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Beyond the Tax-the-Rich Narrative: How Italians Consider Taxing Wealth 超越对富人征税的叙述:意大利人如何考虑对财富征税
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-04-11 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12457
Sergio Beraldo, Enrico Colombatto

This article examines public attitudes toward wealth taxation in Italy, drawing on a survey of 2400 individuals conducted in 2021. Moving beyond the conventional “tax-the-rich” narrative, it investigates people's views on wealth taxes as a potential alternative to income and consumption taxation. The analysis exploresthe role of self-interest, personal beliefs, and political orientation, and shows that support for wealth taxes does not necessarily stem from redistributive motives, but may also express a preference for a less intrusive tax system with moderate progressivity, an approach aligned with classical–liberal principles. Respondents prefer wealth taxes to consumption taxes. Notably, many support a proposal to replace all existing taxes with a single wealth tax. However, concerns emerge regarding potential increases in the overall tax burden and the inclusion of primary residences in the tax base. Contrary to expectations, political orientation plays a limited role in shaping attitudes, although an interaction effect between political views and economic status is observed. The earmarking of tax revenues does not significantly influence preferences.

本文根据2021年对2400人进行的一项调查,研究了意大利公众对财富税的态度。它超越了传统的“向富人征税”的叙述,调查了人们对财富税作为所得税和消费税的潜在替代方案的看法。分析探讨了自身利益、个人信仰和政治取向的作用,并表明对财富税的支持不一定源于再分配动机,但也可能表达了对具有适度累进性的侵入性较小的税收制度的偏好,这是一种与古典自由主义原则相一致的方法。受访者更喜欢财富税而不是消费税。值得注意的是,许多人支持用单一的财富税取代所有现有税种的提议。然而,人们对整体税负可能增加以及将主要住宅纳入税基感到担忧。与预期相反,政治取向在形成态度方面的作用有限,尽管可以观察到政治观点和经济地位之间的相互作用。税收收入的指定用途对偏好没有显著影响。
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引用次数: 0
Are Resident Terrorist Groups Productive in Weak States? 常住恐怖组织在弱国有生产力吗?
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-04-11 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12458
Khusrav Gaibulloev, James A. Piazza, Todd Sandler

The current study shows that terrorist groups residing in weak states generate more domestic, transnational, and total terrorist attacks than their counterparts based in relatively stable countries during 1970–2016. At the group-year unit of analysis, the superior attack productivity of weak state terrorist groups is robust to alternative empirical specifications that include four different weak state metrics—territorial control losses, tax revenue challenge, bureaucratic weakness, and violence vulnerabilities. In addition, we find that terrorist groups in weak states are much more inclined to engage in kidnappings, which exploit state weakness, compared to their counterparts elsewhere. To bolster causal inference, we apply an instrument to account for potential endogeneity of state weakness when weakness concerns a lack of territorial control. The analysis herein indicates that weak states' terrorist groups pose a formidable risk not only at home but also abroad. Our comprehensive use of alternative measures of state weakness helps to settle the debate on how state weakness influences terrorism. By focusing on resident terrorist groups, our study links state weakness to the strategic behavior of such groups rather than merely illustrating how the state's wider environmental considerations affect terrorism.

目前的研究表明,在1970年至2016年期间,居住在弱国的恐怖组织比位于相对稳定国家的恐怖组织制造了更多的国内、跨国和总恐怖袭击。在群-年分析单元中,弱国恐怖组织优越的攻击生产力对于包括四种不同的弱国指标——领土控制损失、税收挑战、官僚弱点和暴力脆弱性——的替代经验规范是稳健的。此外,我们发现,与其他地方的恐怖组织相比,弱国的恐怖组织更倾向于利用国家的弱点进行绑架。为了加强因果推理,我们应用一种工具来解释国家弱点的潜在内生性,当弱点涉及缺乏领土控制时。本文的分析表明,弱国的恐怖组织不仅在国内,而且在国外都构成了巨大的风险。我们全面使用国家软弱的替代措施有助于解决关于国家软弱如何影响恐怖主义的辩论。通过关注当地的恐怖组织,我们的研究将国家的弱点与这些组织的战略行为联系起来,而不仅仅是说明国家更广泛的环境考虑如何影响恐怖主义。
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引用次数: 0
Inherited Social Trust and Depression Among Second-Generation Immigrants 第二代移民的社会信任与抑郁
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-04-09 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12453
Michele Gubello

This paper estimates the causal effect of culturally inherited social trust on the severity of depressive symptoms among second-generation immigrants. To isolate the impact of inherited social trust on depressive symptoms, I regress the depressive symptoms of second-generation immigrants against the average social trust in their parents' country of origin. Using a sample of second-generation immigrants residing in 22 European countries, I show that a one-standard-deviation increase in inherited social trust reduces the severity of depressive symptoms, as measured by the CES-D8 depression scale, by 6.5% of a standard deviation. Overall, this paper highlights a causal relationship between higher inherited social trust and less severe depressive symptoms among second-generation immigrants.

本文旨在探讨文化遗传社会信任对移民二代抑郁症状严重程度的影响。为了分离遗传社会信任对抑郁症状的影响,我将第二代移民的抑郁症状与父母原籍国的平均社会信任进行了回归。我以居住在22个欧洲国家的第二代移民为样本,证明了遗传社会信任每增加一个标准差,就会降低抑郁症状的严重程度,正如CES-D8抑郁量表所测量的那样,降低6.5%的标准差。总体而言,本文强调了第二代移民中较高的遗传社会信任与较轻的抑郁症状之间的因果关系。
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引用次数: 0
Green Grease: Environmental Crime, Corruption and Money Laundering 《绿色油脂:环境犯罪、腐败和洗钱
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-27 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12455
Raffaella Barone, Donato Masciandaro

We offer a theoretical and empirical analysis that shows how corruption can be a ‘green grease’ that facilitates both environmental crimes and money laundering. Corruption can be an accelerator that amplifies the multiplier effect on illegal revenues. We model these relationships using a logistic function, which we calibrate to estimate overall environmental crime revenues using Italian regional data from 1995 to 2020.

我们提供了一个理论和实证分析,显示腐败如何可以成为一个“绿色油脂”,促进环境犯罪和洗钱。腐败可以成为一个加速器,放大非法收入的乘数效应。我们使用逻辑函数对这些关系进行建模,我们使用意大利1995年至2020年的区域数据对其进行校准,以估计总体环境犯罪收入。
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引用次数: 0
The Dawes Plan: A Centennial Retrospective and Re-Evaluation 道斯计划:百年回顾与再评价
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-26 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12452
Tai-kuang Ho

The Dawes Plan was implemented in 1924 to address Germany's World War I reparations. Although it ended Germany's monetary chaos and hyperinflation in 1923, bringing short-term peace and prosperity to the nation, the foreign debt Germany accumulated during the plan worsened the economic impact of the Great Depression during the early 1930s. This article reviews the origins and contents of the Dawes Plan by surveying contemporaries' views and expectations when the plan started as well as Germany's actual economic developments during the plan. We also reflect upon the debates in the Dawes Plan literature. The literature has evolved from focusing on internal distribution conflict to international distributional conflict, connecting the fragile boom of the 1920s to the woes of the early 1930s. Finally, we compare the plan with two other war reparation plans to see what features a workable one should have. A workable war reparation plan must be effectively enforced and should address the transfer problem. The Dawes Plan fell short in both areas, suffering from a serious incentive-compatible problem that sealed its failure from the start.

道斯计划于1924年实施,旨在解决德国在第一次世界大战中的赔款问题。虽然该计划在1923年结束了德国的货币混乱和恶性通货膨胀,给国家带来了短期的和平与繁荣,但德国在该计划期间积累的外债加剧了20世纪30年代初大萧条对经济的影响。本文通过考察道威斯计划实施时当代人的看法和期望,以及计划实施期间德国经济的实际发展情况,来回顾道威斯计划的起源和内容。我们也反思道斯计划文献中的争论。这些文献从关注国内分配冲突演变为关注国际分配冲突,将20世纪20年代脆弱的繁荣与30年代初的困境联系起来。最后,我们将该计划与其他两个战争赔偿计划进行比较,以了解可行的计划应该具有哪些特征。一项可行的战争赔偿计划必须得到有效执行,并应解决移交问题。道斯计划在这两个方面都做得不够,从一开始就存在严重的激励兼容问题,导致其失败。
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引用次数: 0
Women's Electoral Success and Female Voter Turnout: Evidence From Individual Voting Data for Germany 女性选举成功与女性选民投票率:来自德国个人投票数据的证据
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-25 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12448
Michael Neugart, Izaskun Zuazu

This paper brings individual-level evidence to the hypothesis that women holding political offices, that is, descriptive representation, affects the participation of women in politics. Specifically, using a regression discontinuity design, we analyze the role of close victories of directly elected female candidates in mixed-gender races at the federal elections in Germany in 2013 on individuals' decisions to turn out at the federal elections in Germany in 2017. We account for mediating channels such as changes in the pool of candidates, policy outcomes, policy interest, and knowledge that may all also affect voter turnout. The results indicate no effect of descriptive representation on female turnout in the future.

本文为女性担任政治职务,即描述性代表性,影响女性参政的假设提供了个人层面的证据。具体而言,我们使用回归不连续设计,分析了2013年德国联邦选举中直选女性候选人在混合性别种族中接近胜利对2017年德国联邦选举中个人投票决定的作用。我们考虑了中介渠道,如候选人群体的变化、政策结果、政策兴趣和知识,这些都可能影响选民投票率。结果表明,描述性表征对未来女性投票率没有影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Political Economy of Intellectual Property Piracy: Do the Special 301 Pressures Matter? 知识产权盗版的政治经济学:特殊301压力重要吗?
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-24 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12454
Sunil Kanwar

We study the impact of the Special 301 process on global software piracy. US authorities use these legal provisions to goad countries considered as providing inadequate protection to US intellectual property, to strengthen their regimes. Estimating a panel vector autoregression, for the period 1994–2017, we find that piracy exhibits an insignificant response to Special 301 in the aggregate sample. The impulse response function reveals that the initial perturbation in piracy rates due to a shock in the Special 301 variable quickly damps out by the third period. The forecast error variance decomposition shows that the share of the change in Special 301 pressure is negligible in the total change in piracy rates. By contrast, intellectual property protection is strongly significant in curbing piracy. Exploring the heterogeneity of piracy response, a Special 301 shock reduces piracy in developed countries and countries with above-median state capacity; whereas developing countries, those with below-median state capacity, and those with below-median institutional quality, appear unable and/or unwilling to do so, increasing piracy in the short run. Countries with above-median trade dependence on the United States exhibit a counter-intuitively insignificant response to Special 301, because this group also contains some developed countries with close ties to the United States.

我们研究了特别301程序对全球软件盗版的影响。美国当局利用这些法律条款来刺激那些被认为对美国知识产权保护不力的国家,以加强它们的制度。通过面板向量自回归估计,1994-2017年期间,我们发现盗版在总样本中对Special 301的响应不显著。脉冲响应函数表明,由于特殊301变量的冲击引起的盗版率的初始扰动在第三个周期内迅速减弱。预测误差方差分解表明,特殊301压力变化的份额在盗版率的总变化中可以忽略不计。相比之下,知识产权保护在遏制盗版方面非常重要。探究海盗行为反应的异质性,特别301冲击降低了发达国家和中等以上国家的海盗行为;而发展中国家,那些国家能力低于中位数的国家,以及那些制度质量低于中位数的国家,似乎不能和/或不愿这样做,在短期内增加了盗版行为。对美国贸易依赖中位数以上的国家对特别301的反应与直觉相反,微不足道,因为这一群体还包括一些与美国关系密切的发达国家。
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引用次数: 0
Are Business Students More Self-Interested Than Law Students? A Longitudinal Study 商科学生比法学生更自私吗?一项纵向研究
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-21 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12451
Cristina Miragaya-Casillas, Raimundo Aguayo-Estremera, Alberto Ruiz-Villaverde

Substantial academic debate exists regarding whether students with economics training exhibit distinct behavioral patterns that differentiate them from students in other academic disciplines. On one hand, the debate remains open due to the heterogeneity of the results. On the other hand, establishing the reasons for these possible differences is complicated. The existing academic literature proposes two explanatory hypotheses: self-selection and indoctrination. Most of the current results support a self-selection effect and reject indoctrination. Despite this, most studies present methodological limitations that should be considered. This study aims to address and overcome these limitations. To enhance our understanding of the potential effects stemming from economic training, it contributes to the existing literature in three main ways: Firstly, it conducts a longitudinal study of self- and other-interested behavior in university students following a standard microeconomics course. Secondly, it employs a novel instrument to measure self- and other-interest, with strong psychometric properties of validity and reliability. Thirdly, the sample is limited to business and law students to ensure homogeneity in the comparison. Our results suggest the existence of behavioral differences, mainly due to the self-selection effect. No evidence was found to suggest an indoctrination effect from the study of microeconomics.

关于受过经济学训练的学生是否表现出不同于其他学科学生的独特行为模式,存在着大量的学术争论。一方面,由于结果的异质性,争论仍然存在。另一方面,建立这些可能的差异的原因是复杂的。现有学术文献提出了两种解释假设:自我选择和灌输。目前大多数研究结果支持自我选择效应,反对灌输。尽管如此,大多数研究都存在方法上的局限性,应该加以考虑。本研究旨在解决和克服这些限制。为了增强我们对经济训练潜在影响的理解,本文主要从三个方面对现有文献做出了贡献:首先,对上了标准微观经济学课程的大学生的自我和他人利益行为进行了纵向研究。其次,它采用了一种新颖的工具来测量自我和他人兴趣,具有较强的效度和信度的心理测量特性。第三,为了保证比较的同质性,样本仅限于商科和法律系学生。我们的研究结果表明,行为差异的存在,主要是由于自我选择效应。没有证据表明微观经济学研究有灌输效应。
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引用次数: 0
To Equality: Gendered Outcomes, Economic Freedom & Gender Laws 迈向平等:性别结果、经济自由与性别法律
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-21 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12449
Nabamita Dutta, Adam Stivers, Russell S. Sobel

While prior literature has found that greater economic freedom improves economic growth, development, and productive entrepreneurship, the literature is mixed on economic freedom's impact on gender outcomes. We add to this literature by exploring several measures of gender outcome gaps in employment, financial inclusion, and education utilizing the women, business, and law index from the World Bank to proxy for the strength of legal institutions for women. Employing the Fraser Institute's economic freedom of the world index as our measure of economic institutions, our results show that greater economic freedom only results in improved (relative) gender outcomes when strong legal institutions are available to women. Thus, while improving economic freedom as a path to development and growth is important, the benefits for gender outcomes clearly depend upon the extent to which a country's underlying laws and legal institutions provide equal treatment to women and men. In areas where legal institutions are most discriminatory against women, higher economic freedom actually seems to have a negative impact on (relative) gender outcomes. We test the robustness of our results and examine the findings for (relative) gender equality in non-market areas such as political representation and health outcomes.

虽然先前的文献发现,更大的经济自由可以促进经济增长、发展和生产性创业,但文献对经济自由对性别结果的影响却参差不齐。我们利用世界银行的妇女、商业和法律指数,对就业、普惠金融和教育方面的性别结果差距进行了几项衡量,以此来衡量女性法律制度的实力。采用弗雷泽研究所(Fraser Institute)的世界经济自由指数作为衡量经济制度的指标,我们的结果表明,只有在女性可以获得强有力的法律制度时,更大的经济自由才会导致(相对)性别结果的改善。因此,虽然改善经济自由作为实现发展和增长的途径很重要,但对性别结果的好处显然取决于一个国家的基本法律和法律制度在多大程度上为男女提供平等待遇。在法律制度对妇女歧视最严重的地区,更高的经济自由实际上似乎对(相对)性别结果产生了负面影响。我们测试了结果的稳健性,并检查了非市场领域(相对)性别平等的发现,如政治代表性和健康结果。
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引用次数: 0
Citizenship, Math and Gender: Exploring Immigrant Students' Choice of Majors 公民身份、数学与性别:移民学生的专业选择
IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-10 DOI: 10.1111/kykl.12447
Marina Murat

This study examines the impact of host-country citizenship on immigrant students' choice of academic majors, using data from an Italian university and incorporating characteristics of students' countries of origin. The analysis focuses on enrolment in fields of study categorized by mathematical content. The findings reveal three main points: First, obtaining citizenship reduces the likelihood of choosing math-related disciplines; second, this effect is more pronounced among women, further widening the gender gap in math-intensive fields; and third, these gaps are larger among students from more gender-equal countries but are less affected by the acquisition of citizenship. These results are supported by matching techniques, two-stage least squares, and robustness and sensitivity analyses. Given that math-intensive fields are linked to higher earning potential, the findings suggest that investment in mathematical skills may serve as a safeguard against labour market risks—a necessity that lessens upon acquiring citizenship, especially for women. Although this shift could adversely affect future earnings, it also contributes to a more even distribution of students across disciplines, potentially enhancing diversity in occupations where immigrants are traditionally under-represented.

本研究利用意大利一所大学的数据,结合学生原籍国的特点,考察了东道国国籍对移民学生选择学术专业的影响。分析的重点是按数学内容分类的学习领域的招生情况。研究结果揭示了三个主要观点:首先,获得公民身份降低了选择数学相关学科的可能性;其次,这种影响在女性中更为明显,进一步扩大了数学密集型领域的性别差距;第三,这些差距在性别更平等的国家的学生中更大,但受获得公民身份的影响较小。这些结果得到了匹配技术、两阶段最小二乘法、鲁棒性和敏感性分析的支持。考虑到数学密集型领域与更高的收入潜力有关,研究结果表明,对数学技能的投资可能是抵御劳动力市场风险的保障——这种必要性在获得公民身份后会减弱,尤其是对女性而言。尽管这种转变可能会对未来的收入产生不利影响,但它也有助于更均匀地分配跨学科的学生,可能会增强移民传统上代表性不足的职业的多样性。
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引用次数: 0
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