Criminology & Public Policy最新文献_第4页

Direct incentives may increase employment of people with criminal records 直接激励措施可增加有犯罪记录者的就业机会

IF 3.5 1区社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2024-08-25 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12681

Shawn D. Bushway, Justin T. Pickett

Research summary

Although society benefits when people with criminal records are employed, employers are reluctant to hire them. Can we diminish this reluctance with direct incentives that reduce the cost of employing record-holders or that compensate for the associated risk? If so, will the beneficial effects of incentives emerge under traditional hiring, where job applicants disclose criminal history information at the application stage, and under Ban-the-Box, where they do not? To answer these questions, we conducted two preregistered experiments with a national sample of hiring decision-makers (n = 1,000). The first was a conjoint analysis where participants chose between applicants who randomly varied on eight attributes, including criminal record (n = 13,998 choices). It corresponded to traditional hiring, where applicants’ criminal records are available at the outset. The second experiment involved a series of picture-based factorial vignettes depicting tentatively hired employees later discovered to have records (n = 3,989 decisions). It approximated Ban-the-Box. In both experiments, a $2,400 tax credit and $25,000 insurance against losses from employee dishonesty reduced participants’ reluctance to hire record-holders. Rehabilitation certificates also had beneficial effects under Ban-the-Box.

Policy implications

Across two experiments, we found that a $2,400 tax credit and $25,000 insurance both reduced participants’ reluctance to hire record-holders; they did so under traditional hiring and Ban-the-Box, and they did so regardless of whether applicants had misdemeanor or felony convictions. The clear policy implication is that employers should receive both incentives. Two federal programs, the Work Opportunity Tax Credit and the Federal Bonding Program, currently offer similar incentives, but neither program is used widely. Our findings indicate that steps should be taken to increase their use and to expand them. Because rehabilitation certificates were also helpful for getting record-holders hired, steps should be taken to increase their use as well.

研究摘要虽然有犯罪记录的人就业对社会有益，但雇主却不愿雇用他们。我们能否通过直接的激励措施来减少这种不情愿，从而降低雇用有犯罪记录者的成本或补偿相关风险？如果可以，那么在求职者在申请阶段就披露犯罪记录信息的传统招聘方式下，以及在不披露犯罪记录信息的 "禁酒令 "下，激励措施是否会产生有益的影响？为了回答这些问题，我们对全国的招聘决策者样本（n = 1,000）进行了两次预先登记的实验。第一个实验是联合分析，参与者在包括犯罪记录在内的八个属性随机变化的申请人中进行选择（n = 13,998 个选择）。该实验与传统的招聘方法相对应，即一开始就可以获得申请人的犯罪记录。第二个实验涉及一系列以图片为基础的因子小故事，描述的是被初步录用的员工后来被发现有犯罪记录的情况（n = 3,989 个决定）。该实验近似于 "禁止箱 "实验。在这两项实验中，2400 美元的税收减免和 25000 美元的员工不诚实损失保险降低了参与者不愿雇用有记录者的程度。政策含义在两个实验中，我们发现，2400 美元的税收减免和 25000 美元的保险都降低了参与者不愿意雇用有案底者的程度；在传统招聘和 "Ban-the-Box "实验中，它们都起到了这样的作用，而且无论申请人是否有轻罪或重罪前科，它们都起到了这样的作用。其政策含义显然是，雇主应该同时获得这两种激励。目前有两项联邦计划--工作机会税收抵免计划和联邦担保计划--提供类似的激励措施，但这两项计划都没有得到广泛应用。我们的研究结果表明，应该采取措施增加和扩大这两项计划的使用范围。由于康复证书也有助于记录保持者获得就业，因此也应采取措施增加其使用。

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引用次数: 0

Public mental health facility closures and criminal justice contact in Chicago 芝加哥公共精神卫生机构的关闭与刑事司法接触

IF 3.5 1区社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2024-08-21 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12683

Ashley N. Muchow, Agustina Laurito

Research summary

In 2012, Chicago closed half of its public mental health clinics, which provide services to those in need regardless of their insurance status or ability to pay. Critics of the closures argued that they would result in service shortages and divert untreated patients to the criminal justice system. We explore this claim by examining whether and to what extent the closures increased criminal justice contact. Using a difference-in-differences framework, we compare arrests and mental health transports in block groups located within a half mile of clinics that closed to those equidistant from clinics that remained open. While we find evidence that police-initiated mental health transports increased following the closures, we do not observe similar changes in arrests.

Policy implications

Chicago's mental health clinic closures remain a contentious issue to this day. Our results suggest that the shuttered clinics were meeting a need that, when left unmet, created conditions for mental health emergencies. While the closures do not appear to have routed untreated patients to the county jail, they increased police contact and, subsequently, transportation to less specialized emergency care facilities. Our findings demonstrate the need to strengthen health care access, crisis prevention, and the mental health safety net to preclude police from acting as mental health responders of last resort.

研究摘要 2012 年，芝加哥关闭了一半的公共心理健康诊所，这些诊所为有需要的人提供服务，无论其保险状况或支付能力如何。对关闭诊所持批评态度的人认为，这将导致服务短缺，并将未经治疗的患者转送到刑事司法系统。我们通过研究关闭医疗机构是否以及在多大程度上增加了刑事司法接触来探讨这一观点。我们采用了差分法框架，比较了位于关闭诊所半英里范围内的街区组和距离仍在营业的诊所相等的街区组的逮捕率和心理健康转运率。虽然我们发现有证据表明，在诊所关闭后，由警方发起的心理健康转送有所增加，但我们并没有观察到逮捕方面的类似变化。我们的研究结果表明，被关闭的诊所满足了人们的需求，而这种需求如果得不到满足，就会为精神健康突发事件的发生创造条件。虽然关闭诊所似乎并没有将未经治疗的病人送往县监狱，但却增加了与警方的接触，并随之增加了将病人送往专业性较低的急救机构的次数。我们的研究结果表明，有必要加强医疗服务、危机预防和心理健康安全网的建设，以避免警察成为心理健康问题的最后应对者。

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引用次数: 0

Focused deterrence, strategic management, and effective gun violence prevention 集中威慑、战略管理和有效预防枪支暴力

IF 3.5 1区社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2024-07-30 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12682

Anthony A. Braga, John M. MacDonald, Stephen Douglas, Brian Wade, Benjamin Struhl

Research Summary

The evaluation literature suggests that focused deterrence strategies are effective in reducing gun violence. However, focused deterrence is notoriously difficult to implement and sustain. The history of focused deterrence implementation failure raises questions about its viability as a gun violence prevention strategy. Stockton, California, implemented focused deterrence three times during the past 25 years. In its most recent version, Stockton officials explicitly designed the strategy to be a permanent feature of the city's violence prevention portfolio. Although program caseloads diminished over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic and the strategy faced leadership and resource challenges, Stockton's efforts prevented the program from being discontinued and, for those gang members who did receive treatment, delivered a robust gun violence prevention strategy. A quasi-experimental evaluation shows that treated gang members were less likely to be shot and reduced their violent offending relative to similar untreated gang members. The focused deterrence impacts also appear to spill over to gang members who were socially connected to treated gang members. Although Stockton experienced an increase in homicides over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic, the increase was not as steep as other comparable California cities.

Policy Implications

Focused deterrence strategies can be effective responses to gun violence problems when implemented properly. A priori planning is essential when jurisdictions prepare to adopt focused deterrence. Strategic management actions, such as maintaining a robust network of partnering agencies, developing accountability structures and sustainability plans, and conducting upfront and ongoing problem analysis, are critical elements that must be in place for focused deterrence to be effective and sustainable.

研究摘要评估文献表明，重点威慑策略能有效减少枪支暴力。然而，重点威慑却很难实施和维持。重点威慑实施失败的历史让人怀疑其作为枪支暴力预防策略的可行性。过去 25 年中，加利福尼亚州斯托克顿曾三次实施重点威慑。在最近的版本中，斯托克顿的官员明确将该战略设计为该市暴力预防组合的永久性特征。尽管在 COVID-19 大流行的过程中，项目案例数量有所减少，而且该战略面临着领导力和资源方面的挑战，但斯托克顿的努力阻止了项目的终止，并为那些接受治疗的帮派成员提供了强有力的枪支暴力预防战略。一项准实验性评估显示，与未接受治疗的类似帮派成员相比，接受治疗的帮派成员被枪击的可能性更低，暴力犯罪行为也有所减少。集中威慑的影响似乎还波及到了与接受治疗的帮派成员有社会关系的帮派成员。虽然斯托克顿在 COVID-19 大流行期间凶杀案有所增加，但增幅不如加州其他同类城市那么大。当司法管辖区准备采用重点威慑时，事先规划至关重要。战略管理行动，如维持一个强大的合作机构网络、制定问责结构和可持续发展计划以及进行前期和持续的问题分析，是重点威慑有效和可持续发展所必须具备的关键要素。

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引用次数: 0

Diverting 911 calls: Lessons from early adopting urban jurisdictions 转移 911 电话：早期采用城市管辖区的经验教训

IF 3.5 1区社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2024-07-15 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12680

Greg Midgette, Peter Reuter

Research Summary

Two perceptions drive interest in finding ways of diverting more 911 calls from police to civilian first responders: (1) police responses can result in inadvertent harm to citizens and (2) many calls to which police respond require services that police often cannot provide. Thus, using other personnel may improve police–citizen relations and strengthen crime fighting by reducing extraneous police burden. Using a case study design, we conducted formative evaluations of programs that have developed beyond pilots in three large U.S. cities: Albuquerque, Atlanta, and Houston. In each city, we interviewed officials, program operators, and other stakeholders and reviewed program documents and statistics. We detail the events and forces that led to the establishment of each program, the way in which the programs have been institutionalized, and the way they interact with the police department. We then discuss key lessons learned for these jurisdictions.

Policy Implications

Many U.S. cities are considering diverting some emergency calls for service from police to civilian first responders. This analysis provides evidence to aid policy makers, researchers, and other stakeholders in the development and evaluation of community responder programs. In all respects, we find that cities’ unique experiences inform program design. For example, in Albuquerque, a City Hall-driven initiative established a new city agency parallel to the police department. In Atlanta, decarceration activists drove the initiative; the program is a city/county-funded nonprofit, more fragile in its funding. Risk aversion among call takers and dispatchers has led to low call diversion rates across all sites, but training and collaboration have shown promise to resolve this problem. Public safety officials external to the diversion programs commonly expressed concerns about first responder safety and perceptions that police are expected when 911 is called. This risk aversion has led to slower-than-expected expansion of the program within each city.

研究摘要有两种观点促使人们关注如何将更多的 911 报警电话从警方转给民事急救人员：(1) 警方的回应可能会对公民造成意外伤害，(2) 警方回应的许多报警电话所需要的服务往往是警方无法提供的。因此，使用其他人员可能会改善警民关系，并通过减少警察的额外负担来加强打击犯罪。我们采用案例研究的设计方法，对美国三个大城市试点后发展起来的项目进行了形成性评估：阿尔伯克基、亚特兰大和休斯顿。在每个城市，我们都采访了官员、项目运营者和其他利益相关者，并查阅了项目文件和统计数据。我们详细介绍了导致每项计划建立的事件和力量、计划制度化的方式以及与警察局互动的方式。然后，我们讨论了这些辖区的主要经验教训。政策影响美国许多城市都在考虑将一些紧急求助电话从警方转给民事急救人员。本分析为决策者、研究人员和其他利益相关者提供了制定和评估社区急救人员项目的证据。我们发现，在所有方面，城市的独特经验都为项目设计提供了参考。例如，在阿尔伯克基，由市政厅推动的一项倡议建立了一个与警察局平行的新城市机构。在亚特兰大，非监禁活动家推动了该计划的实施；该计划是由市/县资助的非营利性机构，资金较为脆弱。电话接线员和调度员的风险规避导致所有地点的电话分流率都很低，但培训和合作已显示出解决这一问题的希望。分流计划外部的公共安全官员普遍对第一响应者的安全表示担忧，并认为在拨打 911 时，警察就会出现。这种风险规避心理导致该计划在各城市的推广速度低于预期。

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引用次数: 0

Police reform in public housing contexts: Body-worn cameras, surveillance, and harm reduction in New York City Housing Authority developments 公共住房背景下的警务改革：纽约市住房管理局开发项目中的随身摄像头、监控和减少伤害

IF 3.5 1区社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2024-07-11 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12679

Anthony A. Braga, John M. MacDonald, James E. McCabe

Research summary

The concern of crime in New York City public housing complexes motivated heightened police patrol of buildings and the enforcement of trespass laws. The 2013 federal court settlement of Davis et al. v. City of New York et al. mandated that the New York City Police Department (NYPD) implement a series of reforms, including the deployment of body-worn cameras (BWCs) on officers, to address unconstitutional use of criminal trespass enforcement and stop and frisk practices in public housing developments. This study employed a stepped wedge quasi-experimental design that involved the sequential crossover of public housing service area clusters from control to BWC implementation until all NYPD housing bureau officers were equipped with BWCs. Panel regression models at the individual officer and service area levels were used to estimate BWC program impacts on outcomes between 2015 and 2019. Logistic regression models were used to estimate the impact of the BWCs on the lawfulness of officer stop reports that were randomly selected for audit between 2017 and 2019. Results show that BWC deployment in public housing reduced excessive enforcement, citizen complaints, and use of force by NYPD housing officers. Findings further suggest that BWCs can help reduce constitutionally problematic stops and frisks of citizens.

Policy implications

Problematic police activities in public housing contexts can be reformed using BWCs. When coupled with routine supervisory review of video footage, the deployment of BWCs on public housing officers can improve compliance with department directives to reduce enforcement actions and increase documentation of citizen stops.

研究摘要纽约市公共住宅区的犯罪问题引起了人们的关注，这促使警方加强了对建筑物的巡逻，并执行了有关非法入侵的法律。2013 年戴维斯等人诉纽约市政府等人一案在联邦法院达成和解，要求纽约市警察局（NYPD）实施一系列改革措施，包括在警察身上安装随身摄像头（BWC），以解决在公共住宅区违宪使用非法入侵执法和拦截搜身的问题。本研究采用了阶梯式楔形准实验设计，将公共住房服务区分组从对照组到 BWC 实施组依次交叉，直到纽约市警察局住房局的所有警官都配备了 BWC。采用警官个人和服务区层面的面板回归模型来估算 BWC 计划在 2015 年至 2019 年期间对结果的影响。逻辑回归模型用于估算 BWC 对 2017 年至 2019 年期间随机抽取进行审计的警员拦截报告合法性的影响。结果表明，在公共住房中部署 BWC 减少了纽约市警察局住房警官的过度执法、市民投诉和武力使用。研究结果进一步表明，BWC 可以帮助减少在宪法上存在问题的拦截和搜身。在对视频录像进行例行监督审查的同时，在公共住房警员身上部署 BWCs 可以改善对部门指令的遵守情况，从而减少执法行动，并增加对拦截公民行为的记录。

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引用次数: 0

The role of race, gender, and poverty on length of pretrial jail stays: A multi-site analysis 种族、性别和贫困对审前羁押时间的影响：多地点分析

IF 3.5 1区社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2024-07-02 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12678

Heather M. Ouellette, Beth M. Huebner, Andrea Giuffre, Lee Ann Slocum, Brian P. Schaefer

Research Summary

The average length of jail stays is increasing despite national efforts to reduce these populations. The current study examines variations in lengths of stay, differentiating between short and long pretrial stays. Using data from two large jails in metropolitan jurisdictions, we take an intersectional perspective and model potential differences among race, gender, and residing in a high-poverty area. In both locations, we find that Black men are the most likely to have long lengths of stay, but that length of stay varies depending on the intersection of gender, race, and neighborhood poverty.

Policy Implications:

The human costs of pretrial detention are paid unequally by different groups of people. Given the downstream costs of pretrial detention, this work suggests that focusing policy efforts on the barriers to release among people of color, particularly Black men, would be fruitful. There is evidence that bail reform can reduce some barriers to release without increases in crime. Further, attending to obstacles to case processing could lead to pretrial system reform. This work also highlights another area of the criminal legal system where Black males, compared to their White counterparts, are disparately affected and denotes the continuing need for intersectional perspectives on reform.

研究摘要尽管全国都在努力减少监狱服刑人口，但监狱服刑的平均时间却在不断延长。本研究探讨了审前羁押时间的长短差异，并对短期和长期审前羁押进行了区分。利用大都市辖区内两所大型监狱的数据，我们从交叉视角出发，模拟了种族、性别和居住在贫困地区之间的潜在差异。我们发现，在这两个地方，黑人男子最有可能被长期关押，但关押时间的长短会因性别、种族和贫困社区的交叉而有所不同。考虑到审前拘留的下游成本，这项研究表明，将政策重点放在有色人种，尤其是黑人男子的释放障碍上将会取得成效。有证据表明，保释改革可以在不增加犯罪的情况下减少一些释放障碍。此外，关注案件处理过程中的障碍可以促成审前制度改革。这项工作还凸显了刑事法律系统的另一个领域，在这个领域中，黑人男性与白人男性相比受到了不同程度的影响，这也表明在改革中仍然需要交叉视角。

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引用次数: 0

State efforts to enforce firearm dispossession through relinquishment laws 各州通过放弃法律强制执行枪支处置的努力

IF 3.5 1区社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2024-06-21 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12677

Stephen N. Oliphant, April M. Zeoli

Research Summary

Although federal law prohibits firearm possession by individuals who have been convicted of a disqualifying offense and those who are subject to certain domestic violence protective orders (DVPOs), it does not provide a mechanism for enforcing firearm dispossession. Some states have adopted relinquishment laws to enforce firearm possession restrictions among prohibited persons following a disqualifying status or conviction. To date, limited research has assessed the statutory characteristics of firearm relinquishment laws related to DVPOs. We build on this work by assessing DVPO and conviction-based relinquishment statutes, including legislative changes through time, to identify gaps in policy.

Policy Implications

Our analysis revealed that many states still lack statutory elements that are expected to increase the likelihood of firearm dispossession, such as requiring the court to order relinquishment, strict standards for providing proof of firearm transfer or some form of compliance verification, and provisions that authorize law enforcement to recover unrelinquished firearms. The absence of such elements may facilitate unlawful firearm retention by those who become prohibited possessors. States might consider adopting relinquishment provisions that outline clear requirements for actors (i.e., judges, prohibited possessors, law enforcement) at each stage of the process to ensure that firearms are relinquished following a disqualifying conviction or DVPO.

研究摘要虽然联邦法律禁止被判定犯有不合格罪行的个人和受某些家庭暴力保护令（DVPO）约束的个人持有枪支，但并未提供强制执行枪支剥夺的机制。一些州已经通过了放弃枪支的法律，对被禁止持有枪支的人在被取消资格或定罪后实施枪支持有限制。迄今为止，对与 DVPO 相关的枪支放弃法的法定特征进行评估的研究十分有限。我们的分析表明，许多州仍然缺乏有望提高枪支剥夺可能性的法定要素，例如要求法院下令放弃、提供枪支转让证明或某种形式的合规验证的严格标准，以及授权执法部门收回未被放弃枪支的条款。缺乏这些要素可能会助长那些成为违禁持有者的人非法保留枪支。各国可考虑通过放弃条款，在程序的每个阶段对行为者（即法官、被禁持有者、执法部门）提出明确要求，以确保在取消资格的定罪或《家庭暴力和预防家庭暴力法》之后放弃枪支。

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引用次数: 0

Finding the path of least resistance: An examination of officer communication tactics and their impact on suspect compliance 寻找阻力最小的途径：考察警官的沟通策略及其对嫌疑人遵纪守法的影响

IF 3.5 1区社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2024-06-10 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12676

Jacob T. Foster, Laura Zimmerman, William Terrill, Logan J. Somers

Research Summary

This study investigated the impact of patrol officer communication tactics on suspect compliance by using Systematic Social Observation (SSO) to code 438 body-worn camera and dashcam video recordings from two police agencies. Specifically, we examined officer tenor/demeanor, use of noncoercive directives, use of verbal coercion, and accusations, while controlling for a host of suspect and situational factors. Results showed that when officers presented a positive tenor/demeanor or employed noncoercive verbal tactics, suspects were significantly more likely to comply. Conversely, use of coercive verbal tactics and accusatory language did not have a significant impact on suspect compliance. In addition, negative suspect demeanor, suspect impairment, and suspect elevated emotional state negatively affected compliance.

Policy Implications

Recent calls for police reform have focused on producing less coercive outcomes by explicitly recognizing the role that officers have in managing encounters rather than simply reacting to suspect behaviors. An increased focus on officer communication strategies in both police training and practice is likely to promote suspect compliance while reducing the need for officer use of force. Similarly, it is likely that more coercive verbal strategies have little impact on suspect compliance and may lead to negative perceptions of police interactions and law enforcement in general.

本研究通过使用系统社会观察（SSO）对来自两个警察机构的 438 个随身摄像头和仪表盘视频记录进行编码，调查了巡警的沟通策略对嫌疑人服从命令的影响。具体来说，我们考察了警官的语气/举止、非胁迫性指令的使用、口头胁迫的使用以及指控，同时控制了一系列嫌疑人和情景因素。结果表明，当警官表现出积极的态度/举止或使用非胁迫性口头策略时，嫌疑人服从命令的可能性明显增加。相反，使用胁迫性言语策略和指责性语言对嫌疑人的服从性没有显著影响。此外，疑犯的负面举止、疑犯的损伤和疑犯情绪的高涨也会对疑犯的服从性产生负面影响。最近关于警察改革的呼吁主要集中在通过明确认识到警官在管理冲突中的作用，而不是简单地对疑犯的行为做出反应，来减少胁迫性结果。在警察培训和实践中加强对警官沟通策略的关注很可能会促进嫌疑人服从，同时减少警官使用武力的必要性。同样，更具胁迫性的口头策略很可能对疑犯的服从性影响甚微，并可能导致对警察互动和执法的总体负面看法。

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引用次数: 0

Coerced motherhood behind bars: Public support for abortion access for incarcerated women 囹圄中的胁迫生育：公众支持被监禁妇女堕胎

IF 3.5 1区社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2024-06-06 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12675

Paula Smith, Francis T. Cullen, Justin T. Pickett, Cheryl Lero Jonson

Research Summary

The U.S. Supreme Court's Dobbs decision overturning Roe v. Wade has profound implications for the 58,000 incarcerated women who are pregnant. Especially in states that now ban abortion, women in prisons and jails who prefer to terminate their pregnancy will be denied that choice by the government and will be forced to give birth. Based on a July 2023 YouGov survey (N = 800) employing three experiments and measuring attitudes toward inmate abortion and parental aid, the current study examines public opinion on coerced motherhood, focusing on states prohibiting reproductive choice. The results reveal that a majority of the American public favors providing incarcerated women in these states with access to abortion through surgical procedures or medication (pills). Among respondents residing in states banning abortion, more endorse than oppose reproductive rights. Support for abortion is particularly high when the pregnancy is due to rape or poses a risk to a woman's health. Respondents also approve incarcerated mothers receiving parental aid (e.g., baby food, baby clothing, nursery care). Notably, conservative Republicans are most in favor of coercing motherhood and least in favor of providing parental aid.

Policy Implications

Coerced motherhood behind bars is a human rights violation. Our study shows that it is also opposed by the American public. Thus, ideological space exists for reforms aimed at providing incarcerated women with access to reproductive services. Every correctional facility should be given a written protocol (Model Reproductive Services Code) that mandates pregnancy screenings, counseling, and assistance in scheduling services, as well as transportation for surgery and/or access to pills for a medical abortion. Above all, transparency is needed to raise consciousness about coerced motherhood behind bars and to shed light on how corrections professionals handle inmate pregnancies.

美国最高法院推翻 "罗伊诉韦德 "案的多布斯裁决对 58,000 名怀孕的被监禁妇女有着深远的影响。特别是在现在禁止堕胎的州，监狱和看守所中希望终止妊娠的女性将被政府剥夺这一选择权，被迫分娩。本研究基于 2023 年 7 月的 YouGov 调查（N = 800），采用了三种实验并测量了人们对囚犯堕胎和父母援助的态度，以禁止生育选择的州为重点，考察了公众对强制生育的看法。结果显示，大多数美国公众赞成为这些州的被监禁妇女提供通过手术或药物（药片）堕胎的机会。在居住在禁止堕胎州的受访者中，赞成生殖权利的人多于反对者。当怀孕是由于强奸或对妇女的健康构成威胁时，支持堕胎的比例尤其高。受访者还赞成被监禁的母亲接受父母援助（如婴儿食品、婴儿服装、托儿所护理）。值得注意的是，保守的共和党人最赞成胁迫母亲，最不赞成提供父母补助。我们的研究表明，美国公众也反对这种做法。因此，旨在为被监禁妇女提供生殖服务的改革存在意识形态空间。每个惩教机构都应制定一份书面协议（《示范生殖服务守则》），规定怀孕筛查、咨询、协助安排服务，以及提供手术交通和/或药物流产服务。最重要的是，需要增加透明度，以提高人们对狱中胁迫孕产问题的认识，并让人们了解惩教专业人员是如何处理囚犯怀孕问题的。

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引用次数: 0

The effect of formal de-policing on police traffic stop behavior and crime: Early evidence from LAPD's policy to restrict discretionary traffic stops 正式的非警务化对警方交通拦截行为和犯罪的影响：来自洛杉矶警察局限制酌情拦截交通的政策的早期证据

IF 3.5 1区社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2024-06-06 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12673

Hunter M. Boehme, Scott M. Mourtgos

Research Summary

On March 1, 2022, correspondence from the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) headquarters stated that officers can no longer use minor infractions (e.g., equipment violations) as a pretextual reason to further investigate drivers for criminal behavior. If LAPD officers are to execute a discretionary stop, they must activate their body-worn cameras and reasonably articulate to the civilian why they are being investigated. The intent is to reduce racial/ethnic disparities in stops and build trust of the police within the community. Critics of the policy argue that elevated crime rates will result due to the crime suppression effect of such stops. This study examines racial differences in stops before and after the policy change, as well as whether Part 1 violent and property crimes increased. Descriptive findings show that while the counts of stops, arrests, and contraband seizures during stops decreased, the percentage of non-White civilians stopped decreased only minimally following the intervention. Results from using Bayesian synthetic control methods indicate an increase in both violent and property crimes post-intervention compared with the synthetic counterfactual. The increase in violent crimes has a low probability of being different from the counterfactual, whereas the increase in property crimes has a high probability, suggesting that the intervention led to a real change in property crimes compared with what would have been expected under the counterfactual.

Policy Implications

This study provides preliminary evidence that emerging policies intended to restrict discretionary stops may not have the intended effect on racial disparities in police traffic stops. Instead, agencies passing similar policies may expect to see the potential unintended consequence of a spike in jurisdictional property crimes. We argue that such types of stops across a jurisdiction may have a general deterrent effect on more common and calculative crimes such as property crimes. To combat violent crimes, agencies should consider focusing discretionary stops in known hot spots. Further, our findings offer implications for research on the effects of de-policing on crime. Police agencies should monitor potential unintended impacts of these policies if enacted and be prepared to deal with such consequences.

2022 年 3 月 1 日，洛杉矶警察局（LAPD）总部来函称，警察不能再以轻微违规（如违反设备规定）为借口，进一步调查司机的犯罪行为。如果洛杉矶警察局的警官要酌情拦截，他们必须启动随身携带的摄像机，并向平民合理地说明为什么要对他们进行调查。该政策旨在减少拦截中的种族/民族差异，并在社区内建立对警察的信任。该政策的批评者认为，由于这种拦截的犯罪抑制效果，会导致犯罪率上升。本研究考察了政策改变前后拦截的种族差异，以及第一部分暴力犯罪和财产犯罪是否增加。描述性研究结果表明，虽然拦截、逮捕和没收违禁品的次数减少了，但非白人平民被拦截的比例在干预措施实施后只出现了极小程度的下降。使用贝叶斯合成控制方法得出的结果表明，与合成反事实相比，干预后暴力犯罪和财产犯罪都有所增加。暴力犯罪增加与反事实不同的概率较低，而财产犯罪增加的概率较高，这表明与反事实下的预期相比，干预导致了财产犯罪的实际变化。这项研究提供了初步证据，表明旨在限制酌情拦截的新兴政策可能不会对警察拦截交通中的种族差异产生预期效果。相反，通过类似政策的机构可能会看到潜在的意外后果，即辖区内财产犯罪激增。我们认为，在整个辖区内实施此类拦截，可能会对财产犯罪等更常见、更易计算的犯罪产生普遍的威慑作用。为打击暴力犯罪，各机构应考虑将酌情拦截的重点放在已知的热点地区。此外，我们的研究结果还为研究非警务化对犯罪的影响提供了启示。警察机构应监控这些政策颁布后可能产生的意外影响，并做好应对这些后果的准备。

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