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Revisiting the impact of corruption on income inequality worldwide 重新审视腐败对全球收入不平等的影响
IF 1.9 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-09-17 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12415
Jochen Hartwig, Jan‐Egbert Sturm
The relationship between corruption and income inequality has been widely studied, but there is no consensus on whether corruption increases or reduces inequality. We conduct an extreme bounds analysis (EBA) to test the robustness of the explanatory variables proposed in the literature. Using a sample of up to 150 countries, with data mostly going back to 1980, we find that corruption does not appear to have a clear positive effect on inequality or may even reduce it. Also, contrary to what is sometimes suggested in the literature, the results do not support an inverted U‐shaped effect of corruption on income distribution. A more important role in explaining income distribution seems to be played by the level of financial development, the old‐age dependency ratio, the unemployment rate, the capital stock to GDP ratio and the population growth rate. These are often found to be significant drivers of inequality, regardless of the set of control variables and the definition of corruption used.
腐败与收入不平等之间的关系已被广泛研究,但对于腐败究竟会增加还是减少不平等,目前尚无共识。我们进行了极端边界分析(EBA),以检验文献中提出的解释变量的稳健性。通过使用多达 150 个国家的样本(数据大多追溯到 1980 年),我们发现腐败似乎并没有对不平等产生明显的积极影响,甚至可能会减少不平等。此外,与文献中有时提出的观点相反,研究结果并不支持腐败对收入分配的倒 U 型影响。金融发展水平、老年抚养比、失业率、资本存量与国内生产总值之比以及人口增长率似乎在解释收入分配方面发挥着更重要的作用。无论采用何种控制变量和腐败定义,这些因素往往是不平等的重要驱动因素。
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引用次数: 0
The electoral consequences of the political divide on climate change 气候变化政治分歧的选举后果
IF 1.9 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-09-13 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12409
JunYun Kim
This paper examines how climate change has become a polarizing and politicized issue in the United States and assesses the relationship between regional exposure to the green economy and voting in US elections over the course of a decade. After measuring the share of employment related to the green economy at county level, I estimate the impact of county‐level exposure to this economy on the share of votes cast for Democrats in elections for the House of Representatives and the Presidency. I find that US counties that have been more exposed to the green economy have increased their share of votes cast for Democrats in Congressional elections since the 2016 elections, based on both county‐level and constructed district‐level data. This is because Democratic politicians are considerably more likely to adopt pro‐green positions, making them an attractive choice for voters seeking representatives who will promote green policies. This paper also finds that a shift toward Democratic candidates has mostly occurred in Republican incumbent districts with a high proportion of green‐intensive employment that did not receive any support for green investment from the government after 2016. The results imply that climate change has become an important determinant of voting decisions and that this change in motivation on the part of voters has come about primarily with the aim of punishing Republican incumbents rather than rewarding Democratic incumbents or challengers.
本文探讨了气候变化如何在美国成为一个两极分化和政治化的问题,并评估了十年来各地区绿色经济的发展与美国大选投票之间的关系。在测算了县一级与绿色经济相关的就业比例后,我估算了县一级对绿色经济的关注对众议院和总统选举中民主党选票比例的影响。根据县级数据和构建的区级数据,我发现自 2016 年大选以来,在美国县级层面接触绿色经济较多的地区在国会选举中投给民主党的选票比例有所上升。这是因为民主党政治家更有可能采取支持绿色的立场,从而使他们成为选民寻求推动绿色政策的代表的一个有吸引力的选择。本文还发现,向民主党候选人的转变主要发生在绿色密集型就业比例较高的共和党现任选区,这些选区在 2016 年后没有得到政府对绿色投资的任何支持。研究结果表明,气候变化已成为投票决定的重要决定因素,选民的这种动机变化主要是为了惩罚共和党现任者,而不是奖励民主党现任者或挑战者。
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引用次数: 0
Work organization in social enterprises: A source of job satisfaction? 社会企业的工作组织:工作满意度的来源?
IF 1.9 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-09-04 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12411
Xavier Joutard, Francesca Petrella, Nadine Richez‐Battesti
Many studies suggest that employees of social enterprises experience greater job satisfaction than employees of for‐profit organizations, although their pay and employment contracts are usually less favorable. Based on linked employer–employee data from a French survey on employment characteristics and industrial relations and using a decomposition method developed by Gelbach (2016), this paper aims to explain this somewhat paradoxical result. Focusing on work organization variables, we show that the specific work organization of social enterprises explains a large part of the observed job satisfaction differential both in general and more specifically, in terms of satisfaction with access to training and working conditions. By detailing the components of work organization, the higher job satisfaction reported by employees in social enterprises stems from their greater autonomy and better access to information. In contrast to earlier studies, however, our results show that these work organization variables do not have more value for social enterprise employees than for for‐profit organization employees in the case of overall job satisfaction. This result casts doubt on the widespread hypothesis that social enterprise employees attach more weight to the nonmonetary advantages of their work than their counterparts in for‐profit organizations.
许多研究表明,与营利性组织的员工相比,社会企业员工的工作满意度更高,尽管他们的薪酬和雇佣合同通常较差。本文基于法国一项关于就业特征和劳资关系调查的雇主-雇员关联数据,并使用 Gelbach(2016 年)开发的分解方法,旨在解释这一有些自相矛盾的结果。我们以工作组织变量为重点,说明社会企业的特定工作组织在很大程度上解释了所观察到的工作满意度差异,无论是总体差异还是更具体的培训机会和工作条件满意度差异。通过详细分析工作组织的各个组成部分,我们发现,社会企业员工的工作满意度之所以较高,是因为他们有更大的自主权和更好的信息获取渠道。然而,与之前的研究不同的是,我们的研究结果表明,就整体工作满意度而言,这些工作组织变量对社会企业员工的价值并不比对营利组织员工的价值高。这一结果使人们对社会企业员工比营利组织员工更重视工作中的非货币优势这一普遍假设产生了怀疑。
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引用次数: 0
Economic freedom and the quality of education 经济自由与教育质量
IF 1.9 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-27 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12412
Horst Feldmann
This paper finds robust evidence that economic freedom improves the quality of education. This is probably mainly because economic freedom incentivizes parents to invest in high‐quality education for their children and helps them to do so. It also incentivizes and helps both governments and private providers to deliver high‐quality education. The paper uses two different indicators of educational quality: PISA scores and the World Bank's harmonized test scores. The magnitudes of the estimated effects of economic freedom on both indicators are substantial. They are even larger once the indirect impact of economic freedom via GDP per capita and, to a lesser extent, once the indirect impact via government education expenditure is taken into account. The paper uses data on up to 49 countries for PISA scores and up to 137 countries for World Bank scores. It accounts for the endogeneity of economic freedom and controls for all major determinants of educational quality.
本文发现了经济自由能提高教育质量的有力证据。这可能主要是因为经济自由激励并帮助家长投资于子女的优质教育。经济自由还激励并帮助政府和私营教育机构提供高质量的教育。本文使用了两个不同的教育质量指标:PISA 分数和世界银行统一测试分数。经济自由对这两个指标的估计影响幅度都很大。一旦考虑到经济自由通过人均国内生产总值产生的间接影响,以及在较小程度上通过政府教育支出产生的间接影响,其影响就会更大。本文使用了多达 49 个国家的 PISA 分数数据和多达 137 个国家的世界银行分数数据。它考虑了经济自由的内生性,并控制了教育质量的所有主要决定因素。
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引用次数: 0
The decoy effect only works when the number of options is less than six 诱饵效果只有在选项数量少于六个时才会起作用
IF 1.9 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-22 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12413
Subrato Banerjee, Pragathi Kandregula
The decoy effect is a well‐documented source of violation of elements of demand theory. We experimentally demonstrate that the decoy effect only works when the number of options is limited (specifically not more than five). This is because, with more and more options, it may get difficult for consumers to spot the decoy (against which a Pareto dominant option is made to look more attractive), rendering the decoy effect ineffective. Identifying that the decoy effect works because it facilitates easier choice‐making, we observe that the difficulty in choice‐making with or without the decoy is statistically the same when the number of options to choose from is six or more.
诱饵效应是违反需求理论要素的一个有据可查的来源。我们通过实验证明,诱饵效应只有在选项数量有限(具体来说不超过五个)的情况下才会起作用。这是因为,随着选项越来越多,消费者可能很难发现诱饵(与之相对的帕累托优势选项看起来更有吸引力),从而使诱饵效应失效。我们发现,诱饵效应之所以起作用,是因为它能让人们更容易做出选择,因此,当可供选择的选项数量达到或超过六个时,有诱饵和没有诱饵的选择难度在统计上是相同的。
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引用次数: 0
Data transparency and growth in developing economies during and after the global financial crisis 全球金融危机期间和之后发展中经济体的数据透明度与增长
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-30 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12404
Asif Mohammed Islam, Daniel Lederman

The study explores the effects of data transparency on economic growth for developing economies over a unique time period - at the onset of the 2007–2009 global financial crisis and thereafter. Data transparency is defined as the timely production of credible statistics as measured by the statistical capacity indicator. The paper finds that data transparency has a positive effect on real gross domestic product per capita during a period of considerable uncertainty. The estimates indicate an elasticity of the magnitude of 0.03 percent per year, which is much larger than the elasticity of trade openness and schooling in the estimation sample. The empirics employ a variety of econometric estimators, including dynamic panel and cross-sectional instrumental variables estimators, with the latter approach yielding a higher estimated elasticity. The findings are robust to the inclusion of several factors in addition to political institutions and exogenous commodity-price and external debt-financing shocks.

本研究探讨了数据透明度在 2007-2009 年全球金融危机爆发时及其后这一特殊时期对发展中经济体经济增长的影响。数据透明度的定义是及时编制可信的统计数据,用统计能力指标来衡量。本文发现,在不确定性较大的时期,数据透明度对实际人均国内生产总值有积极影响。估计结果表明,每年的弹性系数为 0.03%,远大于估计样本中贸易开放度和学校教育的弹性系数。实证研究采用了多种计量经济学估计方法,包括动态面板和横截面工具变量估计方法,后一种方法得出的弹性估计值更高。除政治体制和外生商品价格及外债融资冲击外,纳入若干因素也能得出稳健的研究结果。
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引用次数: 0
The nature and significance of the political ideal of the Rule of Law: Hayek, Buchanan, and beyond 法治这一政治理想的性质和意义:哈耶克、布坎南及其他
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-25 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12407
Hartmut Kliemt

Hayek and Buchanan endorsed Böhm's “private law society” as expressive of the ideal of a government of laws, and not of men. But they also acknowledged that among the many, the enforceability of legal custom, adjudication, and legislation must be politically guaranteed by a state. Due to unavoidable state-involvement, risks of excessive rent-seeking and authoritarian arbitrary government loom large once “rules of rule change” enable sophisticated forms of ruling by law. Even if in WEIRDS (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, Democratic, Societies) legal rules are enacted, modified, and derogated exclusively according to legal “rules of rule change,” the prevalence of the key attributes of “generality, certainty, and equality of enforcement” of the Rule of Law is in no way guaranteed. — The paper addresses this and the role, nature, and significance of constraining ruling by law through practicing the “political ideal of the Rule of Law”.

哈耶克和布坎南赞同伯姆的 "私法社会",认为它表达了法律政府而非人治政府的理想。但他们也承认,在众多法律中,法律习惯、裁决和立法的可执行性必须得到国家的政治保障。由于国家的介入不可避免,一旦 "规则变更规则 "使复杂的依法治理成为可能,过度寻租和专制独裁政府的风险就会显现出来。即使在 WEIRDS(西方社会、教育社会、工业化社会、富裕社会、民主社会)中,法律规则的制定、修改和减损完全依据法律的 "规则变更规则",法治的 "普遍性、确定性和执行平等 "等关键属性的普遍性也无法得到保证。- 本文探讨了这一点,以及通过实践 "法治的政治理想 "来制约依法治理的作用、性质和意义。
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引用次数: 0
Economic policy uncertainty and local government debt: Evidence from China 经济政策的不确定性与地方政府债务:来自中国的证据
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-17 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12402
Han Gao, Minming Lan, Jie Li, Tianhang Zhou

This paper investigates the effects of economic policy uncertainty on local government debt issuance in China and identifies a transmission channel through the cost of capital. Our findings demonstrate that economic policy uncertainty raises the cost of external financing for local governments, leading to decreased levels of debt issuance. Specifically, a 1% increase in uncertainty related to economic policy variations leads to a reduction in government debt issuance of 0.0478%. In addition, our analysis reveals that local governments located in regions experiencing lower fiscal pressure, lower economic catch-up pressure, and higher sensitivity to uncertainty are more responsive to economic policy uncertainty changes.

本文研究了经济政策不确定性对中国地方政府债务发行的影响,并确定了通过资本成本的传导渠道。我们的研究结果表明,经济政策的不确定性会提高地方政府的外部融资成本,从而导致发债水平下降。具体而言,与经济政策变化相关的不确定性每增加 1%,政府债务发行量就会减少 0.0478%。此外,我们的分析表明,位于财政压力较小、经济赶超压力较小、对不确定性敏感度较高地区的地方政府对经济政策不确定性变化的反应更为灵敏。
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引用次数: 0
Social capital, social heterogeneity, and electoral turnout 社会资本、社会异质性和选举投票率
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-17 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12403
Jeremy Clark, Abel François, Olivier Gergaud

Among the many studied determinants of voting, we predict that i) increased social capital will be positively associated with turnout, while increased heterogeneity will be negatively associated; ii) both factors will work through their influence on the costs of information gathering and on the social norms of voting; and iii) that heterogeneity will interact with social capital in its association with turnout. We test these predictions at the extremely fine “meshblock” level by regressing New Zealand voter turnout in its 2017 national election on its 2013 census characteristics. We use roughly 40,000 meshblock volunteering rates to measure social capital, and heterogeneity based primarily on ethnic fragmentation. We find social capital is positively associated with voter turnout, while heterogeneity is negatively associated. We find robust evidence consistent with ethnic heterogeneity working through information costs and social norms, but less so social capital. We also find a robust interaction between social capital and heterogeneity in their association with turnout, consistent with ethnic heterogeneity raising bridging social capital that has a stronger association with turnout than in-group bonding social capital.

在众多已研究过的投票决定因素中,我们预测:i)社会资本的增加将与投票率正相关,而异质性的增加将与投票率负相关;ii)这两个因素都将通过对信息收集成本和投票社会规范的影响发挥作用;iii)异质性将与社会资本相互作用,从而与投票率产生关联。我们通过对新西兰 2017 年全国大选的投票率与 2013 年人口普查特征进行回归,在极其精细的 "网块 "层面检验了这些预测。我们使用大约 4 万个网块的志愿服务率来衡量社会资本,并主要根据种族分化来衡量异质性。我们发现,社会资本与投票率正相关,而异质性与投票率负相关。我们发现有力的证据表明,种族异质性通过信息成本和社会规范发挥作用,但社会资本的作用则较小。我们还发现,社会资本和异质性在与投票率的关联方面存在稳健的互动关系,这与种族异质性提高了桥梁型社会资本的作用相一致,而桥梁型社会资本与投票率的关联要强于内群体粘合型社会资本。
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引用次数: 0
Competitive federalism, individual autonomy, and citizen sovereignty 竞争性联邦制、个人自治和公民主权
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-16 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12405
Viktor J. Vanberg

The paper examines the theory of competitive federalism, focusing specifically on Hayek's and Buchanan's significant contributions to this theory. Looking at the rivalry between sub-units in federal systems and drawing an analogy between market competition and intergovernmental competition, the theory of competitive federalism stresses the critical role viable exit options play as operating force in both arenas. The principal claim argued for in this paper is that by exclusively focusing on exit in its territorial dimension, the theory of competitive federalism obfuscates the fact that “exit” can mean two critically different things in federal systems. It can mean exiting from the territory over which a government exercises its assigned authority, and it can mean exiting from a polity in the sense of giving up one's membership status in the respective community. The paper discusses the nature, the significance, and the implications of the difference between these two kinds of exit.

本文研究了竞争性联邦制理论,特别侧重于哈耶克和布坎南对这一理论的重要贡献。竞争性联邦制理论着眼于联邦制度中次级单位之间的竞争,并将市场竞争与政府间竞争相类比,强调了可行的退出方案作为这两个领域的运作力量所发挥的关键作用。本文论证的主要主张是,竞争性联邦制理论只关注退出的领土层面,混淆了 "退出 "在联邦制度中可以有两种截然不同的含义这一事实。它可以是指退出政府行使其指定权力的领土,也可以是指退出政体,即放弃各自社区的成员地位。本文讨论了这两种退出的性质、意义和影响。
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引用次数: 0
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