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The Ambiguity of Betrayal: Contesting Myths of Heroic Resistance in South Africa 背叛的模糊性:质疑南非英雄抵抗运动的神话
IF 1.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1177/00905917231210995
Maša Mrovlje
Hegemonic practices of memorialization rely on narratives of heroic, morally untainted resistance, which cast traitors as the aberrant “other.” This paper draws on Simone de Beauvoir’s The Ethics of Ambiguity and historical and sociological accounts of betrayal to trouble this binary and construct a framework for memorializing betrayal in its ambiguity—in relation to the everyday reality of tragic dilemmas that resisters face. I show how attentiveness to the ambiguity of betrayal can help rethink heroic resistance myths beyond the exclusionary logic pitting moral purity against the depravity of treason—and warn against the reproduction of systematic practices of othering in the new political order. The paper develops the political relevance of this theoretical exploration via the example of a South African novel, The Texture of Shadows, examining how its insights into the ambiguity of betrayal challenge the myths of heroic resistance in South Africa.
霸权的纪念实践依赖于英雄的、道德上无污点的抵抗叙事,将背叛者视为反常的 "他者"。本文借鉴西蒙娜-德-波伏娃(Simone de Beauvoir)的《暧昧伦理》(The Ethics of Ambiguity)以及历史和社会学中关于背叛的论述,对这种二元对立提出质疑,并结合抵抗者日常面临的悲剧性困境,构建了一个纪念背叛的暧昧框架。我说明了关注背叛的模糊性如何有助于重新思考英雄式的抵抗神话,超越将道德的纯洁性与叛国的堕落性对立起来的排斥性逻辑,并警告在新的政治秩序中不要再现系统性的他者化实践。本文以南非小说《阴影的纹理》为例,探讨了这一理论探索的政治意义,研究了小说对背叛的模糊性的洞察如何挑战南非的英雄抵抗神话。
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引用次数: 0
Truth and Loyalty 真理与忠诚
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/00905917231204892
Matt Sleat
This paper explores the relationship between truth and loyalty as it pertains to epistemic issues within contemporary Western politics. One now familiar concern is how an increasing number of people determine their beliefs according to what demonstrating loyalty to their group requires instead of the facts of an independent and objective reality, as a proper concern for truthfulness demands. Whereas “they” base their beliefs on what is required to demonstrate loyalty to their group, “our” beliefs are justified by facts and evidence. Such contrasts pit loyalty and truth as necessarily antagonistic. This paper gives us further reason for thinking that putting loyalty against truthfulness at some very general or conceptual level is deeply misguided. More significantly, it seeks to show that the more helpful contrast to make is between those who are loyal to identities that value truthfulness in such a way that there are no other parts of that identity which are not revisable if they come into conflict with truth, and those who are loyal to identities that subordinate truth to other ends or goals. Acknowledging this allows us to better appreciate various aspects of how the relationship between truth and loyalty is playing out in contemporary politics. Chief among these is how our own commitment to truthfulness is itself embedded in a particular identity, an identity that we not only often fail to acknowledge as such but which necessitates us thinking harder about the ways in which it might itself sustain the dynamics of conflict and contestation, antagonizing those who do not share it and driving them farther away from the truthfulness we extol.
本文探讨了真理与忠诚之间的关系,因为它涉及当代西方政治中的认识论问题。一个现在很常见的担忧是,越来越多的人如何根据对群体的忠诚来决定他们的信仰,而不是像对真实性的适当关注所要求的那样,根据独立客观现实的事实来决定他们的信仰。“他们”的信念是建立在证明对群体忠诚的基础上的,而“我们”的信念是由事实和证据证明的。这样的对比使忠诚和真理必然是对立的。本文为我们提供了进一步的理由,让我们认为在某些非常普遍或概念的层面上,将忠诚与真实对立是被深深误导的。更重要的是,它试图表明,更有帮助的对比是那些忠于身份的人,他们重视真实性,如果他们与真理发生冲突,那么这个身份的其他部分就不会被修改,而那些忠于身份的人,把真理从属于其他目的或目标。承认这一点可以让我们更好地理解真相与忠诚之间的关系如何在当代政治中发挥作用。其中最主要的是,我们对真实的承诺本身是如何嵌入到一种特定的身份之中的,这种身份我们不仅常常不承认,而且还需要我们更加努力地思考,它本身可能会以何种方式维持冲突和争论的动态,与那些不认同它的人作对,使他们远离我们所赞美的真实。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Governance and Prevention: On the Use(s) of Aristotle for Theorizing Money’s Politics 超越治理与预防:论亚里士多德对货币政治理论的运用
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/00905917231204891
Jacob Swanson
What are the contents, limits, and possibilities of Aristotle’s works for critical thinking about money? Recent scholarship has (re)turned to Aristotle as an authority for two key political approaches to money. The first aims to democratize the governance of monetary institutions in order to realize more just economic outcomes. The second seeks to prevent money, or its inherently deleterious excesses, from corrupting political actors and political life. Arguing that these two approaches are insightful, important, and incomplete, I reengage Aristotle’s account of money across the Nicomachean Ethics and the Politics to theorize money as a vital but underexplored means of political subject formation. I illuminate how the use of money produces collective and constitutive relations that emerge by way of people’s engagements and entanglements with the things they produce, acquire, desire, and exchange. Bringing this to light also makes visible, I argue, how Aristotle understands money as something capable of being used to both bring about social justice and to pervasively corrupt the foundations of shared democratic life. Taking stock of this dual capacity of money, I show how money’s relationship to subjectivity simultaneously makes money the site of a seemingly intractable problem for politics under capitalism and the means to revive it and reconnect it to democratic life.
亚里士多德关于金钱的批判性思考的内容、限制和可能性是什么?最近的学术研究(重新)将亚里士多德作为两个关键的金钱政治途径的权威。第一个目标是实现货币机构治理的民主化,以实现更公正的经济结果。第二个目标是防止金钱或其固有的有害过度行为腐蚀政治行为者和政治生活。我认为这两种方法是有洞察力的,重要的,但不完整的,我在《尼各马可伦理学与政治学》中重新引用亚里士多德对金钱的描述,将金钱理论化为政治主体形成的重要但未被充分探索的手段。我阐明了金钱的使用如何通过人们与他们所生产、获得、渴望和交换的事物的接触和纠缠而产生集体和构成关系。我认为,把这一点揭示出来,也让我们看到,亚里士多德是如何理解金钱的,既可以用来实现社会正义,也可以用来普遍腐蚀共享民主生活的基础。通过对货币的这种双重能力的评估,我展示了货币与主体性的关系如何同时使货币成为资本主义制度下政治中一个看似棘手的问题的场所,以及恢复它并将其重新连接到民主生活的手段。
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引用次数: 0
“Persons of the Sex are True Wonders”: Gabrielle Suchon on Difference and Political Wonders “性的人是真正的奇迹”:加布里埃尔·苏雄谈差异和政治奇迹
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1177/00905917231200828
Mary Jo MacDonald
Gabrielle Suchon’s Treatise on Ethics and Politics offers surprising descriptions of sexual difference for an ostensibly feminist work. Stereotypically feminine traits—such as excessive emotions, chattiness, and deception—are compared to earthquakes, storms, wildfire, and apparitions. Although these descriptions may seem off-putting to modern readers, I argue that in offering these unflattering descriptions of women, Suchon is making a novel intervention in debates about the nature of sexual difference. In the Renaissance and Early Modern period, the salient question about feminine difference was whether it was a preternatural deformity, and specifically a monstrosity. While most pro-woman authors argued that women were not preternatural, Suchon argues the affirmative, claiming that “persons of the sex are true wonders.” In doing so, Suchon presses on a tension at the heart of scholastic conceptions of women while also provoking an emotional response that might encourage men to reconsider whether patriarchal practices are truly to their advantage.
Gabrielle Suchon的《道德与政治论著》在表面上是一部女权主义作品,但却对性别差异给出了令人惊讶的描述。典型的女性特征——如过度的情感、喋喋不休和欺骗——被比作地震、风暴、野火和幽灵。尽管这些描述可能会让现代读者感到不快,但我认为,通过对女性的这些不讨人喜欢的描述,Suchon在关于性别差异本质的辩论中进行了新颖的干预。在文艺复兴和近代早期,关于女性差异的突出问题是,这是否是一种超自然的畸形,特别是一种怪物。虽然大多数支持女性的作家都认为女性不是超自然的,但Suchon的观点是肯定的,他声称“女性是真正的奇迹”。在这样做的过程中,Suchon对女性的学术概念的核心施加了压力,同时也引发了一种情绪反应,这种反应可能会鼓励男性重新考虑父权做法是否真的对他们有利。
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引用次数: 0
Rightful Power and an Ideal of Free Community: The Political Theory of Steve Biko 合法权力与自由共同体的理想:史蒂夫·比科的政治理论
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1177/00905917231199711
Ẹniọlá Ànúolúwapọ́ Ṣóyẹmí
Steve Biko is one of the most important liberation activists of his time. Yet, his theoretical contribution is not well understood or appreciated. This article reconstructs Biko’s political ideas and introduces a new integrated reading and interpretation of his writings, speeches, and recorded interviews. It argues that Biko’s Black consciousness ideal should not only be read as engaging an activist movement or programme but, also, as encompassing an original theoretical framework grounded in a communalist ethos of Biko’s own conceptual development. It argues that Biko’s Black consciousness ideal sought to relate racialised oppression to a historically centred communalist solution framed by two interlocking structural elements—rightful power and free community. The article argues that only by a theoretical and normative consideration of these elements, on Biko’s own conceptual terms, do we get a coherent understanding of Biko’s distinctive view of free postcolonial society.
史蒂夫·比科是他那个时代最重要的解放活动家之一。然而,他的理论贡献并没有得到很好的理解和赞赏。本文对比科的政治思想进行了重构,并对他的著作、演讲和访谈录音进行了全新的综合解读。它认为,比科的黑人意识理想不仅应该被解读为参与一场积极的运动或计划,而且还应该被解读为包含了一个基于比科自己概念发展的社群主义精神的原始理论框架。它认为,比科的黑人意识理想试图将种族化的压迫与以历史为中心的社群主义解决方案联系起来,该解决方案由两个相互关联的结构要素构成——合法的权力和自由的社区。本文认为,只有对这些要素进行理论和规范的思考,以比科自己的概念术语,我们才能对比科对自由后殖民社会的独特观点有一个连贯的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Letter from the Editors 编辑的信
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1177/00905917231201490
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引用次数: 0
On Political Theory and Large Language Models 论政治理论与大语言模型
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1177/00905917231200826
Emma Rodman
Political theory as a discipline has long been skeptical of computational methods. In this paper, I argue that it is time for theory to make a perspectival shift on these methods. Specifically, we should consider integrating recently developed generative large language models like GPT-4 as tools to support our creative work as theorists. Ultimately, I suggest that political theorists should embrace this technology as a method of supporting our capacity for creativity—but that we should do so in a way that is mindful of the content and value of theorizing, the technical constraints of the models, and the ethical questions that the technology raises.
政治理论作为一门学科长期以来一直对计算方法持怀疑态度。在本文中,我认为现在是理论对这些方法进行视角转变的时候了。具体来说,我们应该考虑整合最近开发的生成式大型语言模型,如GPT-4,作为支持我们作为理论家的创造性工作的工具。最后,我建议政治理论家应该把这种技术作为一种支持我们创造力的方法来接受——但我们应该以一种注意到理论化的内容和价值、模型的技术限制以及技术引发的伦理问题的方式来接受。
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引用次数: 0
Knowledge-Making in Politics: Expertise in Democracy and Epistocracy 政治中的知识制造:民主与民主的专业知识
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1177/00905917231199495
Matthew C. Lucky
Recently, epistocrats have challenged the value of democracy by claiming that policy outcomes can be improved if the electorate were narrowed to empower only those with sufficient knowledge to inform competent policy decisions. I argue that by centering on contesting how well regimes employ extant knowledge in decision-making, this conversation has neglected to consider how regimes influence the production of knowledge over time. Science and technology studies scholars have long recognized that political systems impact the productivity of expert research. I argue that in order to evaluate which regime is “smarter,” we must consider not only how well they employ existing knowledge in decision-making, but we must also assess how those regimes influence the ongoing production of policy-relevant knowledge. Thus, I offer an instrumental defense of democracy based on its capacity to encourage a superior pattern and quality of expert research to inform policy decisions over time. Epistocracy may be effective at employing extant knowledge in the short run, but in the long run, democracy is a superior environment for producing knowledge to inform policy decisions.
最近,官僚主义者对民主的价值提出了挑战,他们声称,如果选民范围缩小,只赋予那些有足够知识的人权力,就可以改善政策结果。我认为,通过集中讨论政权在决策中如何很好地利用现有知识,这种对话忽略了考虑政权如何随着时间的推移影响知识的产生。科学和技术研究学者早就认识到,政治制度会影响专家研究的生产力。我认为,为了评估哪个制度“更聪明”,我们不仅必须考虑它们在决策中运用现有知识的程度,而且还必须评估这些制度如何影响与政策相关的知识的持续生产。因此,我为民主提供了一种有力的辩护,基于它鼓励一种卓越的模式和高质量的专家研究的能力,以便随着时间的推移为政策决策提供信息。在短期内,官僚政治在利用现有知识方面可能是有效的,但从长远来看,民主是一个更好的环境,可以产生为决策提供信息的知识。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Probable Justice: Risk, Insurance, and the Welfare State, by Rachel Z. Friedman and Insurance Era: Risk, Governance, and the Privatization of Security in Postwar America, by Caley Horan 书评:瑞秋·弗里德曼的《可能的正义:风险、保险和福利国家》和凯利·霍兰的《保险时代:战后美国的风险、治理和安全私有化》
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-30 DOI: 10.1177/00905917231194729
Roni Hirsch
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引用次数: 0
After Sovereignty: From a Hegemonic to Agonistic Islamic Political Thought 主权之后:从霸权到对抗的伊斯兰政治思想
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1177/00905917231195565
Andrew F. March
The phenomenon of “Muslim Democracy” has been analyzed by scholars for a number of years, at least since the mid-1990s. The standard view about Muslim Democracy is that (perhaps like its European counterpart Christian Democracy) it represents a nonideological, or postideological, pragmatic approach to electoral politics. The purpose of this article is to advance two primary arguments. The first is that the turn to Muslim Democracy as an ideology and practice should first be understood as a way of thinking about politics that breaks with the sovereigntist imaginary that dominated modern Islamic political thought. Second, Muslim Democrats do not forswear the use of democratic means to advance goals derived from religious commitment as part of their recognition of pluralism and constitutional democracy. Their attitude toward politics should thus be seen as a form of agonistic pluralism. This article thus proposes an interpretation of Muslim Democracy as post-sovereigntist agonistic political Islam.
至少从20世纪90年代中期开始,学者们对“穆斯林民主”现象进行了多年的分析。关于穆斯林民主的标准观点是(也许就像它的欧洲对手基督教民主一样),它代表了一种非意识形态的、或后意识形态的、务实的选举政治方法。本文的目的是提出两个主要论点。首先,转向穆斯林民主作为一种意识形态和实践,首先应该被理解为一种思考政治的方式,它打破了主导现代伊斯兰政治思想的主权主义想象。其次,穆斯林民主党人并不放弃使用民主手段来推进源于宗教承诺的目标,这是他们承认多元化和宪政民主的一部分。因此,他们对政治的态度应被视为一种对抗的多元主义。因此,本文提出了一种对穆斯林民主的解释,即后主权主义的政治伊斯兰。
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引用次数: 0
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Political Theory
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