Travis Carter, Scott Wolfe, Jed Knode, Grace Henry
Research Summary
We conducted a group randomized-controlled trial of an internal dashboard system deployed by the Michigan State Police to determine its effectiveness in reducing traffic stop racial disparities. Informed by a difference-in-differences design, analyses of traffic stop data from 2019–2022 indicated that the dashboard had no impact on traffic stop racial disparities. Additional analyses of traffic stops, crashes, and crime revealed that the dashboard had no “de-policing” effect on traffic patrols, nor were there any significant changes in traffic safety or crime in treatment patrol areas relative to control patrol areas. Qualitative analyses of interview data from more than 40 troopers in the agency revealed unique barriers to program implementation and opportunities for future improvement.
Policy Implications
In an era of policing where the capacity and demand for data-driven decision-making is on the rise, evidence-based policy and practice can provide police agencies with informed solutions for addressing traffic stop racial disparities. Yet, the increased demand for evidence-based reform is fueled by a relatively low supply of evidence-based research. This study adds to this evidence base by providing unique insights into the effectiveness of a program built specifically to reduce racial disparities in traffic stops, while also highlighting implementation challenges.
{"title":"Attempting to reduce traffic stop racial disparities: An experimental evaluation of an internal dashboard intervention","authors":"Travis Carter, Scott Wolfe, Jed Knode, Grace Henry","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12664","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12664","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research Summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>We conducted a group randomized-controlled trial of an internal dashboard system deployed by the Michigan State Police to determine its effectiveness in reducing traffic stop racial disparities. Informed by a difference-in-differences design, analyses of traffic stop data from 2019–2022 indicated that the dashboard had no impact on traffic stop racial disparities. Additional analyses of traffic stops, crashes, and crime revealed that the dashboard had no “de-policing” effect on traffic patrols, nor were there any significant changes in traffic safety or crime in treatment patrol areas relative to control patrol areas. Qualitative analyses of interview data from more than 40 troopers in the agency revealed unique barriers to program implementation and opportunities for future improvement.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy Implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>In an era of policing where the capacity and demand for data-driven decision-making is on the rise, evidence-based policy and practice can provide police agencies with informed solutions for addressing traffic stop racial disparities. Yet, the increased demand for evidence-based reform is fueled by a relatively low supply of evidence-based research. This study adds to this evidence base by providing unique insights into the effectiveness of a program built specifically to reduce racial disparities in traffic stops, while also highlighting implementation challenges.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 3","pages":"543-568"},"PeriodicalIF":3.5,"publicationDate":"2024-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12664","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140534108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
David Weisburd, Kevin Petersen, Cody W. Telep, Sydney A. Fay
Research summary
We conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis examining whether increasing preventive patrol in large areas reduces crime. Our review included experimental and quasi-experimental studies that focused on areas such as beats, precincts, or entire jurisdictions and that measured a crime outcome either through official data or surveys. We identified 17 studies to include in our review. We used two methods for assessing study impacts: an approach which identified a primary/general outcome measure and a second approach which used robust variance estimation (RVE) and included all effect sizes across each study. Both approaches showed small crime prevention benefits (RVE: 9% decline; primary/general: 6% decline), but only the RVE model was significant at conventional levels (p < 0.05). There was no significant evidence of displacement. Moderator analyses suggest that as dosage increases so do the crime prevention impacts. In RVE models, preventive patrol was associated with significant reductions in property and violent crime, but nonsignificant increases in drug and disorder offenses.
Policy implications
Increasing preventive patrol activities has the potential to reduce crime in large administrative areas. At the same time, existing studies offer little guidance as to how such preventive patrol should be carried out. Deterrence theory, as well as evidence from studies of hot spots policing, suggests that the greatest benefits will be gained from informing patrol efforts about where and when crime occurs. Although more research is needed regarding patrol allocations in large areas, present knowledge suggests that the more such patrols can be targeted at specific places at specific times, the greater will be the crime control benefits. In this context, we argue that police agencies may want to apply a hybrid approach to police patrol, which would include a combination of hot spots policing units and general patrol units informed by data on where crime is concentrated.
{"title":"Can increasing preventive patrol in large geographic areas reduce crime? A systematic review and meta-analysis","authors":"David Weisburd, Kevin Petersen, Cody W. Telep, Sydney A. Fay","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12665","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12665","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>We conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis examining whether increasing preventive patrol in large areas reduces crime. Our review included experimental and quasi-experimental studies that focused on areas such as beats, precincts, or entire jurisdictions and that measured a crime outcome either through official data or surveys. We identified 17 studies to include in our review. We used two methods for assessing study impacts: an approach which identified a primary/general outcome measure and a second approach which used robust variance estimation (RVE) and included all effect sizes across each study. Both approaches showed small crime prevention benefits (RVE: 9% decline; primary/general: 6% decline), but only the RVE model was significant at conventional levels (<i>p</i> < 0.05). There was no significant evidence of displacement. Moderator analyses suggest that as dosage increases so do the crime prevention impacts. In RVE models, preventive patrol was associated with significant reductions in property and violent crime, but nonsignificant increases in drug and disorder offenses.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Increasing preventive patrol activities has the potential to reduce crime in large administrative areas. At the same time, existing studies offer little guidance as to how such preventive patrol should be carried out. Deterrence theory, as well as evidence from studies of hot spots policing, suggests that the greatest benefits will be gained from informing patrol efforts about where and when crime occurs. Although more research is needed regarding patrol allocations in large areas, present knowledge suggests that the more such patrols can be targeted at specific places at specific times, the greater will be the crime control benefits. In this context, we argue that police agencies may want to apply a hybrid approach to police patrol, which would include a combination of hot spots policing units and general patrol units informed by data on where crime is concentrated.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 3","pages":"721-743"},"PeriodicalIF":3.5,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12665","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140534132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The primary outcome desired for juvenile delinquency programs is the cessation of delinquent and related problematic behaviors. However, this outcome is almost always pursued by attempting to change intermediate outcomes, such as family functioning, improved mental health, or peer relations. We can conceptualize intermediate outcomes that are related to reduced delinquency as change levers for effective intervention. A large meta-analysis identified several school-related change levers, including school engagement (i.e., improved attendance and reduced truancy), nondelinquent problem behaviors, and attitudes about school and teachers. In addition, family functioning and reducing substance use were also effective change levers. In contrast, effects on youth getting/keeping a job, peer relationships, and academic achievement were not associated with reduced delinquency.
Policy implications
Only a small percentage of rehabilitative programs provided to youth involved in the juvenile justice system have been established as evidence based. Moreover, there are constraints on what local policy makers and practitioners can do regarding the selection, adoption, and implementation of programs from the available lists of evidence-based programs. Adopting programs that focus on effective change levers and avoiding those that concentrate on ineffective ones has the potential to increase the likelihood that a local agency is engaged in effective programming. Based on our data, programs known to improve family functioning, attachment to and involvement in schooling, and reducing substance use are justified by the change lever evidence, even if these programs’ effectiveness in reducing delinquency has not been directly proven. In contrast, programs focusing on vocational skills, academic achievement, and peer relations are less likely to be beneficial. Furthermore, a change lever perspective can help frontline staff select appropriate programs for different juvenile offenders and focus their quality control efforts on those aspects of a program that are likely to be essential to maintaining effectiveness.
{"title":"Scaling up effective juvenile delinquency programs by focusing on change levers: Evidence from a large meta-analysis","authors":"David B. Wilson, Mark W. Lipsey","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12663","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12663","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>The primary outcome desired for juvenile delinquency programs is the cessation of delinquent and related problematic behaviors. However, this outcome is almost always pursued by attempting to change intermediate outcomes, such as family functioning, improved mental health, or peer relations. We can conceptualize intermediate outcomes that are related to reduced delinquency as change levers for effective intervention. A large meta-analysis identified several school-related change levers, including school engagement (i.e., improved attendance and reduced truancy), nondelinquent problem behaviors, and attitudes about school and teachers. In addition, family functioning and reducing substance use were also effective change levers. In contrast, effects on youth getting/keeping a job, peer relationships, and academic achievement were not associated with reduced delinquency.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Only a small percentage of rehabilitative programs provided to youth involved in the juvenile justice system have been established as evidence based. Moreover, there are constraints on what local policy makers and practitioners can do regarding the selection, adoption, and implementation of programs from the available lists of evidence-based programs. Adopting programs that focus on effective change levers and avoiding those that concentrate on ineffective ones has the potential to increase the likelihood that a local agency is engaged in effective programming. Based on our data, programs known to improve family functioning, attachment to and involvement in schooling, and reducing substance use are justified by the change lever evidence, even if these programs’ effectiveness in reducing delinquency has not been directly proven. In contrast, programs focusing on vocational skills, academic achievement, and peer relations are less likely to be beneficial. Furthermore, a change lever perspective can help frontline staff select appropriate programs for different juvenile offenders and focus their quality control efforts on those aspects of a program that are likely to be essential to maintaining effectiveness.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 2","pages":"261-286"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12663","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140192802","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A growing literature documents the effect of criminal justice contact on inequalities in the labor market. While ample evidence indicates that a criminal record itself imposes considerable disadvantage, the formal legal mechanisms that may contribute to criminal record-based exclusion have received less empirical attention. The present study examines how one such mechanism—legal requirements for employers and license boards to perform criminal background checks—shapes labor market outcomes among formerly incarcerated people. The study draws from novel longitudinal data on the extensiveness of background check requirements at the state level, as well as individual-level data on incarceration, wages, and unemployment from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. Results show that while the extensiveness of state-level background check requirements does not significantly affect the likelihood of unemployment, formerly incarcerated people residing in states where background check requirements are extensive are estimated to earn significantly lower wages than their counterparts in states with few screening mandates.
Policy implications
Criminal background check requirements stand as significant policy barriers that diminish the earning potential of formerly incarcerated people. Policy makers seeking to mitigate the collateral consequences of criminal convictions should narrow the scope of these laws to target specific, highly sensitive occupations, as opposed to broader workplace contexts. Reforms should also address persistent data quality issues in state criminal history record systems and shift the burdens imposed by incomplete or erroneous rap sheets. To minimize adverse self-selection, background check procedures should clarify for applicants the role that a criminal history record may play in clearance decisions. Finally, future research should assess the marginal benefit of criminal background checks compared with other methods of screening prospective hires and licensees.
研究摘要 越来越多的文献记录了刑事司法接触对劳动力市场不平等的影响。虽然有大量证据表明犯罪记录本身会造成相当大的不利影响，但可能会导致基于犯罪记录的排斥的正式法律机制却较少受到实证研究的关注。本研究探讨了这样一种机制--对雇主和执照委员会进行犯罪背景调查的法律要求--如何影响曾被监禁者的劳动力市场结果。本研究利用了州一级背景调查要求广泛性的新型纵向数据，以及《收入动态面板研究》（Panel Study of Income Dynamics）中关于监禁、工资和失业的个人层面数据。结果表明，虽然州一级背景调查要求的广泛性对失业的可能性没有显著影响，但据估算，居住在背景调查要求广泛的州的曾被监禁者的工资收入明显低于那些很少有筛查要求的州的同类人。政策含义犯罪背景调查要求是削弱曾被监禁者收入潜力的重要政策障碍。寻求减轻刑事定罪附带后果的政策制定者应缩小这些法律的适用范围，使其针对特定的、高度敏感的职业，而不是更广泛的工作场所。改革还应解决各州犯罪历史记录系统中长期存在的数据质量问题，并转移不完整或错误的犯罪记录所带来的负担。为尽量减少不利的自我选择，背景调查程序应向申请人说明犯罪历史记录在审批决定中可能发挥的作用。最后，未来的研究应评估犯罪背景调查与其他筛选潜在雇员和持证人的方法相比的边际效益。
{"title":"Criminal background check laws and labor market inequality in the United States","authors":"David McElhattan","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12662","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12662","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>A growing literature documents the effect of criminal justice contact on inequalities in the labor market. While ample evidence indicates that a criminal record itself imposes considerable disadvantage, the formal legal mechanisms that may contribute to criminal record-based exclusion have received less empirical attention. The present study examines how one such mechanism—legal requirements for employers and license boards to perform criminal background checks—shapes labor market outcomes among formerly incarcerated people. The study draws from novel longitudinal data on the extensiveness of background check requirements at the state level, as well as individual-level data on incarceration, wages, and unemployment from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. Results show that while the extensiveness of state-level background check requirements does not significantly affect the likelihood of unemployment, formerly incarcerated people residing in states where background check requirements are extensive are estimated to earn significantly lower wages than their counterparts in states with few screening mandates.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Criminal background check requirements stand as significant policy barriers that diminish the earning potential of formerly incarcerated people. Policy makers seeking to mitigate the collateral consequences of criminal convictions should narrow the scope of these laws to target specific, highly sensitive occupations, as opposed to broader workplace contexts. Reforms should also address persistent data quality issues in state criminal history record systems and shift the burdens imposed by incomplete or erroneous rap sheets. To minimize adverse self-selection, background check procedures should clarify for applicants the role that a criminal history record may play in clearance decisions. Finally, future research should assess the marginal benefit of criminal background checks compared with other methods of screening prospective hires and licensees.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 2","pages":"391-429"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12662","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140192806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Lauren A. Morgan, Faraneh Shamserad, Beth M. Huebner
Research summary
Legal representation is a critical right in the criminal legal process, yet it is unclear when representation is guaranteed. Further, many individuals find obtaining legal representation difficult and expensive. The current study is an evaluation of an initial appearance program implemented in St. Louis County, Missouri. This mixed-methods study focuses on understanding if and how providing counsel at initial appearance affects the bond amount, release type, and length of pretrial detention. Data from official court records and interviews with project staff and stakeholders suggest that early, free representation at arraignment can facilitate release on recognizance and lowered bail amounts. Results from a series of interaction models suggest that this type of programming may be able to help reduce some racial disparities. Our thematic analysis indicates that courtroom stakeholders see value in the program for the defendants, the criminal process, and the courtroom workgroup dynamics during pretrial stages.
Policy implications
The results reflect the need for early representation in the legal process. Representation can potentially reduce some of the racial and ethnic disparities in case processing, which are relatively stark and can lead to downstream effects like a greater likelihood of recidivism and conviction. Currently, most funding for public defenders is inequitable to that of the prosecutor's office, and this work speaks to the necessity of providing representation that begins with the initial appearance and continues throughout the life of the case. This work also highlights how outside funding can be used to support more equitable and fair case processing in the criminal legal system.
{"title":"Right to counsel? A mixed-methods evaluation of the St. Louis County initial appearance program","authors":"Lauren A. Morgan, Faraneh Shamserad, Beth M. Huebner","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12660","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12660","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Legal representation is a critical right in the criminal legal process, yet it is unclear when representation is guaranteed. Further, many individuals find obtaining legal representation difficult and expensive. The current study is an evaluation of an initial appearance program implemented in St. Louis County, Missouri. This mixed-methods study focuses on understanding if and how providing counsel at initial appearance affects the bond amount, release type, and length of pretrial detention. Data from official court records and interviews with project staff and stakeholders suggest that early, free representation at arraignment can facilitate release on recognizance and lowered bail amounts. Results from a series of interaction models suggest that this type of programming may be able to help reduce some racial disparities. Our thematic analysis indicates that courtroom stakeholders see value in the program for the defendants, the criminal process, and the courtroom workgroup dynamics during pretrial stages.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>The results reflect the need for early representation in the legal process. Representation can potentially reduce some of the racial and ethnic disparities in case processing, which are relatively stark and can lead to downstream effects like a greater likelihood of recidivism and conviction. Currently, most funding for public defenders is inequitable to that of the prosecutor's office, and this work speaks to the necessity of providing representation that begins with the initial appearance and continues throughout the life of the case. This work also highlights how outside funding can be used to support more equitable and fair case processing in the criminal legal system.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 2","pages":"431-457"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12660","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139939003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<div> <section> <h3> Research Summary</h3> <p>Police brutality is a widespread phenomenon around the world. Particularly gruesome human rights abuses in the course of policing take place in Latin America, the world's most violent region outside war zones. Democratic institutions such as competitive elections, checks and balances, and judicial independence are insufficient to prevent police from abusing their power. What factors explain that police engage in abusive behaviors, including illegal arrest, the fabrication of evidence, the use of torture to extract confessions, and the excessive use of force causing injury or death? How can societies restrain these abusive behaviors and subject police to the rule of law? Police behavior is shaped by a combination of institutional, societal, political, organizational, and individual factors. Inquisitorial criminal justice institutions, inherited from the colonial past, have persisted in Latin America until very recently. This meant that democracies in the region were born with weak due process protections that have enabled state authorities and police to abuse their coercive powers as they investigate and prosecute crimes. Police brutality is further the product of security policies. High crime rates and the presence of highly organized criminal groups have pushed many Latin American governments to adopt militarized security interventions -including deploying the armed forces to control crime and militarizing police forces. Populist demands for harsh policies, moreover, generate incentives for politicians to adopt security strategies that violate human rights and which, in the long run, increase violence in society. The most affected groups are the poor, people of color, and those living in impoverished minoritized communities.</p> </section> <section> <h3> Policy Implications</h3> <p>It is essential to strengthen due process protections and judicial oversight over police to reduce torture and other forms of police brutality. Police demilitarization and, under some conditions, community-oriented policing approaches can sharply reduce the use of excessive force causing injury or death. Body-worn cameras (BWC), moreover, can effectively be used to reduce police abusive behavior —and violence against police officers — even in high violence situations and where toxic police-community relations prevail. One limitation of this technology is that it gives too much leeway to frontline officers to turn their cameras on. Poor supervision can further undermine police compliance with camera protocols. These problems can be overcome by assigning cameras to supervisors and using more advanced technologies that allow turning cameras on from the main station. Monetary incentives that reward police officers “to kill less” is another effective policy intervention
{"title":"Challenges in creating humane and equitable policing: A focus on the Global South","authors":"Beatriz Magaloni","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12661","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12661","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research Summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Police brutality is a widespread phenomenon around the world. Particularly gruesome human rights abuses in the course of policing take place in Latin America, the world's most violent region outside war zones. Democratic institutions such as competitive elections, checks and balances, and judicial independence are insufficient to prevent police from abusing their power. What factors explain that police engage in abusive behaviors, including illegal arrest, the fabrication of evidence, the use of torture to extract confessions, and the excessive use of force causing injury or death? How can societies restrain these abusive behaviors and subject police to the rule of law? Police behavior is shaped by a combination of institutional, societal, political, organizational, and individual factors. Inquisitorial criminal justice institutions, inherited from the colonial past, have persisted in Latin America until very recently. This meant that democracies in the region were born with weak due process protections that have enabled state authorities and police to abuse their coercive powers as they investigate and prosecute crimes. Police brutality is further the product of security policies. High crime rates and the presence of highly organized criminal groups have pushed many Latin American governments to adopt militarized security interventions -including deploying the armed forces to control crime and militarizing police forces. Populist demands for harsh policies, moreover, generate incentives for politicians to adopt security strategies that violate human rights and which, in the long run, increase violence in society. The most affected groups are the poor, people of color, and those living in impoverished minoritized communities.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy Implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>It is essential to strengthen due process protections and judicial oversight over police to reduce torture and other forms of police brutality. Police demilitarization and, under some conditions, community-oriented policing approaches can sharply reduce the use of excessive force causing injury or death. Body-worn cameras (BWC), moreover, can effectively be used to reduce police abusive behavior —and violence against police officers — even in high violence situations and where toxic police-community relations prevail. One limitation of this technology is that it gives too much leeway to frontline officers to turn their cameras on. Poor supervision can further undermine police compliance with camera protocols. These problems can be overcome by assigning cameras to supervisors and using more advanced technologies that allow turning cameras on from the main station. Monetary incentives that reward police officers “to kill less” is another effective policy intervention ","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 1","pages":"3-25"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139911339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jordan R. Riddell, Bruce A. Jacobs, Andrew T. Krajewski
Research summary
This study investigated the effect of an expanded police station citation release policy enacted in Washington, DC in March 2020 on eight types of crime: homicide, sex abuse, robbery, assault with a dangerous weapon, burglary, motor vehicle theft, theft from motor vehicles, and other theft. Monthly-level multivariate time series analyses employed data from 2013-2022 and accounted for the relationship between crime, arrests, and the jail population. The expanded policy was hypothesized to increase certain property crimes based on the new guidelines, but results indicated the policy modification was associated with changes in citywide crime counts for one type of crime: homicide.
Policy implications
Efforts around the United States to decarcerate the pre-trial jail population should examine potential unintended consequences for public safety. The current study failed to detect a statistically significant increase in seven of the eight types of crime during the expanded use of one jail decarceration approach, police station citation release. In the future, jurisdictions looking to reduce their jail population might consider citation release as a speedy and cost-effective alternative to release-on-recognizance, but they should take care to monitor individual defendants and evaluate their own program.
{"title":"Catch and release: Testing the effect of a citation release policy on crime in Washington, DC","authors":"Jordan R. Riddell, Bruce A. Jacobs, Andrew T. Krajewski","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12659","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12659","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This study investigated the effect of an expanded police station citation release policy enacted in Washington, DC in March 2020 on eight types of crime: homicide, sex abuse, robbery, assault with a dangerous weapon, burglary, motor vehicle theft, theft from motor vehicles, and other theft. Monthly-level multivariate time series analyses employed data from 2013-2022 and accounted for the relationship between crime, arrests, and the jail population. The expanded policy was hypothesized to increase certain property crimes based on the new guidelines, but results indicated the policy modification was associated with changes in citywide crime counts for one type of crime: homicide.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Efforts around the United States to decarcerate the pre-trial jail population should examine potential unintended consequences for public safety. The current study failed to detect a statistically significant increase in seven of the eight types of crime during the expanded use of one jail decarceration approach, police station citation release. In the future, jurisdictions looking to reduce their jail population might consider citation release as a speedy and cost-effective alternative to release-on-recognizance, but they should take care to monitor individual defendants and evaluate their own program.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 2","pages":"491-513"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139489859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Brenden Beck, Joseph Antonelli, Angela LaScala-Gruenewald
Research Summary
Following high-profile police killings, many U.S. cities banned officers from using chokeholds and other neck restraints. The evidence for such bans, however, is limited. To test whether use-of-force policies prohibiting neck restraints are related to fewer police killings, we use three modeling approaches to analyze 2183 U.S. cities between 2009 and 2021. Police killings were lower in places that adopted neck-restraint bans and the bans were associated with less crime and fewer assaults on officers, net of controls. Because officer labor unions can affect use-of-force policies and the frequency of police killings, we also analyzed them, finding unionization increased the likelihood a city had a neck-restraint ban and had a null or negative association with police killings.
Policy Implications
Adopting a neck-restraint ban is likely an effective way to reduce deaths due to police use of force with minimal collateral consequences. The bans operate through a diffuse discouragement of many types of lethal force or as a part of an array of use-of-force policies. Their direct relationship to asphyxiation deaths remains unclear. Officer unionization is unlikely to change the frequency of police killings, except through its association with stricter use-of-force policies.
{"title":"Neck-restraint bans, law enforcement officer unions, and police killings","authors":"Brenden Beck, Joseph Antonelli, Angela LaScala-Gruenewald","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12658","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12658","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research Summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Following high-profile police killings, many U.S. cities banned officers from using chokeholds and other neck restraints. The evidence for such bans, however, is limited. To test whether use-of-force policies prohibiting neck restraints are related to fewer police killings, we use three modeling approaches to analyze 2183 U.S. cities between 2009 and 2021. Police killings were lower in places that adopted neck-restraint bans and the bans were associated with less crime and fewer assaults on officers, net of controls. Because officer labor unions can affect use-of-force policies and the frequency of police killings, we also analyzed them, finding unionization increased the likelihood a city had a neck-restraint ban and had a null or negative association with police killings.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy Implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Adopting a neck-restraint ban is likely an effective way to reduce deaths due to police use of force with minimal collateral consequences. The bans operate through a diffuse discouragement of many types of lethal force or as a part of an array of use-of-force policies. Their direct relationship to asphyxiation deaths remains unclear. Officer unionization is unlikely to change the frequency of police killings, except through its association with stricter use-of-force policies.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 3","pages":"663-688"},"PeriodicalIF":3.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12658","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139489772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Charlotte Gill, David Weisburd, Denise Nazaire, Heather Prince, Claudia Gross Shader
Research Summary
This paper describes Rainier Beach: A Beautiful Safe Place for Youth (ABSPY), a community-led, place-based, data-driven initiative to improve community safety and reduce crime involving young people at hot spots in Seattle, Washington. The ABSPY model puts crime prevention into the hands of the community, compared to traditional problem-solving approaches that may involve community stakeholders but are led by the police. We evaluated the initiative using a quasi-experimental research design comparing the five hot spots in the Rainier Beach neighborhood, where ABSPY was implemented, to five similarly situated hot spots elsewhere in the city. We used 9 years of police calls for service and offense reports, from 2011 to 2019, to assess ABSPY's effects on crime and a five-wave community survey conducted pre- and 4 years post-implementation to examine community perceptions. Although there were no significant effects on calls for service or crime, ABSPY significantly improved community members’ perceptions of serious crime and the police in the short and medium term.
Policy Implications
Our results show positive changes in community perceptions that offer a foundation for relationship and capacity building in problem-solving efforts. Although ABSPY is not associated with reductions in crime, our results suggest that even communities with entrenched crime problems can leverage this capacity to reduce crime in the longer term. Community coalitions also offer some benefits relative to police-led efforts, such as shared culture and values; stability; and consistency. However, community coalitions must build capacity for action as well as community engagement, and consider if and how the police should be involved, ensuring that the specific expertise of each coalition member is leveraged. Furthermore, our study highlights the importance of identifying measures of crime that are not affected by increased trust and collaboration between the police and the community.
{"title":"Building “A Beautiful Safe Place for Youth” through problem-oriented community organizing: A quasi-experimental evaluation","authors":"Charlotte Gill, David Weisburd, Denise Nazaire, Heather Prince, Claudia Gross Shader","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12657","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12657","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research Summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This paper describes <i>Rainier Beach: A Beautiful Safe Place for Youth</i> (ABSPY), a community-led, place-based, data-driven initiative to improve community safety and reduce crime involving young people at hot spots in Seattle, Washington. The ABSPY model puts crime prevention into the hands of the community, compared to traditional problem-solving approaches that may involve community stakeholders but are led by the police. We evaluated the initiative using a quasi-experimental research design comparing the five hot spots in the Rainier Beach neighborhood, where ABSPY was implemented, to five similarly situated hot spots elsewhere in the city. We used 9 years of police calls for service and offense reports, from 2011 to 2019, to assess ABSPY's effects on crime and a five-wave community survey conducted pre- and 4 years post-implementation to examine community perceptions. Although there were no significant effects on calls for service or crime, ABSPY significantly improved community members’ perceptions of serious crime and the police in the short and medium term.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy Implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Our results show positive changes in community perceptions that offer a foundation for relationship and capacity building in problem-solving efforts. Although ABSPY is not associated with reductions in crime, our results suggest that even communities with entrenched crime problems can leverage this capacity to reduce crime in the longer term. Community coalitions also offer some benefits relative to police-led efforts, such as shared culture and values; stability; and consistency. However, community coalitions must build capacity for action as well as community engagement, and consider if and how the police should be involved, ensuring that the specific expertise of each coalition member is leveraged. Furthermore, our study highlights the importance of identifying measures of crime that are not affected by increased trust and collaboration between the police and the community.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 2","pages":"287-325"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1745-9133.12657","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139110313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Keller G. Sheppard, Jorge L. Hernandez, Jovontae Butts, Orlando Mendonca, Julie C. Orange
Research Summary
Juvenile justice agencies are increasing their emphasis on early intervention and prevention services as a growing body of research evinces their effectiveness and cost efficiency. The present study analyzed the relationship between individual risk factors, contextual risk factors, and future juvenile justice involvement for 30,328 Florida youth residing in 3309 census tracts served by prevention programs. A series of two-level logistic regressions indicated that several distinct criminological domains (e.g., aggression, relationships, family, substance use, and attitudes/behaviors) predict future juvenile justice system involvement. However, education-related risk factors are among the most consequential for all youth, especially older youth. Concerning community context, neighborhood disadvantage directly affects system involvement, but only for youth under 12.
Policy Implications
These findings indicate the importance of addressing highly consequential risk factors—especially educational deficits—of youth in early intervention and prevention programs while also recognizing the impact of their social environments. Agencies attempting to work upstream with prevention services may benefit from prioritizing educational services and allocating resources to highly disadvantaged communities for early intervention programming.
{"title":"Working upstream: A statewide analysis of individual and contextual risk factors for future juvenile justice involvement among youth receiving prevention services","authors":"Keller G. Sheppard, Jorge L. Hernandez, Jovontae Butts, Orlando Mendonca, Julie C. Orange","doi":"10.1111/1745-9133.12656","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1745-9133.12656","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Research Summary</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Juvenile justice agencies are increasing their emphasis on early intervention and prevention services as a growing body of research evinces their effectiveness and cost efficiency. The present study analyzed the relationship between individual risk factors, contextual risk factors, and future juvenile justice involvement for 30,328 Florida youth residing in 3309 census tracts served by prevention programs. A series of two-level logistic regressions indicated that several distinct criminological domains (e.g., aggression, relationships, family, substance use, and attitudes/behaviors) predict future juvenile justice system involvement. However, education-related risk factors are among the most consequential for all youth, especially older youth. Concerning community context, neighborhood disadvantage directly affects system involvement, but only for youth under 12.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Policy Implications</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>These findings indicate the importance of addressing highly consequential risk factors—especially educational deficits—of youth in early intervention and prevention programs while also recognizing the impact of their social environments. Agencies attempting to work upstream with prevention services may benefit from prioritizing educational services and allocating resources to highly disadvantaged communities for early intervention programming.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47902,"journal":{"name":"Criminology & Public Policy","volume":"23 2","pages":"227-260"},"PeriodicalIF":4.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138582942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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