Jordan R. Riddell, Bruce A. Jacobs, Andrew T. Krajewski
Research summary
This study investigated the effect of an expanded police station citation release policy enacted in Washington, DC in March 2020 on eight types of crime: homicide, sex abuse, robbery, assault with a dangerous weapon, burglary, motor vehicle theft, theft from motor vehicles, and other theft. Monthly-level multivariate time series analyses employed data from 2013-2022 and accounted for the relationship between crime, arrests, and the jail population. The expanded policy was hypothesized to increase certain property crimes based on the new guidelines, but results indicated the policy modification was associated with changes in citywide crime counts for one type of crime: homicide.
Policy implications
Efforts around the United States to decarcerate the pre-trial jail population should examine potential unintended consequences for public safety. The current study failed to detect a statistically significant increase in seven of the eight types of crime during the expanded use of one jail decarceration approach, police station citation release. In the future, jurisdictions looking to reduce their jail population might consider citation release as a speedy and cost-effective alternative to release-on-recognizance, but they should take care to monitor individual defendants and evaluate their own program.
{"title":"Catch and release: Testing the effect of a citation release policy on crime in Washington, DC","authors":"Jordan R. Riddell, Bruce A. Jacobs, Andrew T. Krajewski","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12659","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12659","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This study investigated the effect of an expanded police station citation release policy enacted in Washington, DC in March 2020 on eight types of crime: homicide, sex abuse, robbery, assault with a dangerous weapon, burglary, motor vehicle theft, theft from motor vehicles, and other theft. Monthly-level multivariate time series analyses employed data from 2013-2022 and accounted for the relationship between crime, arrests, and the jail population. The expanded policy was hypothesized to increase certain property crimes based on the new guidelines, but results indicated the policy modification was associated with changes in citywide crime counts for one type of crime: homicide.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Efforts around the United States to decarcerate the pre-trial jail population should examine potential unintended consequences for public safety. The current study failed to detect a statistically significant increase in seven of the eight types of crime during the expanded use of one jail decarceration approach, police station citation release. In the future, jurisdictions looking to reduce their jail population might consider citation release as a speedy and cost-effective alternative to release-on-recognizance, but they should take care to monitor individual defendants and evaluate their own program.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 2","pages":"491-513"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139489859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Brenden Beck, Joseph Antonelli, Angela LaScala-Gruenewald
Research Summary
Following high-profile police killings, many U.S. cities banned officers from using chokeholds and other neck restraints. The evidence for such bans, however, is limited. To test whether use-of-force policies prohibiting neck restraints are related to fewer police killings, we use three modeling approaches to analyze 2183 U.S. cities between 2009 and 2021. Police killings were lower in places that adopted neck-restraint bans and the bans were associated with less crime and fewer assaults on officers, net of controls. Because officer labor unions can affect use-of-force policies and the frequency of police killings, we also analyzed them, finding unionization increased the likelihood a city had a neck-restraint ban and had a null or negative association with police killings.
Policy Implications
Adopting a neck-restraint ban is likely an effective way to reduce deaths due to police use of force with minimal collateral consequences. The bans operate through a diffuse discouragement of many types of lethal force or as a part of an array of use-of-force policies. Their direct relationship to asphyxiation deaths remains unclear. Officer unionization is unlikely to change the frequency of police killings, except through its association with stricter use-of-force policies.
{"title":"Neck-restraint bans, law enforcement officer unions, and police killings","authors":"Brenden Beck, Joseph Antonelli, Angela LaScala-Gruenewald","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12658","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12658","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research Summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Following high-profile police killings, many U.S. cities banned officers from using chokeholds and other neck restraints. The evidence for such bans, however, is limited. To test whether use-of-force policies prohibiting neck restraints are related to fewer police killings, we use three modeling approaches to analyze 2183 U.S. cities between 2009 and 2021. Police killings were lower in places that adopted neck-restraint bans and the bans were associated with less crime and fewer assaults on officers, net of controls. Because officer labor unions can affect use-of-force policies and the frequency of police killings, we also analyzed them, finding unionization increased the likelihood a city had a neck-restraint ban and had a null or negative association with police killings.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy Implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Adopting a neck-restraint ban is likely an effective way to reduce deaths due to police use of force with minimal collateral consequences. The bans operate through a diffuse discouragement of many types of lethal force or as a part of an array of use-of-force policies. Their direct relationship to asphyxiation deaths remains unclear. Officer unionization is unlikely to change the frequency of police killings, except through its association with stricter use-of-force policies.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 3","pages":"663-688"},"PeriodicalIF":3.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12658","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139489772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Charlotte Gill, David Weisburd, Denise Nazaire, Heather Prince, Claudia Gross Shader
Research Summary
This paper describes Rainier Beach: A Beautiful Safe Place for Youth (ABSPY), a community-led, place-based, data-driven initiative to improve community safety and reduce crime involving young people at hot spots in Seattle, Washington. The ABSPY model puts crime prevention into the hands of the community, compared to traditional problem-solving approaches that may involve community stakeholders but are led by the police. We evaluated the initiative using a quasi-experimental research design comparing the five hot spots in the Rainier Beach neighborhood, where ABSPY was implemented, to five similarly situated hot spots elsewhere in the city. We used 9 years of police calls for service and offense reports, from 2011 to 2019, to assess ABSPY's effects on crime and a five-wave community survey conducted pre- and 4 years post-implementation to examine community perceptions. Although there were no significant effects on calls for service or crime, ABSPY significantly improved community members’ perceptions of serious crime and the police in the short and medium term.
Policy Implications
Our results show positive changes in community perceptions that offer a foundation for relationship and capacity building in problem-solving efforts. Although ABSPY is not associated with reductions in crime, our results suggest that even communities with entrenched crime problems can leverage this capacity to reduce crime in the longer term. Community coalitions also offer some benefits relative to police-led efforts, such as shared culture and values; stability; and consistency. However, community coalitions must build capacity for action as well as community engagement, and consider if and how the police should be involved, ensuring that the specific expertise of each coalition member is leveraged. Furthermore, our study highlights the importance of identifying measures of crime that are not affected by increased trust and collaboration between the police and the community.
{"title":"Building “A Beautiful Safe Place for Youth” through problem-oriented community organizing: A quasi-experimental evaluation","authors":"Charlotte Gill, David Weisburd, Denise Nazaire, Heather Prince, Claudia Gross Shader","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12657","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12657","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research Summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This paper describes <i>Rainier Beach: A Beautiful Safe Place for Youth</i> (ABSPY), a community-led, place-based, data-driven initiative to improve community safety and reduce crime involving young people at hot spots in Seattle, Washington. The ABSPY model puts crime prevention into the hands of the community, compared to traditional problem-solving approaches that may involve community stakeholders but are led by the police. We evaluated the initiative using a quasi-experimental research design comparing the five hot spots in the Rainier Beach neighborhood, where ABSPY was implemented, to five similarly situated hot spots elsewhere in the city. We used 9 years of police calls for service and offense reports, from 2011 to 2019, to assess ABSPY's effects on crime and a five-wave community survey conducted pre- and 4 years post-implementation to examine community perceptions. Although there were no significant effects on calls for service or crime, ABSPY significantly improved community members’ perceptions of serious crime and the police in the short and medium term.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy Implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Our results show positive changes in community perceptions that offer a foundation for relationship and capacity building in problem-solving efforts. Although ABSPY is not associated with reductions in crime, our results suggest that even communities with entrenched crime problems can leverage this capacity to reduce crime in the longer term. Community coalitions also offer some benefits relative to police-led efforts, such as shared culture and values; stability; and consistency. However, community coalitions must build capacity for action as well as community engagement, and consider if and how the police should be involved, ensuring that the specific expertise of each coalition member is leveraged. Furthermore, our study highlights the importance of identifying measures of crime that are not affected by increased trust and collaboration between the police and the community.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 2","pages":"287-325"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12657","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139110313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Keller G. Sheppard, Jorge L. Hernandez, Jovontae Butts, Orlando Mendonca, Julie C. Orange
Research Summary
Juvenile justice agencies are increasing their emphasis on early intervention and prevention services as a growing body of research evinces their effectiveness and cost efficiency. The present study analyzed the relationship between individual risk factors, contextual risk factors, and future juvenile justice involvement for 30,328 Florida youth residing in 3309 census tracts served by prevention programs. A series of two-level logistic regressions indicated that several distinct criminological domains (e.g., aggression, relationships, family, substance use, and attitudes/behaviors) predict future juvenile justice system involvement. However, education-related risk factors are among the most consequential for all youth, especially older youth. Concerning community context, neighborhood disadvantage directly affects system involvement, but only for youth under 12.
Policy Implications
These findings indicate the importance of addressing highly consequential risk factors—especially educational deficits—of youth in early intervention and prevention programs while also recognizing the impact of their social environments. Agencies attempting to work upstream with prevention services may benefit from prioritizing educational services and allocating resources to highly disadvantaged communities for early intervention programming.
{"title":"Working upstream: A statewide analysis of individual and contextual risk factors for future juvenile justice involvement among youth receiving prevention services","authors":"Keller G. Sheppard, Jorge L. Hernandez, Jovontae Butts, Orlando Mendonca, Julie C. Orange","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12656","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12656","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research Summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Juvenile justice agencies are increasing their emphasis on early intervention and prevention services as a growing body of research evinces their effectiveness and cost efficiency. The present study analyzed the relationship between individual risk factors, contextual risk factors, and future juvenile justice involvement for 30,328 Florida youth residing in 3309 census tracts served by prevention programs. A series of two-level logistic regressions indicated that several distinct criminological domains (e.g., aggression, relationships, family, substance use, and attitudes/behaviors) predict future juvenile justice system involvement. However, education-related risk factors are among the most consequential for all youth, especially older youth. Concerning community context, neighborhood disadvantage directly affects system involvement, but only for youth under 12.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy Implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>These findings indicate the importance of addressing highly consequential risk factors—especially educational deficits—of youth in early intervention and prevention programs while also recognizing the impact of their social environments. Agencies attempting to work upstream with prevention services may benefit from prioritizing educational services and allocating resources to highly disadvantaged communities for early intervention programming.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 2","pages":"227-260"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138582942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sharon S. Oselin, Justine G. M. Ross, Qingfang Wang, Wei Kang
Research summary
We examine the efficacy of the California Fair Chance Act (CFCA) policy—legislative stipulations regarding employers’ hiring of individuals with criminal records—on practices and outcomes in two Southern California counties during 2021. We rely on survey and experiment data with 542 hiring decision makers to investigate employer and personal compliance with the CFCA, whether applicant appeals affect employers’ willingness to hire them, and heterogeneity in treatment effects across firms and industries. Close to 80% of hiring decision makers violate the CFCA by obtaining background information before they extend an offer, appeals have a minimal impact on hiring outcomes, and firm-level characteristics continue to shape hiring practices to some extent.
Policy implications
Although certain firms comply with the relatively new CFCA, most employers violate it by seeking applicant criminal background information, a practice that has profound consequences for those with criminal records as well as other disadvantaged groups. This finding underscores the discrepancy between de jure and de facto policy practices. Better statewide enforcement of the CFCA coupled with increased employer educational training could help reform it and improve policy adherence. Given it is a young policy, future research should continue to assess the CFCA's efficacy over time.
{"title":"Fair Chance Act failures? Employers’ hiring of people with criminal records","authors":"Sharon S. Oselin, Justine G. M. Ross, Qingfang Wang, Wei Kang","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12655","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12655","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>We examine the efficacy of the California Fair Chance Act (CFCA) policy—legislative stipulations regarding employers’ hiring of individuals with criminal records—on practices and outcomes in two Southern California counties during 2021. We rely on survey and experiment data with 542 hiring decision makers to investigate employer and personal compliance with the CFCA, whether applicant appeals affect employers’ willingness to hire them, and heterogeneity in treatment effects across firms and industries. Close to 80% of hiring decision makers violate the CFCA by obtaining background information before they extend an offer, appeals have a minimal impact on hiring outcomes, and firm-level characteristics continue to shape hiring practices to some extent.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Although certain firms comply with the relatively new CFCA, most employers violate it by seeking applicant criminal background information, a practice that has profound consequences for those with criminal records as well as other disadvantaged groups. This finding underscores the discrepancy between de jure and de facto policy practices. Better statewide enforcement of the CFCA coupled with increased employer educational training could help reform it and improve policy adherence. Given it is a young policy, future research should continue to assess the CFCA's efficacy over time.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 2","pages":"361-390"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2023-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12655","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138442790","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Eric L. Piza, David N. Hatten, George O. Mohler, Jeremy G. Carter, Jisoo Cho
Research Summary
We apply the microsynthetic control method to evaluate the gun violence prevention effect of gunshot detection technology (GDT) in Kansas City, MO. We measure the influence of GDT on process measures (ballistic evidence collection and gun recoveries) and outcome measures (shots fired calls for service, non-fatal shootings, fatal shootings, and aggravated assaults and robberies committed with a firearm). The GDT system was associated with higher levels of ballistic evidence collection in the GDT target area and surrounding catchment area, higher levels of gun recoveries in the surrounding catchment area, and lower levels of shots fired calls for service in the GDT target area. The GDT system did not influence any of the gun violence categories involving confirmed victims (non-fatal shootings, fatal shootings, and aggravated assaults and robberies committed with a firearm).
Policy Implications
Agencies that highly prioritize increasing evidence collection and reducing unauthorized firearm discharges may consider dedicating necessary resources to acquire GDT. Agencies that prioritize the reduction of gun violence victimization, however, should consider whether resources are better used for solutions other than GDT. Moving forward, violence prevention scholars should strive to identify contextual factors that facilitate or mitigate the GDT system effect, in an attempt to better understand how to deploy GDT in a manner that maximizes the likelihood of success. This would provide additional guidance to public safety agencies looking to maximize return on investment. Continued adoption of GDT should perhaps be contingent upon the development of such research, given the high cost of the technology.
{"title":"Gunshot detection technology effect on gun violence in Kansas City, Missouri: A microsynthetic control evaluation","authors":"Eric L. Piza, David N. Hatten, George O. Mohler, Jeremy G. Carter, Jisoo Cho","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12648","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12648","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research Summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>We apply the microsynthetic control method to evaluate the gun violence prevention effect of gunshot detection technology (GDT) in Kansas City, MO. We measure the influence of GDT on process measures (ballistic evidence collection and gun recoveries) and outcome measures (shots fired calls for service, non-fatal shootings, fatal shootings, and aggravated assaults and robberies committed with a firearm). The GDT system was associated with higher levels of ballistic evidence collection in the GDT target area and surrounding catchment area, higher levels of gun recoveries in the surrounding catchment area, and lower levels of shots fired calls for service in the GDT target area. The GDT system did not influence any of the gun violence categories involving confirmed victims (non-fatal shootings, fatal shootings, and aggravated assaults and robberies committed with a firearm).</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy Implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Agencies that highly prioritize increasing evidence collection and reducing unauthorized firearm discharges may consider dedicating necessary resources to acquire GDT. Agencies that prioritize the reduction of gun violence victimization, however, should consider whether resources are better used for solutions other than GDT. Moving forward, violence prevention scholars should strive to identify contextual factors that facilitate or mitigate the GDT system effect, in an attempt to better understand how to deploy GDT in a manner that maximizes the likelihood of success. This would provide additional guidance to public safety agencies looking to maximize return on investment. Continued adoption of GDT should perhaps be contingent upon the development of such research, given the high cost of the technology.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 4","pages":"863-892"},"PeriodicalIF":3.5,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12648","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138442842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The increasing presence of armed security personnel in schools has led to concerns about the criminalization of students. While many schools use sworn law enforcement (e.g. school resource officers or SROs), many schools also use security guards who are not sworn law enforcement. Recent policy changes in a number of states and political pressures resulting from acts of mass school violence have led policymakers to face decisions between the use of SROs and security guards. This study informs this policy debate by empirically examining the relationships between security guards and SROs with rates of student behavior, discipline, and arrest using nationally representative data from the Civil Rights Data Collection. Controlling for observable covariates and school district fixed effects, we find that, in contrast to SROs, the use of security guards in schools is not systematically related to student arrest or suspension rates. The findings suggest that non-sworn security guards may provide a form of security personnel that minimizes the criminalization of students relative to SROs.
Policy Implications
As school districts nationwide grapple with how to respond to school shootings and other acts of school violence, policymakers have frequently turned to the use of school security personnel, including SROs and security guards, as a response. Doing so, however, has been contentious given concerns about the overcriminalization of students. This study provides evidence to inform these policy debates by demonstrating the relationships between security guards and SROs and a number of outcomes. The results suggest that the use of security guards as a policy response may minimize arrests and exclusionary discipline relative to the use of SROs.
{"title":"On guard but not sworn: The relationship between school security guards, school resource officers, and student behavior, discipline, and arrests","authors":"Keenen Vernon, F. Chris Curran","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12653","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12653","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research Summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>The increasing presence of armed security personnel in schools has led to concerns about the criminalization of students. While many schools use sworn law enforcement (e.g. school resource officers or SROs), many schools also use security guards who are not sworn law enforcement. Recent policy changes in a number of states and political pressures resulting from acts of mass school violence have led policymakers to face decisions between the use of SROs and security guards. This study informs this policy debate by empirically examining the relationships between security guards and SROs with rates of student behavior, discipline, and arrest using nationally representative data from the Civil Rights Data Collection. Controlling for observable covariates and school district fixed effects, we find that, in contrast to SROs, the use of security guards in schools is not systematically related to student arrest or suspension rates. The findings suggest that non-sworn security guards may provide a form of security personnel that minimizes the criminalization of students relative to SROs.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy Implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>As school districts nationwide grapple with how to respond to school shootings and other acts of school violence, policymakers have frequently turned to the use of school security personnel, including SROs and security guards, as a response. Doing so, however, has been contentious given concerns about the overcriminalization of students. This study provides evidence to inform these policy debates by demonstrating the relationships between security guards and SROs and a number of outcomes. The results suggest that the use of security guards as a policy response may minimize arrests and exclusionary discipline relative to the use of SROs.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 2","pages":"327-360"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138442789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
European law enforcement agencies have begun to use targeted online ad campaigns to raise cybercrime awareness among at-risk populations. Despite their rapid proliferation, there is little research to support their efficacy and effectiveness. This study uses a quasi-experimental difference-in-differences design to evaluate the effect of seven campaigns deployed in 2021 and 2022 on the volume of (distributed) denial-of-service or (D)DoS-attacks recorded in six European countries: Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and Portugal. The results show mixed effects, suggesting that the campaigns are not clearly effective in reducing DDoS-attacks in the short term.
Policy Implications
Law enforcement has partly justified the use of targeted online ad campaigns on the premise that they reduce DDoS-attacks. However, this study shows that the evidence in this regard is inconclusive. If public support for the use of such campaigns is to be secured in the long term, law enforcement will likely need to rely on stronger arguments. The effect of this type of campaigns needs to be further investigated.
{"title":"The effect of online ad campaigns on DDoS-attacks: A cross-national difference-in-differences quasi-experiment","authors":"Asier Moneva, Rutger Leukfeldt","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12649","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12649","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research Summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>European law enforcement agencies have begun to use targeted online ad campaigns to raise cybercrime awareness among at-risk populations. Despite their rapid proliferation, there is little research to support their efficacy and effectiveness. This study uses a quasi-experimental difference-in-differences design to evaluate the effect of seven campaigns deployed in 2021 and 2022 on the volume of (distributed) denial-of-service or (D)DoS-attacks recorded in six European countries: Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and Portugal. The results show mixed effects, suggesting that the campaigns are not clearly effective in reducing DDoS-attacks in the short term.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy Implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Law enforcement has partly justified the use of targeted online ad campaigns on the premise that they reduce DDoS-attacks. However, this study shows that the evidence in this regard is inconclusive. If public support for the use of such campaigns is to be secured in the long term, law enforcement will likely need to rely on stronger arguments. The effect of this type of campaigns needs to be further investigated.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"22 4","pages":"869-894"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12649","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71507021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Priyanka Goonetilleke, Alex Knorre, Artem Kuriksha
Research Summary
We present a comprehensive description of Hydra, the largest darknet marketplace in the world until its shutdown in April 2022. We document the main features of Hydra such as dead-drop delivery, feedback and reputation system, escrow, and dispute resolution. Using data scraped from the platform, we quantitatively examine the scale and the structure of the marketplace. We find that it has been highly competitive, geographically covering at least 69% of the Russian population and trading a wide variety of drugs, while also allowing the wholesale trade of drugs and precursors. The dead-drop delivery system used on Hydra was expensive, as the courier costs comprised a substantial proportion of the sale price of drugs on Hydra. We contribute to the research on drug cryptomarkets by studying an unprecedentedly large non-Western marketplace that existed substantially longer than any other known darknet market.
Policy Implications
The phenomenon of Hydra shows that shut-down policies applied to darknet marketplaces have a large effect and implicitly shape the whole drug market. Without these policies, a pervasive digitalization of the drug trade can occur. The major cost of allowing marketplaces to grow is the probable increase in the consumption of illegal drugs due to convenience for consumers and facilitated cooperation between suppliers. This cost must be weighed against the potential benefits, including a higher quality of drugs, a decrease in potential violence, and the incentives for a large marketplace to self-regulate. The case of Hydra also suggests the relevance of financial regulation to limit the growth of darknet marketplaces.
{"title":"Hydra: Lessons from the world's largest darknet market","authors":"Priyanka Goonetilleke, Alex Knorre, Artem Kuriksha","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12647","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12647","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research Summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>We present a comprehensive description of Hydra, the largest darknet marketplace in the world until its shutdown in April 2022. We document the main features of Hydra such as dead-drop delivery, feedback and reputation system, escrow, and dispute resolution. Using data scraped from the platform, we quantitatively examine the scale and the structure of the marketplace. We find that it has been highly competitive, geographically covering at least 69% of the Russian population and trading a wide variety of drugs, while also allowing the wholesale trade of drugs and precursors. The dead-drop delivery system used on Hydra was expensive, as the courier costs comprised a substantial proportion of the sale price of drugs on Hydra. We contribute to the research on drug cryptomarkets by studying an unprecedentedly large non-Western marketplace that existed substantially longer than any other known darknet market.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy Implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>The phenomenon of Hydra shows that shut-down policies applied to darknet marketplaces have a large effect and implicitly shape the whole drug market. Without these policies, a pervasive digitalization of the drug trade can occur. The major cost of allowing marketplaces to grow is the probable increase in the consumption of illegal drugs due to convenience for consumers and facilitated cooperation between suppliers. This cost must be weighed against the potential benefits, including a higher quality of drugs, a decrease in potential violence, and the incentives for a large marketplace to self-regulate. The case of Hydra also suggests the relevance of financial regulation to limit the growth of darknet marketplaces.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"22 4","pages":"735-777"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2023-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12647","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71507019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cynthia Lum, Christopher S. Koper, Jin R. Lee, Thomas J. Holt
{"title":"","authors":"Cynthia Lum, Christopher S. Koper, Jin R. Lee, Thomas J. Holt","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12654","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12654","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"22 4","pages":"589-590"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"109171869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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