Eric L. Piza, Brandon C. Welsh, Savannah A. Reid, David N. Hatten
Research summaryA long‐standing critique of place‐based crime prevention interventions has been that any reductions in crime are often short‐lived. If researchers do not carry out longer‐duration follow‐ups, we cannot know for sure if the effects of these interventions will persist, decay, or even strengthen. Using a rigorous microsynthetic control design, we evaluated the long‐term impacts of a large‐scale, public‐area closed‐circuit television (CCTV) surveillance project in Newark, New Jersey. Results show that the CCTV project was associated with a statistically significant reduction of auto theft in the intermediate term (3–4 years). The reduction of auto theft approached statistical significance (p = 0.08) during the short term (1–2 years). The analysis also observed potential displacement effects, with displacement of robbery (p = 0.09) in the short term (1–2 years) and theft from auto (p = 0.06) in the long term (9–11 years) approaching statistical significance.Policy implicationsThe results of this study may suggest the potential for a slightly modified view of deterrence decay. The CCTV project's effect on auto theft grew from approaching significant to statistically significant between the short‐term and intermediate‐term periods. Such “sleeper effects” suggest that an extended period was necessary for CCTV to generate deterrence. The deterrence decay during the long‐term period did not occur until after these sleeper effects emerged, which may be understood as deterrence attenuation. Although only approaching statistical significance—and not as pronounced as the reduction of auto theft—the potential displacement of robbery and theft from auto indicates that static CCTV target areas may facilitate offenders taking advantage of nearby crime opportunities while appearing inconspicuous within CCTV viewsheds. In sum, policymakers should be mindful that research evidence limited to short‐term impacts may fail to detect nuanced effects relevant for policy and public guidance.
{"title":"Can place‐based crime prevention impacts be sustained over long durations? 11‐Year follow‐up of a quasi‐experimental evaluation of a CCTV project","authors":"Eric L. Piza, Brandon C. Welsh, Savannah A. Reid, David N. Hatten","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12697","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12697","url":null,"abstract":"Research summaryA long‐standing critique of place‐based crime prevention interventions has been that any reductions in crime are often short‐lived. If researchers do not carry out longer‐duration follow‐ups, we cannot know for sure if the effects of these interventions will persist, decay, or even strengthen. Using a rigorous microsynthetic control design, we evaluated the long‐term impacts of a large‐scale, public‐area closed‐circuit television (CCTV) surveillance project in Newark, New Jersey. Results show that the CCTV project was associated with a statistically significant reduction of auto theft in the intermediate term (3–4 years). The reduction of auto theft approached statistical significance (<jats:italic>p </jats:italic>= 0.08) during the short term (1–2 years). The analysis also observed potential displacement effects, with displacement of robbery (<jats:italic>p </jats:italic>= 0.09) in the short term (1–2 years) and theft from auto (<jats:italic>p </jats:italic>= 0.06) in the long term (9–11 years) approaching statistical significance.Policy implicationsThe results of this study may suggest the potential for a slightly modified view of deterrence decay. The CCTV project's effect on auto theft grew from approaching significant to statistically significant between the short‐term and intermediate‐term periods. Such “sleeper effects” suggest that an extended period was necessary for CCTV to generate deterrence. The deterrence decay during the long‐term period did not occur until after these sleeper effects emerged, which may be understood as deterrence attenuation. Although only approaching statistical significance—and not as pronounced as the reduction of auto theft—the potential displacement of robbery and theft from auto indicates that static CCTV target areas may facilitate offenders taking advantage of nearby crime opportunities while appearing inconspicuous within CCTV viewsheds. In sum, policymakers should be mindful that research evidence limited to short‐term impacts may fail to detect nuanced effects relevant for policy and public guidance.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"95 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2025-02-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143385513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Julie M. Kafka, Alice M. Ellyson, N. Jeanie Santaularia, Avanti Adhia, Alberto Ortega, Sandra Shanahan, Ali Rowhani‐Rahbar, Deirdre Bowen
Research summaryTo address firearm‐related harms in the context of domestic violence (DV), federal law prohibits firearm purchase or possession for respondents in qualifying civil domestic violence protection order (DVPO) cases. Washington state further authorizes courts to order a DVPO respondent (i.e., the person who perpetrated DV) to relinquish firearms in their possession while a DVPO is in effect. Despite statutory guidelines about when to order firearm relinquishment, judicial biases or other structural factors may influence which DVPO cases include firearm relinquishment. Historically, U.S. laws and institutions have privileged White men with firearm access over minoritized individuals, but little is known about whether racial disparities exist in DVPO firearm relinquishment orders. We investigated racialized disparities in DVPO firearm relinquishment orders using a sample of 6290 granted DVPO cases from King County, Washington (2014–2020). Using logistic regression analyses, we found that White respondents had 30–50% times lower odds of being ordered to relinquish firearms compared with respondents who were Black (aOR: 0.7, 95% CI: 0.6, 0.9) or Latine (aOR: 0.5, 95% CI: 0.4, 0.7). Disparities were attenuated in situations when it was statutorily mandatory for the DVPO to include a firearm relinquishment order, compared with situations when the order was discretionary, although disparities remained.Policy implicationsCourts may privilege and protect firearm rights for White DVPO respondents compared with respondents who were Black or Latine. Considering that people who perpetrate DV pose a substantial risk for enacting violence in the home and in the community, DVPO firearm relinquishment should be ordered equitably and thoroughly, regardless of respondent race or ethnicity. Removing judicial discretion may improve the rate at which firearm relinquishment is ordered and mitigate disparities in firearm relinquishment based on respondent race or ethnicity, however, statutory mandates alone are not sufficient to address these problems.
{"title":"Disparities in court orders to relinquish firearms in civil domestic violence protection orders","authors":"Julie M. Kafka, Alice M. Ellyson, N. Jeanie Santaularia, Avanti Adhia, Alberto Ortega, Sandra Shanahan, Ali Rowhani‐Rahbar, Deirdre Bowen","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12693","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12693","url":null,"abstract":"Research summaryTo address firearm‐related harms in the context of domestic violence (DV), federal law prohibits firearm purchase or possession for respondents in qualifying civil domestic violence protection order (DVPO) cases. Washington state further authorizes courts to order a DVPO respondent (i.e., the person who perpetrated DV) to relinquish firearms in their possession while a DVPO is in effect. Despite statutory guidelines about when to order firearm relinquishment, judicial biases or other structural factors may influence which DVPO cases include firearm relinquishment. Historically, U.S. laws and institutions have privileged White men with firearm access over minoritized individuals, but little is known about whether racial disparities exist in DVPO firearm relinquishment orders. We investigated racialized disparities in DVPO firearm relinquishment orders using a sample of 6290 granted DVPO cases from King County, Washington (2014–2020). Using logistic regression analyses, we found that White respondents had 30–50% times lower odds of being ordered to relinquish firearms compared with respondents who were Black (aOR: 0.7, 95% CI: 0.6, 0.9) or Latine (aOR: 0.5, 95% CI: 0.4, 0.7). Disparities were attenuated in situations when it was statutorily mandatory for the DVPO to include a firearm relinquishment order, compared with situations when the order was discretionary, although disparities remained.Policy implicationsCourts may privilege and protect firearm rights for White DVPO respondents compared with respondents who were Black or Latine. Considering that people who perpetrate DV pose a substantial risk for enacting violence in the home and in the community, DVPO firearm relinquishment should be ordered equitably and thoroughly, regardless of respondent race or ethnicity. Removing judicial discretion may improve the rate at which firearm relinquishment is ordered and mitigate disparities in firearm relinquishment based on respondent race or ethnicity, however, statutory mandates alone are not sufficient to address these problems.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2025-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143072431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research summaryImplementation science (IS) is an emerging field that is infrequently used in criminology and criminal justice. IS offers criminology and criminal justice new methods to describe and measure innovations, and new and rigorous research designs that include measuring the implementation of innovations, examining implementation or change strategies, and pursuing a myriad of implementation outcomes. Most important is that the emphasis is on the organizations and/or systems themselves, instead of a focus on individuals. A science of implementation will help to advance reform efforts in justice/legal organizations, whether the reforms are at the policy or practice level. Criminologists’ use of IS methods and techniques should enlarge our knowledge about “what works” to include answers to contextual questions regarding “what works under what circumstances” or “how does it works.” Further, IS can help identify the processes needed to ensure reform efforts are successful and to build capacity for long‐term change.Policy implicationsIS is a field that is growing in importance in medicine and health‐related disciplines and is relevant to criminology/criminal justice. Receptivity to reforming police, judicial, prosecutorial, institutional corrections, and community corrections organizations is typically met with a bit of a cold shoulder, often because researchers do not understand or address the operational issues that affect reform. Of particular importance is understanding which change procedures are useful for what types of reforms—an understudied and underappreciated feature of the implementation conundrum. Policy makers and practitioners will benefit from more information on effective change procedures. IS can be used to understand strategies to define innovations, to master change processes, to study implementation, and to expand outcomes to include organizational and system measures to benefit all stakeholders.
{"title":"Implementation science (IS)—A game changer for criminology and criminal justice","authors":"Faye S. Taxman","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12694","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12694","url":null,"abstract":"Research summaryImplementation science (IS) is an emerging field that is infrequently used in criminology and criminal justice. IS offers criminology and criminal justice new methods to describe and measure innovations, and new and rigorous research designs that include measuring the implementation of innovations, examining implementation or change strategies, and pursuing a myriad of implementation outcomes. Most important is that the emphasis is on the organizations and/or systems themselves, instead of a focus on individuals. A science of implementation will help to advance reform efforts in justice/legal organizations, whether the reforms are at the policy or practice level. Criminologists’ use of IS methods and techniques should enlarge our knowledge about “what works” to include answers to contextual questions regarding “what works under what circumstances” or “how does it works.” Further, IS can help identify the processes needed to ensure reform efforts are successful and to build capacity for long‐term change.Policy implicationsIS is a field that is growing in importance in medicine and health‐related disciplines and is relevant to criminology/criminal justice. Receptivity to reforming police, judicial, prosecutorial, institutional corrections, and community corrections organizations is typically met with a bit of a cold shoulder, often because researchers do not understand or address the operational issues that affect reform. Of particular importance is understanding which change procedures are useful for what types of reforms—an understudied and underappreciated feature of the implementation conundrum. Policy makers and practitioners will benefit from more information on effective change procedures. IS can be used to understand strategies to define innovations, to master change processes, to study implementation, and to expand outcomes to include organizational and system measures to benefit all stakeholders.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"60 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2025-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143072013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research SummaryIn recent years, nutrition researchers have found that ice cream may have as many health benefits as low‐fat milk or yoghurt for those with diabetes or at risk of diabetes. Nonetheless, they have resisted reporting this finding to the media, the public, or other researchers. This observation got me thinking about how preconceived assumptions and biases affect social science in general and criminology in particular, are affected by the preconceived assumptions and biases of those who produce them. In this essay, I argue that the production of criminology is a cultural enterprise that reflects the attitudes and values of those who produce it. In my address for the Stockholm Prize, I summarize the main thesis of my Losing Legitimacy book and then discuss two recent projects that were influenced by the idea that strong social institutions reduce criminal behavior. The first examines the impact of the death of Freddie Gray in Baltimore in 2015 on crime and arrest rates. The second examines the impact of globalization on national homicide rates. In both cases, the results were unexpected.Policy ImplicationsAs scientists, it is critical that we evaluate research based on its theoretical soundness and methodological sophistication rather than whether it fits a currently hot topic or politically popular perspective. Science progresses by the constant process of evaluating theoretical propositions with empirical data—regardless of where those data lead us. Openness about crime and reactions to crime is no less important than honesty about the positive benefits of ice‐cream consumption.
{"title":"Understanding what violent street crime, globalization, and ice cream have in common","authors":"Gary LaFree","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12696","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12696","url":null,"abstract":"Research SummaryIn recent years, nutrition researchers have found that ice cream may have as many health benefits as low‐fat milk or yoghurt for those with diabetes or at risk of diabetes. Nonetheless, they have resisted reporting this finding to the media, the public, or other researchers. This observation got me thinking about how preconceived assumptions and biases affect social science in general and criminology in particular, are affected by the preconceived assumptions and biases of those who produce them. In this essay, I argue that the production of criminology is a cultural enterprise that reflects the attitudes and values of those who produce it. In my address for the Stockholm Prize, I summarize the main thesis of my <jats:italic>Losing Legitimacy</jats:italic> book and then discuss two recent projects that were influenced by the idea that strong social institutions reduce criminal behavior. The first examines the impact of the death of Freddie Gray in Baltimore in 2015 on crime and arrest rates. The second examines the impact of globalization on national homicide rates. In both cases, the results were unexpected.Policy ImplicationsAs scientists, it is critical that we evaluate research based on its theoretical soundness and methodological sophistication rather than whether it fits a currently hot topic or politically popular perspective. Science progresses by the constant process of evaluating theoretical propositions with empirical data—regardless of where those data lead us. Openness about crime and reactions to crime is no less important than honesty about the positive benefits of ice‐cream consumption.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"54 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2025-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143056202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research SummaryUsing firearm transaction and crime gun recovery records from California (2010–2021), we employ machine learning to identify dealers who sold largest number and highest fraction of guns recovered in crimes within 1 year of sale. This short “time‐to‐crime” (TTC) is a well‐established indicator of potential illegal activity by dealers or traffickers. We developed two primary prediction models: the first classifies dealer‐years in the top 5% of 1‐year crime gun sales volume (prediction model 1), the second identifies dealer‐years in the top 5% based on the fraction of sales recovered within a year (prediction model 2). Both models demonstrated strong discriminative performance, with areas under the receiver operating curve (AUCs) of 0.95 and 0.86, respectively, and areas under the precision‐recall curve (AUC–PRs) of 0.72 and 0.43. By comparison, a random classifier would be expected to achieve an AUC of 0.50 and an AUC‐PR of 0.05. Prediction model 1 was particularly effective at identifying the highest risk dealers: Those with predictions exceeding 0.90 consistently ranked in the top 5% across multiple years, averaging 33 1‐year crime gun sales annually. The machine learning models generally outperformed simpler regression and rule‐based approaches, underscoring the value of data‐adaptive methods for prediction. Key predictors included prior‐year crime gun sales, the average age of purchasers, the proportion of “cheap” handgun sales, and the local gun robbery and assault rate.Policy ImplicationsFirearms dealers may engage in behaviors that facilitate the diversion of guns to criminal markets. Combining detailed transaction and recovery records with machine learning could help efficiently identify high‐risk retailers for targeted enforcement to disrupt the flow of firearms to gun offenders. Future research is needed to determine whether a high number of short TTC sales as compared to a high fraction is a more reliable predictor of law evasion.
{"title":"Identifying high‐risk firearms dealers: A machine learning study of rapidly diverted firearm sales in California","authors":"Hannah S. Laqueur, Colette Smirniotis","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12692","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12692","url":null,"abstract":"Research SummaryUsing firearm transaction and crime gun recovery records from California (2010–2021), we employ machine learning to identify dealers who sold largest number and highest fraction of guns recovered in crimes within 1 year of sale. This short “time‐to‐crime” (TTC) is a well‐established indicator of potential illegal activity by dealers or traffickers. We developed two primary prediction models: the first classifies dealer‐years in the top 5% of 1‐year crime gun sales volume (prediction model 1), the second identifies dealer‐years in the top 5% based on the fraction of sales recovered within a year (prediction model 2). Both models demonstrated strong discriminative performance, with areas under the receiver operating curve (AUCs) of 0.95 and 0.86, respectively, and areas under the precision‐recall curve (AUC–PRs) of 0.72 and 0.43. By comparison, a random classifier would be expected to achieve an AUC of 0.50 and an AUC‐PR of 0.05. Prediction model 1 was particularly effective at identifying the highest risk dealers: Those with predictions exceeding 0.90 consistently ranked in the top 5% across multiple years, averaging 33 1‐year crime gun sales annually. The machine learning models generally outperformed simpler regression and rule‐based approaches, underscoring the value of data‐adaptive methods for prediction. Key predictors included prior‐year crime gun sales, the average age of purchasers, the proportion of “cheap” handgun sales, and the local gun robbery and assault rate.Policy ImplicationsFirearms dealers may engage in behaviors that facilitate the diversion of guns to criminal markets. Combining detailed transaction and recovery records with machine learning could help efficiently identify high‐risk retailers for targeted enforcement to disrupt the flow of firearms to gun offenders. Future research is needed to determine whether a high number of short TTC sales as compared to a high fraction is a more reliable predictor of law evasion.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2025-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143020396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research SummaryUsing secondary data from a census of 421 police academies nationwide continuously operating between 2002 and 2018, we assessed continuity and change in core areas of basic law enforcement training (BLET) of new police hires. Despite decades of concerns expressed by national‐level commissions, scholars, and practitioners about the substance of police academy basic training, ours is the first study since the 1980s that examines the content of basic training at multiple police academies during an extended period that included two eras of policing: community oriented and evidence based. Results showed continuity throughout time in total required hours of BLET, including required hours of core curriculum training, and a disproportionate distribution of total training hours allotted to areas central to the crime fighter persona of the early 20th century professional era.Policy ImplicationsThis assessment revealed strong empirical evidence of long‐term resistance to change in police basic training based on continuing overemphasis of traditional aspects of basic training (e.g., use of lethal weapons) over other parts (e.g., community‐oriented policing). Our results, combined with recent qualitative analyses of police basic training revealing a primary “danger imperative” message broadcast to trainees by instructors along with more subtle racist and sexist messages about “bad guys” wanting to kill cops, reveal that decades of efforts to get the occupation to change what new police officers learn during basic training is apparently the equivalent of what Dorothy Guyot once termed “bending granite”—an effort doomed to fail. To weaken the granite, police practitioners and leaders involved with training must take steps toward a complete and comprehensive reorientation of police recruitment and basic training that stresses the importance of new hires acquiring a toolkit that has a guardian‐based foundation and emphasis but allows for the rare instances when officers need to use warrior tools.
{"title":"The more things change, the more they stay the same: A multi‐wave national assessment of police academy training curricula","authors":"John J. Sloan, Eugene A. Paoline, Matt R. Nobles","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12691","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12691","url":null,"abstract":"Research SummaryUsing secondary data from a census of 421 police academies nationwide continuously operating between 2002 and 2018, we assessed continuity and change in core areas of basic law enforcement training (BLET) of new police hires. Despite decades of concerns expressed by national‐level commissions, scholars, and practitioners about the substance of police academy basic training, ours is the first study since the 1980s that examines the content of basic training at multiple police academies during an extended period that included two eras of policing: community oriented and evidence based. Results showed continuity throughout time in total required hours of BLET, including required hours of core curriculum training, and a disproportionate distribution of total training hours allotted to areas central to the crime fighter persona of the early 20th century professional era.Policy ImplicationsThis assessment revealed strong empirical evidence of long‐term resistance to change in police basic training based on continuing overemphasis of traditional aspects of basic training (e.g., use of lethal weapons) over other parts (e.g., community‐oriented policing). Our results, combined with recent qualitative analyses of police basic training revealing a primary “danger imperative” message broadcast to trainees by instructors along with more subtle racist and sexist messages about “bad guys” wanting to kill cops, reveal that decades of efforts to get the occupation to change what new police officers learn during basic training is apparently the equivalent of what Dorothy Guyot once termed “bending granite”—an effort doomed to fail. To weaken the granite, police practitioners and leaders involved with training must take steps toward a complete and comprehensive reorientation of police recruitment and basic training that stresses the importance of new hires acquiring a toolkit that has a guardian‐based foundation and emphasis but allows for the rare instances when officers need to use warrior tools.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2025-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142986084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research summaryWe tested the effectiveness of virtual response in policing as an alternative to the traditional physical presence of officers to nonemergency calls for service. We randomly assigned 1059 eligible calls to either virtual or in‐person responses. We estimated the results in terms of waiting time, criminal justice outcomes, cost efficiency, and victim satisfaction based on a representative sample of telephone interviews. We found significant improvements across all measures when using a virtual response, including reduced victim waiting times, greater odds of arrest and charges, and enhanced perceptions of procedural justice, satisfaction, trust, and confidence in the police service. We found no adverse effects on victims due to the lack of physical presence.Research implicationsThese findings suggest that, as with e‐health services, law enforcement can benefit from a cost–beneficial virtual response to nonemergency calls for service. We encourage its consideration as a mass deployment option in policing, as well as a basis for future experimental replications.
{"title":"Responding to nonemergency calls for service via video: A randomized controlled trial","authors":"Stewart Gates, Barak Ariel, Noy Assaraf","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12690","url":null,"abstract":"Research summaryWe tested the effectiveness of virtual response in policing as an alternative to the traditional physical presence of officers to nonemergency calls for service. We randomly assigned 1059 eligible calls to either virtual or in‐person responses. We estimated the results in terms of waiting time, criminal justice outcomes, cost efficiency, and victim satisfaction based on a representative sample of telephone interviews. We found significant improvements across all measures when using a virtual response, including reduced victim waiting times, greater odds of arrest and charges, and enhanced perceptions of procedural justice, satisfaction, trust, and confidence in the police service. We found no adverse effects on victims due to the lack of physical presence.Research implicationsThese findings suggest that, as with e‐health services, law enforcement can benefit from a cost–beneficial virtual response to nonemergency calls for service. We encourage its consideration as a mass deployment option in policing, as well as a basis for future experimental replications.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142673239","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}