Theodore S. Lentz, Matt Vogel, Brenda Mathias, Alessandra Early, Kimberly Rey, Tobeya Ibitayo, Matifadza Hlatshwayo Davis
Research SummaryFirearm violence continues to be a leading cause of death in the United States. As alternatives to law enforcement intervention, community‐based violence prevention programs, such as Cure Violence, have become increasingly popular across U.S. cities. This article documents the results of a multiyear, mixed‐methods, quasi‐experimental study of the implementation and impact of Cure Violence in St. Louis, Missouri, from 2020 to 2023. We analyzed data from semistructured interviews, a two‐wave community survey, and police records of neighborhood violence, finding limited evidence of program effectiveness. Although some interview participants stated that the program had a positive impact, we observed no change in community norms/perceptions of violence, and our analysis of police data suggests that program implementation was associated with declining violence in only one of the three intervention sites.Policy ImplicationsThis article highlights challenges of implementing and evaluating community‐based violence prevention. More work is needed to unpack the mechanisms responsible for turning program activities into measurable impacts in both the short and long term. Implications for planning and evaluating community‐based violence prevention programs are discussed.
{"title":"Short‐term evaluation of Cure Violence St. Louis: Challenges, triumphs, and lessons learned","authors":"Theodore S. Lentz, Matt Vogel, Brenda Mathias, Alessandra Early, Kimberly Rey, Tobeya Ibitayo, Matifadza Hlatshwayo Davis","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12687","url":null,"abstract":"Research SummaryFirearm violence continues to be a leading cause of death in the United States. As alternatives to law enforcement intervention, community‐based violence prevention programs, such as Cure Violence, have become increasingly popular across U.S. cities. This article documents the results of a multiyear, mixed‐methods, quasi‐experimental study of the implementation and impact of Cure Violence in St. Louis, Missouri, from 2020 to 2023. We analyzed data from semistructured interviews, a two‐wave community survey, and police records of neighborhood violence, finding limited evidence of program effectiveness. Although some interview participants stated that the program had a positive impact, we observed no change in community norms/perceptions of violence, and our analysis of police data suggests that program implementation was associated with declining violence in only one of the three intervention sites.Policy ImplicationsThis article highlights challenges of implementing and evaluating community‐based violence prevention. More work is needed to unpack the mechanisms responsible for turning program activities into measurable impacts in both the short and long term. Implications for planning and evaluating community‐based violence prevention programs are discussed.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142448203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research summarySituational crime prevention (SCP) is an environmental crime control perspective with enormous practical and policy relevance due to its practitioner‐friendly theoretical approach. This study examines whether SCP interventions reduce incident casualty outcomes in active shooter incidents. We used an inductive, open‐source data set of 555 active shooter and mass public shooting sites to study the applicability of SCP to active shooter and mass public violence. Our findings suggest a harm mitigation role for SCP: active shooter sites with stronger holistic SCP had fewer casualties. We assessed perpetrator motivation to test displacement, a core critique of SCP, and found that the harm mitigation potential of SCP persists even in the presence of a highly motivated offender.Policy summarySCP could be a practical and effective method to decrease casualties in the event of an active shooting, which is a highly motivated crime type that is difficult to predict and prevent. Public locations may select a range of appropriate SCP techniques based on individual resources and needs. The totality and interactions of these techniques may contribute to public safety in general, with diffuse benefits. This policy solution is highly oriented toward practice and real‐life application, and may be used to supplement existing preventative measures like threat assessment and gun legislation.
{"title":"Situational crime prevention as a harm mitigation policy for active shooter incidents","authors":"Emily A. Greene‐Colozzi, Joshua D. Freilich","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12686","url":null,"abstract":"Research summarySituational crime prevention (SCP) is an environmental crime control perspective with enormous practical and policy relevance due to its practitioner‐friendly theoretical approach. This study examines whether SCP interventions reduce incident casualty outcomes in active shooter incidents. We used an inductive, open‐source data set of 555 active shooter and mass public shooting sites to study the applicability of SCP to active shooter and mass public violence. Our findings suggest a harm mitigation role for SCP: active shooter sites with stronger holistic SCP had fewer casualties. We assessed perpetrator motivation to test displacement, a core critique of SCP, and found that the harm mitigation potential of SCP persists even in the presence of a highly motivated offender.Policy summarySCP could be a practical and effective method to decrease casualties in the event of an active shooting, which is a highly motivated crime type that is difficult to predict and prevent. Public locations may select a range of appropriate SCP techniques based on individual resources and needs. The totality and interactions of these techniques may contribute to public safety in general, with diffuse benefits. This policy solution is highly oriented toward practice and real‐life application, and may be used to supplement existing preventative measures like threat assessment and gun legislation.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142440194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Matthew DeMichele, Ian A. Silver, Ryan M. Labrecque
Research summaryThis study provides a rigorous assessment of the public safety benefits of pretrial detention by estimating the criminogenic and punitive effects of spending at least 1 week in pretrial detention across three jail systems in two states. We use a doubly robust difference‐in‐differences design to show that pretrial detention increases the odds for someone to miss a court appearance or be arrested by roughly 50% and increases the odds of convictions by 36%. This evidence was support by a series of supplemental analyses demonstrating that spending more than 1 day and spending more than 3 days in pretrial detention increased the odds of negative pretrial outcomes compared to someone who was booked and released from jail. The findings of this study provide evidence that pretrial detention can be counterproductive to public safety in that it leads to increased likelihood that individuals will miss court and be arrested for new crimes.Policy implicationsJails are a unique criminal justice contact point because they hold individuals at different stages of case processing, including individuals awaiting trial, and those serving shorter sentences or waiting to be transferred to prison. Pretrial release is arguably one of the most consequential decisions in case processing for an individual. Combining our findings with the punitive and collateral effects of time spent in pretrial detention signals a need for policies to identify effective methods of release that maximize liberty, safety, and equity and minimize the criminogenic effects of pretrial detention. Jails are inhabited with pretrial detainees, detention makes outcomes worse for these detainees, and detention does not deliver on public safety as intended. We argue that a more limited and targeted use of pretrial detention is needed and more research attention on alternatives to pretrial detention.
{"title":"Locked up and awaiting trial: Testing the criminogenic and punitive effects of spending a week or more in pretrial detention","authors":"Matthew DeMichele, Ian A. Silver, Ryan M. Labrecque","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12685","url":null,"abstract":"Research summaryThis study provides a rigorous assessment of the public safety benefits of pretrial detention by estimating the criminogenic and punitive effects of spending at least 1 week in pretrial detention across three jail systems in two states. We use a doubly robust difference‐in‐differences design to show that pretrial detention increases the odds for someone to miss a court appearance or be arrested by roughly 50% and increases the odds of convictions by 36%. This evidence was support by a series of supplemental analyses demonstrating that spending more than 1 day and spending more than 3 days in pretrial detention increased the odds of negative pretrial outcomes compared to someone who was booked and released from jail. The findings of this study provide evidence that pretrial detention can be counterproductive to public safety in that it leads to increased likelihood that individuals will miss court and be arrested for new crimes.Policy implicationsJails are a unique criminal justice contact point because they hold individuals at different stages of case processing, including individuals awaiting trial, and those serving shorter sentences or waiting to be transferred to prison. Pretrial release is arguably one of the most consequential decisions in case processing for an individual. Combining our findings with the punitive and collateral effects of time spent in pretrial detention signals a need for policies to identify effective methods of release that maximize liberty, safety, and equity and minimize the criminogenic effects of pretrial detention. Jails are inhabited with pretrial detainees, detention makes outcomes worse for these detainees, and detention does not deliver on public safety as intended. We argue that a more limited and targeted use of pretrial detention is needed and more research attention on alternatives to pretrial detention.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142405198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research SummaryWe examined darknet user discussions on the Dread forum to identify key themes and emerging topics in fraud planning, focusing additionally on elderly victimization. Using the conceptual framework of criminogenic learning to study the process of fraud planning in darknet communities of practice, we analyzed the content of original user posts (n = 818) and comments (n = 1365) collected from the Dread forum. We identified nine unique fraud categories, of which payments‐related fraud was the most‐discussed fraud category and accounted for 25% of original user posts. We further found our sampled forum content to be dominated by the theme of learning or knowledge sharing in eight of the nine fraud categories, which appeared in more than 44% of original user posts. Our content analysis revealed specific insights into why and how darknet forum users may target people, including the elderly subpopulation, for different types of fraud. Overall, our research demonstrates the diversity of opinion and knowledge sharing among darknet forum users in relation to planning and committing fraud against the elderly, views on who is a suitable target and why, and what veteran and aspiring fraudsters consider to be important information for success in fraud.Policy ImplicationsUtilized independently or as part of a multistage strategy of darknet data analysis, our research method can be used to monitor criminally active darknet forums for current and emerging themes in fraud against general populations and vulnerable subpopulations, such as the elderly, and to develop strategies to identify, disrupt, or destroy hubs of criminal planning and knowledge sharing. Our study additionally informs policy makers of certain elder‐specific vulnerabilities that might be addressed by more up‐to‐date elder cybercrime awareness campaigns and initiatives. Our findings also highlight the presence of insider threats that may inform discussions on how health and financial institutions can better regulate these cybersecurity risks.
{"title":"Lessons learned from Dread darknet communities: How and why are fraudsters targeting the elderly to be victims or accomplices?","authors":"Kenji Logie, Sumita Das","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12684","url":null,"abstract":"Research SummaryWe examined darknet user discussions on the Dread forum to identify key themes and emerging topics in fraud planning, focusing additionally on elderly victimization. Using the conceptual framework of criminogenic learning to study the process of fraud planning in darknet communities of practice, we analyzed the content of original user posts (<jats:italic>n</jats:italic> = 818) and comments (<jats:italic>n</jats:italic> = 1365) collected from the Dread forum. We identified nine unique fraud categories, of which payments‐related fraud was the most‐discussed fraud category and accounted for 25% of original user posts. We further found our sampled forum content to be dominated by the theme of learning or knowledge sharing in eight of the nine fraud categories, which appeared in more than 44% of original user posts. Our content analysis revealed specific insights into why and how darknet forum users may target people, including the elderly subpopulation, for different types of fraud. Overall, our research demonstrates the diversity of opinion and knowledge sharing among darknet forum users in relation to planning and committing fraud against the elderly, views on who is a suitable target and why, and what veteran and aspiring fraudsters consider to be important information for success in fraud.Policy ImplicationsUtilized independently or as part of a multistage strategy of darknet data analysis, our research method can be used to monitor criminally active darknet forums for current and emerging themes in fraud against general populations and vulnerable subpopulations, such as the elderly, and to develop strategies to identify, disrupt, or destroy hubs of criminal planning and knowledge sharing. Our study additionally informs policy makers of certain elder‐specific vulnerabilities that might be addressed by more up‐to‐date elder cybercrime awareness campaigns and initiatives. Our findings also highlight the presence of insider threats that may inform discussions on how health and financial institutions can better regulate these cybersecurity risks.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142329047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research summaryAlthough society benefits when people with criminal records are employed, employers are reluctant to hire them. Can we diminish this reluctance with direct incentives that reduce the cost of employing record‐holders or that compensate for the associated risk? If so, will the beneficial effects of incentives emerge under traditional hiring, where job applicants disclose criminal history information at the application stage, and under Ban‐the‐Box, where they do not? To answer these questions, we conducted two preregistered experiments with a national sample of hiring decision‐makers (n = 1,000). The first was a conjoint analysis where participants chose between applicants who randomly varied on eight attributes, including criminal record (n = 13,998 choices). It corresponded to traditional hiring, where applicants’ criminal records are available at the outset. The second experiment involved a series of picture‐based factorial vignettes depicting tentatively hired employees later discovered to have records (n = 3,989 decisions). It approximated Ban‐the‐Box. In both experiments, a $2,400 tax credit and $25,000 insurance against losses from employee dishonesty reduced participants’ reluctance to hire record‐holders. Rehabilitation certificates also had beneficial effects under Ban‐the‐Box.Policy implicationsAcross two experiments, we found that a $2,400 tax credit and $25,000 insurance both reduced participants’ reluctance to hire record‐holders; they did so under traditional hiring and Ban‐the‐Box, and they did so regardless of whether applicants had misdemeanor or felony convictions. The clear policy implication is that employers should receive both incentives. Two federal programs, the Work Opportunity Tax Credit and the Federal Bonding Program, currently offer similar incentives, but neither program is used widely. Our findings indicate that steps should be taken to increase their use and to expand them. Because rehabilitation certificates were also helpful for getting record‐holders hired, steps should be taken to increase their use as well.
{"title":"Direct incentives may increase employment of people with criminal records","authors":"Shawn D. Bushway, Justin T. Pickett","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12681","url":null,"abstract":"Research summaryAlthough society benefits when people with criminal records are employed, employers are reluctant to hire them. Can we diminish this reluctance with direct incentives that reduce the cost of employing record‐holders or that compensate for the associated risk? If so, will the beneficial effects of incentives emerge under traditional hiring, where job applicants disclose criminal history information at the application stage, and under Ban‐the‐Box, where they do not? To answer these questions, we conducted two preregistered experiments with a national sample of hiring decision‐makers (<jats:italic>n</jats:italic> = 1,000). The first was a conjoint analysis where participants chose between applicants who randomly varied on eight attributes, including criminal record (<jats:italic>n</jats:italic> = 13,998 choices). It corresponded to traditional hiring, where applicants’ criminal records are available at the outset. The second experiment involved a series of picture‐based factorial vignettes depicting tentatively hired employees later discovered to have records (<jats:italic>n</jats:italic> = 3,989 decisions). It approximated Ban‐the‐Box. In both experiments, a $2,400 tax credit and $25,000 insurance against losses from employee dishonesty reduced participants’ reluctance to hire record‐holders. Rehabilitation certificates also had beneficial effects under Ban‐the‐Box.Policy implicationsAcross two experiments, we found that a $2,400 tax credit and $25,000 insurance both reduced participants’ reluctance to hire record‐holders; they did so under traditional hiring and Ban‐the‐Box, and they did so regardless of whether applicants had misdemeanor or felony convictions. The clear policy implication is that employers should receive both incentives. Two federal programs, the Work Opportunity Tax Credit and the Federal Bonding Program, currently offer similar incentives, but neither program is used widely. Our findings indicate that steps should be taken to increase their use and to expand them. Because rehabilitation certificates were also helpful for getting record‐holders hired, steps should be taken to increase their use as well.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142084689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research summaryIn 2012, Chicago closed half of its public mental health clinics, which provide services to those in need regardless of their insurance status or ability to pay. Critics of the closures argued that they would result in service shortages and divert untreated patients to the criminal justice system. We explore this claim by examining whether and to what extent the closures increased criminal justice contact. Using a difference‐in‐differences framework, we compare arrests and mental health transports in block groups located within a half mile of clinics that closed to those equidistant from clinics that remained open. While we find evidence that police‐initiated mental health transports increased following the closures, we do not observe similar changes in arrests.Policy implicationsChicago's mental health clinic closures remain a contentious issue to this day. Our results suggest that the shuttered clinics were meeting a need that, when left unmet, created conditions for mental health emergencies. While the closures do not appear to have routed untreated patients to the county jail, they increased police contact and, subsequently, transportation to less specialized emergency care facilities. Our findings demonstrate the need to strengthen health care access, crisis prevention, and the mental health safety net to preclude police from acting as mental health responders of last resort.
{"title":"Public mental health facility closures and criminal justice contact in Chicago","authors":"Ashley N. Muchow, Agustina Laurito","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12683","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12683","url":null,"abstract":"Research summaryIn 2012, Chicago closed half of its public mental health clinics, which provide services to those in need regardless of their insurance status or ability to pay. Critics of the closures argued that they would result in service shortages and divert untreated patients to the criminal justice system. We explore this claim by examining whether and to what extent the closures increased criminal justice contact. Using a difference‐in‐differences framework, we compare arrests and mental health transports in block groups located within a half mile of clinics that closed to those equidistant from clinics that remained open. While we find evidence that police‐initiated mental health transports increased following the closures, we do not observe similar changes in arrests.Policy implicationsChicago's mental health clinic closures remain a contentious issue to this day. Our results suggest that the shuttered clinics were meeting a need that, when left unmet, created conditions for mental health emergencies. While the closures do not appear to have routed untreated patients to the county jail, they increased police contact and, subsequently, transportation to less specialized emergency care facilities. Our findings demonstrate the need to strengthen health care access, crisis prevention, and the mental health safety net to preclude police from acting as mental health responders of last resort.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142042523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Anthony A. Braga, John M. MacDonald, Stephen Douglas, Brian Wade, Benjamin Struhl
Research SummaryThe evaluation literature suggests that focused deterrence strategies are effective in reducing gun violence. However, focused deterrence is notoriously difficult to implement and sustain. The history of focused deterrence implementation failure raises questions about its viability as a gun violence prevention strategy. Stockton, California, implemented focused deterrence three times during the past 25 years. In its most recent version, Stockton officials explicitly designed the strategy to be a permanent feature of the city's violence prevention portfolio. Although program caseloads diminished over the course of the COVID‐19 pandemic and the strategy faced leadership and resource challenges, Stockton's efforts prevented the program from being discontinued and, for those gang members who did receive treatment, delivered a robust gun violence prevention strategy. A quasi‐experimental evaluation shows that treated gang members were less likely to be shot and reduced their violent offending relative to similar untreated gang members. The focused deterrence impacts also appear to spill over to gang members who were socially connected to treated gang members. Although Stockton experienced an increase in homicides over the course of the COVID‐19 pandemic, the increase was not as steep as other comparable California cities.Policy ImplicationsFocused deterrence strategies can be effective responses to gun violence problems when implemented properly. A priori planning is essential when jurisdictions prepare to adopt focused deterrence. Strategic management actions, such as maintaining a robust network of partnering agencies, developing accountability structures and sustainability plans, and conducting upfront and ongoing problem analysis, are critical elements that must be in place for focused deterrence to be effective and sustainable.
{"title":"Focused deterrence, strategic management, and effective gun violence prevention","authors":"Anthony A. Braga, John M. MacDonald, Stephen Douglas, Brian Wade, Benjamin Struhl","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12682","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12682","url":null,"abstract":"Research SummaryThe evaluation literature suggests that focused deterrence strategies are effective in reducing gun violence. However, focused deterrence is notoriously difficult to implement and sustain. The history of focused deterrence implementation failure raises questions about its viability as a gun violence prevention strategy. Stockton, California, implemented focused deterrence three times during the past 25 years. In its most recent version, Stockton officials explicitly designed the strategy to be a permanent feature of the city's violence prevention portfolio. Although program caseloads diminished over the course of the COVID‐19 pandemic and the strategy faced leadership and resource challenges, Stockton's efforts prevented the program from being discontinued and, for those gang members who did receive treatment, delivered a robust gun violence prevention strategy. A quasi‐experimental evaluation shows that treated gang members were less likely to be shot and reduced their violent offending relative to similar untreated gang members. The focused deterrence impacts also appear to spill over to gang members who were socially connected to treated gang members. Although Stockton experienced an increase in homicides over the course of the COVID‐19 pandemic, the increase was not as steep as other comparable California cities.Policy ImplicationsFocused deterrence strategies can be effective responses to gun violence problems when implemented properly. A priori planning is essential when jurisdictions prepare to adopt focused deterrence. Strategic management actions, such as maintaining a robust network of partnering agencies, developing accountability structures and sustainability plans, and conducting upfront and ongoing problem analysis, are critical elements that must be in place for focused deterrence to be effective and sustainable.","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141857787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}