untenable financial pressure on legacy cannabis growers. Entrenched forms of criminalization remain dependent on the trope of dangerous drug gangs, violence, and supposed ecological devastation.
半个多世纪以来,在加利福尼亚州最北部与世隔绝的三郡地区,大麻一直被非法种植,该地区在毒品传说中被称为 "翡翠三角"。20 世纪 90 年代,加州将医用大麻合法化后,该地区的大麻产业获得了合法地位,并经历了显著的繁荣。2016 年,加利福尼亚州将大麻的持有、使用和种植普遍合法化,并于 2018 年开始对 21 岁以上的成年人进行娱乐性销售。我从 2018 年至 2022 年间发布的 95 篇存档新闻报道中汲取了洪堡县--该地区人口最多的县--所经历的加州娱乐用大麻合法化的举措,强调了娱乐用大麻合法化如何为 "软性 "定罪提供了机会,同时使警方干预非法大麻市场的场面进一步合法化。软性定罪是通过繁琐的许可法实现的,这些法律给传统的大麻种植者带来了难以承受的经济压力。根深蒂固的定罪形式仍然依赖于危险的贩毒团伙、暴力和所谓的生态破坏。
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引用次数: 0
American Rural–Nonrural Differences in Motherhood Wage Penalties 美国农村与非农村在母亲工资惩罚方面的差异
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-08 DOI: 10.1111/soin.12610
Xiao Li
A rich body of literature has studied variances in motherhood wage penalties. Yet studies have not explored American rural–nonrural differences in this phenomenon. The spatial differences in women's experiences deserve exploration. Based on prior studies, rural mothers may experience greater wage penalties than nonrural mothers because of their high marriage rates, low educational levels, and the traditional gender attitudes and norms in rural communities. However, they may experience smaller penalties because rural job structures lack diversity and jobs there tend to be low‐paid. This paper uses fixed‐effects models to examine the rural–nonrural differences in motherhood wage penalties, with data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79). The results show that although rural women reported lower education levels and higher marriage rates than nonrural women, they experienced smaller motherhood wage penalties than nonrural women partially because they were more likely to work in low‐paid occupations and industries.
大量文献对母亲工资惩罚的差异进行了研究。然而,还没有研究探讨过美国农村与非农村在这一现象上的差异。妇女经历的空间差异值得探讨。根据以往的研究,农村母亲可能比非农村母亲经历更多的工资惩罚,因为她们的结婚率高、教育水平低,以及农村社区传统的性别态度和规范。但是,由于农村的工作结构缺乏多样性,而且那里的工作往往是低薪的,因此她们受到的惩罚可能较小。本文利用全国青年纵向调查(NLSY79)的数据,采用固定效应模型研究了农村与非农村在母亲工资惩罚方面的差异。结果表明,虽然农村妇女的教育水平和结婚率都低于非农村妇女,但与非农村妇女相比,她们的母亲工资惩罚却较小,部分原因是她们更有可能在低薪职业和行业工作。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: An Ugly Word: Rethinking Race in Italy and the United States, by AnnMorning and MarcelloManeri. New York, NY: Russel Sage Foundation. 2022. 284 pp. $37.50, Paperback or Ebook. ISBN: 978‐0‐87154‐678‐4 书评一个丑陋的词:反思意大利和美国的种族问题》,作者 AnnMorning 和 MarcelloManeri。纽约州纽约市:Russel Sage 基金会。2022.284 页。37.50美元,平装本或电子书。ISBN: 978-0-87154-678-4
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI: 10.1111/soin.12611
Samantha M. Frisk
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引用次数: 0
Student Perceptions of Reproductive Health Consequences Resulting from Rape 学生对强奸导致的生殖健康后果的看法
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-27 DOI: 10.1111/soin.12608
Lisa C. Kistler, Claire M. Renzetti, Diane R. Follingstad, Caihong R. Li
Persistently high rates of campus rape combined with changing legal landscapes surrounding reproductive health make student perceptions of the reproductive health consequences resulting from rape an important topic of research. In this study, we analyze student perceptions of a hypothetical campus rape in which a victim experiences no medical consequences, becomes pregnant, or contracts a sexually transmitted infection (STI) as a result of rape. Students in the sample recommended consistently severe punishment for the perpetrator across all three experimental conditions but viewed victim guilt and responsibility to be greatest for the rape resulting in pregnancy and least for the rape resulting in an STI. Qualitatively, students voiced strong sympathy for the victim due to the STI, yet rarely discussed the impact of pregnancy. We recommend that future research investigate the perceptions, prevalence, and consequences of reproductive health outcomes resulting from campus rape and suggest a reproductive justice framework for doing so.
校园强奸案发生率居高不下,再加上围绕生殖健康的法律环境不断变化,使得学生对强奸导致的生殖健康后果的看法成为一个重要的研究课题。在本研究中,我们分析了学生对假想校园强奸的看法,在这种假想中,受害者不会因强奸而导致医疗后果、怀孕或感染性传播疾病(STI)。在所有三种实验条件下,样本中的学生都建议对施暴者进行严厉的惩罚,但认为强奸导致怀孕时受害者的内疚和责任最大,强奸导致性传播感染时受害者的内疚和责任最小。从定性的角度来看,学生们对性传播感染的受害者表示了强烈的同情,但很少讨论怀孕的影响。我们建议,未来的研究应调查校园强奸导致的生殖健康结果的看法、流行程度和后果,并为此提出一个生殖正义框架。
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引用次数: 0
Synthesizing the Global English‐Language Abortion Narrative: A Comparative Analysis of Media Discourse* 综合全球英语堕胎叙事:媒体话语比较分析*
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1111/soin.12607
A. Adamczyk, Lindsay Lerner
Abortion is one of the most politically divisive topics currently being discussed in the media. No study has yet attempted to make cross‐national comparisons assessing the nuances associated with various views on abortion in the English public press. Using an original hand‐coded sample of over 800 English‐language newspaper articles from 41 countries that mentioned abortion, we examine how country‐level influences and newspaper characteristics shape newspaper portrayals of abortion. Our three‐level hierarchical models find that democracy and the freedom it engenders increase the likelihood that newspapers discuss laws, policies, and government claimsmakers when abortion is mentioned. When abortion is legal, newspapers are less likely to mention social movements and protest activities, possibly because the issue may be more settled. We also provide previously untapped insight into the role that a country's religious culture and level of economic development play. Surprisingly, religion and economics have relatively little influence in shaping abortion discussions.
堕胎是目前媒体讨论的最具政治分歧的话题之一。目前还没有任何研究尝试对英国公共报刊中各种堕胎观点的细微差别进行跨国比较评估。我们使用手工编码的原始样本,从 41 个国家的 800 多篇提及堕胎的英文报纸文章中,研究了国家层面的影响因素和报纸特征如何塑造报纸对堕胎的描述。我们的三级分层模型发现,民主及其带来的自由增加了报纸在提及堕胎时讨论法律、政策和政府决策者的可能性。在堕胎合法的情况下,报纸提及社会运动和抗议活动的可能性较小,这可能是因为该问题可能更加稳定。我们还对一个国家的宗教文化和经济发展水平所起的作用提供了以前尚未开发的洞察力。令人惊讶的是,宗教和经济对堕胎讨论的影响相对较小。
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引用次数: 0
“South Asians don't count as Asian”: Using Reddit to Explore Discussions of Anti‐Asian Racism within the South Asian Diaspora "南亚人不算亚洲人":利用 Reddit 探索南亚移民社群中的反亚裔种族主义讨论
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-16 DOI: 10.1111/soin.12606
Monisha Poojary
In 2019, the COVID‐19 pandemic impacted people across the world like no other disease of its kind. The origins of the virus were identified to be from Wuhan, China, which led to East Asians becoming the targets of racist attacks and discrimination. “Other” Asian subgroups such as South Asians and Southeast Asians have also experienced hate crimes targeted toward them (CCNCTO, “Another Year: Anti‐Asian Racism Across Canada Two Years Into the COVID‐19 Pandemic.” 2022). Yet, their voices have largely been missing from conversations on anti‐Asian racism. Using thematic analysis, I explore how South Asians construct their positionality within conversations of anti‐Asian racism. I examine the use of terms such as “anti‐Asian,” “Asian racism,” “racism,” “hate crime,” and “discrimination” in 209 posts and 20, 388 comments between 2020 and 2022 within r/ABCDesis, a Reddit community formed by and for the South Asian diaspora, primarily residing in the United States, and Canada. Findings suggest that while most members have personally not been impacted by anti‐Asian racism, they are wary of being the next target. Redditors expressed the need for greater solidarity with East Asians and POC's, and yet demonstrate how ethnic ambiguity and complex intergroup relations can pose difficulties when expressing positionality within discussions of anti‐Asian racism.
2019 年,COVID-19 大流行给全世界人民带来了前所未有的影响。病毒源头被确认来自中国武汉,这导致东亚人成为种族主义攻击和歧视的目标。南亚人和东南亚人等 "其他 "亚裔亚群也经历了针对他们的仇恨犯罪(CCNCTO,"Another Year:COVID-19大流行两年来加拿大各地的反亚裔种族主义"。2022).然而,在有关反亚裔种族主义的对话中,他们的声音在很大程度上是缺失的。通过主题分析,我探讨了南亚人如何在反亚裔种族主义对话中构建自己的地位。我研究了 2020 年至 2022 年期间在 r/ABCDesis 中的 209 篇帖子和 20,388 条评论中 "反亚裔"、"亚裔种族主义"、"种族主义"、"仇恨犯罪 "和 "歧视 "等术语的使用情况,r/ABCDesis 是一个由散居在美国和加拿大的南亚人组成并为他们服务的 Reddit 社区。研究结果表明,虽然大多数成员本人并未受到反亚裔种族主义的影响,但他们对成为下一个目标保持警惕。Redditors 表示有必要加强与东亚人和太平洋裔美国人的团结,但同时也表明,在讨论反亚裔种族主义时,种族模糊性和复杂的群体间关系在表达立场时可能会造成困难。
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