Pub Date : 2022-05-18DOI: 10.1177/00113921221097155
A. F. Castro Torres
Studies often explain differences in family behaviors by migration status by testing four hypotheses: socialization, selection, disruption, and assimilation/ adaptation. These hypotheses were initially formulated as competing explanations, but some scholars have argued that they are complementary. Currently, however, this complementary relationship is not well understood. In this article, I draw on intersectionality theory to challenge this hypothesis-based narrative of the relationship between migration and family formation and dissolution trajectories. I use retrospective information on marriages, union dissolutions, and births of men and women from five waves of the National Survey of Family Growth (1995–2015) to construct a six-category typology of family trajectories. This typology divides men and women into groups with similar family formation and dissolution trajectories. I correlate this typology with information on each respondent’s race/ethnicity, educational attainment, place of birth, and age at migration. The exploratory analysis of these correlations underlines the need for approaches that move beyond testing the above-mentioned hypotheses toward nuanced descriptions of the multiple ways in which family formation and migration paths are intertwined, and how these relationships are influenced by gender and social class inequalities.
{"title":"Family formation trajectories and migration in the United States by the end of the 20th century","authors":"A. F. Castro Torres","doi":"10.1177/00113921221097155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00113921221097155","url":null,"abstract":"Studies often explain differences in family behaviors by migration status by testing four hypotheses: socialization, selection, disruption, and assimilation/ adaptation. These hypotheses were initially formulated as competing explanations, but some scholars have argued that they are complementary. Currently, however, this complementary relationship is not well understood. In this article, I draw on intersectionality theory to challenge this hypothesis-based narrative of the relationship between migration and family formation and dissolution trajectories. I use retrospective information on marriages, union dissolutions, and births of men and women from five waves of the National Survey of Family Growth (1995–2015) to construct a six-category typology of family trajectories. This typology divides men and women into groups with similar family formation and dissolution trajectories. I correlate this typology with information on each respondent’s race/ethnicity, educational attainment, place of birth, and age at migration. The exploratory analysis of these correlations underlines the need for approaches that move beyond testing the above-mentioned hypotheses toward nuanced descriptions of the multiple ways in which family formation and migration paths are intertwined, and how these relationships are influenced by gender and social class inequalities.","PeriodicalId":47938,"journal":{"name":"Current Sociology","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47625126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-10DOI: 10.1177/00113921221093096
Yvonne Yap
The Ethnic Integration Policy in Singapore functions to socially engineer ethnic desegregation in public housing. Aside from investigating whether the Ethnic Integration Policy has truly achieved its stated goal, urban researchers have also devoted much attention to investigating the Ethnic Integration Policy’s secondary effects, such as how it has facilitated the creation of divergent resale housing markets for different ethnic groups. Most of these studies focus on the Ethnic Integration Policy’s effects at a household level. Little attention, however, has been paid to the straightforward question of how and to what extent the Ethnic Integration Policy contributes to geographic stratification in Singapore. Anecdotally, Singaporeans find it easy to name which neighbourhoods contain clusters of rich or poor households or which neighbourhoods are popular ethnic enclaves, but researchers have yet to develop a formal model of how the Ethnic Integration Policy and social-economic inequality interact. Using a mix of planning area and survey data, this article examines the spatial relationships between the Ethnic Integration Policy and ethnic and socio-economic clusters in Singapore. This article finds that contrary to past literature that have mostly attributed racial clustering as occurring among racial minorities, racial clustering occurs mostly among the Chinese when nation-level residential change is considered.
{"title":"Racial residential patterns in Singapore: What happens after the implementation of racial quotas in public housing?","authors":"Yvonne Yap","doi":"10.1177/00113921221093096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00113921221093096","url":null,"abstract":"The Ethnic Integration Policy in Singapore functions to socially engineer ethnic desegregation in public housing. Aside from investigating whether the Ethnic Integration Policy has truly achieved its stated goal, urban researchers have also devoted much attention to investigating the Ethnic Integration Policy’s secondary effects, such as how it has facilitated the creation of divergent resale housing markets for different ethnic groups. Most of these studies focus on the Ethnic Integration Policy’s effects at a household level. Little attention, however, has been paid to the straightforward question of how and to what extent the Ethnic Integration Policy contributes to geographic stratification in Singapore. Anecdotally, Singaporeans find it easy to name which neighbourhoods contain clusters of rich or poor households or which neighbourhoods are popular ethnic enclaves, but researchers have yet to develop a formal model of how the Ethnic Integration Policy and social-economic inequality interact. Using a mix of planning area and survey data, this article examines the spatial relationships between the Ethnic Integration Policy and ethnic and socio-economic clusters in Singapore. This article finds that contrary to past literature that have mostly attributed racial clustering as occurring among racial minorities, racial clustering occurs mostly among the Chinese when nation-level residential change is considered.","PeriodicalId":47938,"journal":{"name":"Current Sociology","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42320282","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-03DOI: 10.1177/00113921221093094
A. Álvarez-Benavides, Matthew L. Turnbough
Spanish youth’s process of transition to adult life illustrates the complex effects of a prolonged economic crisis that emerged in 2008 and exacerbated an already precarious labour market. In this article, we approach this panorama of social change from the perspective of the young individuals who find themselves immersed in this passage from one crisis to another – from a global economic crisis to COVID-19 – and between two symbolic realities, one marked by individualism and the other by individualisation. Based on a discourse analysis of 20 in-depth interviews and three focus groups with young adults, conducted between 2018 and 2019 for a publicly funded RDI project, we analyse how the process of individualisation tied to a self-sufficient model of human agency may contribute to an increased reliance on individual solutions to social problems. Furthermore, we underline how these individualised pathways involve a dependency on multiple supports which are characterised by a series of tensions. Consequently, we seek to elucidate the manner in which vulnerable young workers navigate, both interpretively and practically, the trials of social life as well as the expectations associated with individualism/individualisation within a context of crisis and uncertainty.
{"title":"Supporting oneself: The tensions of navigating a prolonged crisis among Spanish youth","authors":"A. Álvarez-Benavides, Matthew L. Turnbough","doi":"10.1177/00113921221093094","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00113921221093094","url":null,"abstract":"Spanish youth’s process of transition to adult life illustrates the complex effects of a prolonged economic crisis that emerged in 2008 and exacerbated an already precarious labour market. In this article, we approach this panorama of social change from the perspective of the young individuals who find themselves immersed in this passage from one crisis to another – from a global economic crisis to COVID-19 – and between two symbolic realities, one marked by individualism and the other by individualisation. Based on a discourse analysis of 20 in-depth interviews and three focus groups with young adults, conducted between 2018 and 2019 for a publicly funded RDI project, we analyse how the process of individualisation tied to a self-sufficient model of human agency may contribute to an increased reliance on individual solutions to social problems. Furthermore, we underline how these individualised pathways involve a dependency on multiple supports which are characterised by a series of tensions. Consequently, we seek to elucidate the manner in which vulnerable young workers navigate, both interpretively and practically, the trials of social life as well as the expectations associated with individualism/individualisation within a context of crisis and uncertainty.","PeriodicalId":47938,"journal":{"name":"Current Sociology","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47081391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-03DOI: 10.1177/00113921221093097
S. Gyan, A. Kpoor
The family size in Ghana is increasingly changing from large to small family sizes due to modernization. As societies become modernized, couples begin to limit their family size despite the high value society places on children in marriage and the family. In this study, we explore the factors influencing reproductive behaviour among Ghanaian dual-earner couples by highlighting the subjective views on factors that influence the number of children they have or hope to have as a couple. A qualitative approach was used to collect and analyse data. Data were gathered through in-depth interviews with 47 dual-earner couples from rural and urban communities selected from five regions in Ghana. Twenty key informant interviews were held with community leaders to provide the social context of the study areas. The data were analysed thematically. The study observed that there were no differences in the factors influencing family size in rural and urban communities in Ghana. Also, the findings are consistent with previous studies that identified factors such as the cost of raising children and women’s participation in the labour force although the meanings and interpretations that couples attribute to these factors have changed slightly. Couples’ family size was influenced by the need to ensure a comfortable life for their children. Access to modern contraceptives and infertility also came up as influencing family size. Overall, the changing family size among dual earner couples can be attributed to a combination of factors that are interrelated and interdependent.
{"title":"‘Why give birth to many children when you cannot take care of them?’ Determinants of family size among dual-earner couples in Ghana","authors":"S. Gyan, A. Kpoor","doi":"10.1177/00113921221093097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00113921221093097","url":null,"abstract":"The family size in Ghana is increasingly changing from large to small family sizes due to modernization. As societies become modernized, couples begin to limit their family size despite the high value society places on children in marriage and the family. In this study, we explore the factors influencing reproductive behaviour among Ghanaian dual-earner couples by highlighting the subjective views on factors that influence the number of children they have or hope to have as a couple. A qualitative approach was used to collect and analyse data. Data were gathered through in-depth interviews with 47 dual-earner couples from rural and urban communities selected from five regions in Ghana. Twenty key informant interviews were held with community leaders to provide the social context of the study areas. The data were analysed thematically. The study observed that there were no differences in the factors influencing family size in rural and urban communities in Ghana. Also, the findings are consistent with previous studies that identified factors such as the cost of raising children and women’s participation in the labour force although the meanings and interpretations that couples attribute to these factors have changed slightly. Couples’ family size was influenced by the need to ensure a comfortable life for their children. Access to modern contraceptives and infertility also came up as influencing family size. Overall, the changing family size among dual earner couples can be attributed to a combination of factors that are interrelated and interdependent.","PeriodicalId":47938,"journal":{"name":"Current Sociology","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43909179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-25DOI: 10.1177/00113921221090252
Wânia Pasinato, Thiago Pierobom de Ávila
The concept of femicide was created within the feminist theoretical field of studies influencing Law reform in Latin America. Eighteen countries throughout the region have criminalized femicide based on different legal provisions, in intimate and nonintimate relations. This article aims to provide a comparison of legal definitions of femicide as adopted in Latin American legal frameworks and to analyze the challenges of using law to give a name to the gender-based killings of women. The transition of the concept to law may partially impact its potential since other forms of gender-based violence may be hidden in a general clause of ‘gender prejudice’. It may also lead to restricted recognition in the legal system since traditionally this system operates in a conservative way wherein individual criminal liability has limitations in addressing institutional discrimination. Despite regional challenges, criminalization has contributed to raising social awareness on gendered killings. It has induced improvements in statistics and pushed for more attention on prevention policies and support for survivors and relatives. Nevertheless, current conservative movements tend to stress only the punitive approach and entail backlash on gender equality policies. This comparative study aims to contribute to a better understanding of the concept in the region.
{"title":"Criminalization of femicide in Latin America: Challenges of legal conceptualization","authors":"Wânia Pasinato, Thiago Pierobom de Ávila","doi":"10.1177/00113921221090252","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00113921221090252","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of femicide was created within the feminist theoretical field of studies influencing Law reform in Latin America. Eighteen countries throughout the region have criminalized femicide based on different legal provisions, in intimate and nonintimate relations. This article aims to provide a comparison of legal definitions of femicide as adopted in Latin American legal frameworks and to analyze the challenges of using law to give a name to the gender-based killings of women. The transition of the concept to law may partially impact its potential since other forms of gender-based violence may be hidden in a general clause of ‘gender prejudice’. It may also lead to restricted recognition in the legal system since traditionally this system operates in a conservative way wherein individual criminal liability has limitations in addressing institutional discrimination. Despite regional challenges, criminalization has contributed to raising social awareness on gendered killings. It has induced improvements in statistics and pushed for more attention on prevention policies and support for survivors and relatives. Nevertheless, current conservative movements tend to stress only the punitive approach and entail backlash on gender equality policies. This comparative study aims to contribute to a better understanding of the concept in the region.","PeriodicalId":47938,"journal":{"name":"Current Sociology","volume":"71 1","pages":"60 - 77"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48486021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-21DOI: 10.1177/00113921221086828
A. Dunlap
Local support is instrumental to natural resource extraction. Examining militarization beyond the battlefield, this article discusses the organization of volunteers in three controversial resource extraction projects. Drawing on the political ecology of counter-insurgency and 4 years of research that examined wind energy development in Mexico, coal mining in Germany, and copper mining in Peru, this article examines the weaponization of volunteers in environmental conflicts. It is argued that political acquiescence to natural resource extraction is manufactured by various means of coercion and reward, meanwhile volunteerism – or the appearance thereof – seeks to manipulate people’s ambitions and desires. The manufacturing of volunteerism expresses a ‘local’ counterinsurgency approach, designed to counter-resistance groups by articulating a form of counter-organizing to defend extractive development projects (and transnational capital). The fact remains, however, that these groups often qualify for welfare programs, are paid, or are recipients of ‘donations’ to ensure a supportive presence in the target areas. Volunteerism, in the conventional sense, is ‘hybridized’ with paid work posturing as unpaid to organize legitimacy. Discussing counter-organizations and their relationship to armed and unarmed volunteerism, the article details how communities are divided to support natural resource extraction in times of widespread ecological and climate crises.
{"title":"Weaponizing people in environmental conflicts: Capturing ‘hearts’, ‘minds’, and manufacturing ‘volunteers’ for extractive development","authors":"A. Dunlap","doi":"10.1177/00113921221086828","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00113921221086828","url":null,"abstract":"Local support is instrumental to natural resource extraction. Examining militarization beyond the battlefield, this article discusses the organization of volunteers in three controversial resource extraction projects. Drawing on the political ecology of counter-insurgency and 4 years of research that examined wind energy development in Mexico, coal mining in Germany, and copper mining in Peru, this article examines the weaponization of volunteers in environmental conflicts. It is argued that political acquiescence to natural resource extraction is manufactured by various means of coercion and reward, meanwhile volunteerism – or the appearance thereof – seeks to manipulate people’s ambitions and desires. The manufacturing of volunteerism expresses a ‘local’ counterinsurgency approach, designed to counter-resistance groups by articulating a form of counter-organizing to defend extractive development projects (and transnational capital). The fact remains, however, that these groups often qualify for welfare programs, are paid, or are recipients of ‘donations’ to ensure a supportive presence in the target areas. Volunteerism, in the conventional sense, is ‘hybridized’ with paid work posturing as unpaid to organize legitimacy. Discussing counter-organizations and their relationship to armed and unarmed volunteerism, the article details how communities are divided to support natural resource extraction in times of widespread ecological and climate crises.","PeriodicalId":47938,"journal":{"name":"Current Sociology","volume":"71 1","pages":"275 - 298"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41539745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-21DOI: 10.1177/00113921221086826
T. Hoffman
This article examines the interrelations between two educational endeavors in Israeli high schools, which are usually perceived as separated. The first is a pre-military education program that is an inherent part of Israeli schools’ formal and nonformal curriculum. The second is the incorporation of volunteering activity in and for the community as a compulsory prerequisite for the matriculation diploma. An integrative analysis of policy and curricular documents of both programs suggests that a shared common discursive framework characterizes these programs. This discourse glorifies an ideal Israeli citizen who serves his country through both civic volunteering and military service. This dual discourse blurs the boundaries between what is considered civic and what is considered military in the education system. Thus, it calls for a reconsideration of the ways in which civic education may be implemented in the education system together with militaristic ideals.
{"title":"Weaponized volunteering in schools: The discourse of volunteering and pre-military education in Israeli high schools","authors":"T. Hoffman","doi":"10.1177/00113921221086826","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00113921221086826","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the interrelations between two educational endeavors in Israeli high schools, which are usually perceived as separated. The first is a pre-military education program that is an inherent part of Israeli schools’ formal and nonformal curriculum. The second is the incorporation of volunteering activity in and for the community as a compulsory prerequisite for the matriculation diploma. An integrative analysis of policy and curricular documents of both programs suggests that a shared common discursive framework characterizes these programs. This discourse glorifies an ideal Israeli citizen who serves his country through both civic volunteering and military service. This dual discourse blurs the boundaries between what is considered civic and what is considered military in the education system. Thus, it calls for a reconsideration of the ways in which civic education may be implemented in the education system together with militaristic ideals.","PeriodicalId":47938,"journal":{"name":"Current Sociology","volume":"71 1","pages":"235 - 252"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49032140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-21DOI: 10.1177/00113921221090253
Mickey Vallee
This article asks whether we need a posthumanist sociology, arguing that such a perspective can export a good deal of useful methodological and theoretical insight into the sociological toolbox. A posthumanist sociology is not a flattened ontology, in which we find agency in all things living and non-living. A posthumanist sociology asks instead what we do with the fundamental question of becoming both more and less human, following a surge of interest in decentring human exceptionalism. Moreover, a posthumanist sociology returns to the question of what it means to be an intersectional being, to proliferate the involvement of entities at the intersections of histories and social structures. Thus, it is a perspective that emerges from within the conditions of related crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. This pandemic has highlighted the need to decentre human exceptionalism, raising a challenge for sociologists to return to the premises of what it means to be a social being. In some sense, management of the pandemic already assumes a decentring. This article builds an argument by first reviewing what broadly constitutes a ‘posthumanist’ sociological perspective, then moves on to a case study of the interrelated human and non-human actors that constituted the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic outbreak. The case study usefully marks the intersection between human and non-human bodies as nodes in the interpretive production chain of this global event – one that acknowledges human extensions and connections to multispecies and ecological systems. Such interlinkages become foundational to interrogating what it means to become human in a posthuman world. The article ends on this posthuman question: under the posthuman condition, if we do not discern a difference between the human and other-than-human entities, how will this homogenization affect the human collective ability to enact and maintain cross-species and cross-entity protections?
{"title":"Do we need a posthumanist sociology? Notes from the COVID-19 pandemic","authors":"Mickey Vallee","doi":"10.1177/00113921221090253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00113921221090253","url":null,"abstract":"This article asks whether we need a posthumanist sociology, arguing that such a perspective can export a good deal of useful methodological and theoretical insight into the sociological toolbox. A posthumanist sociology is not a flattened ontology, in which we find agency in all things living and non-living. A posthumanist sociology asks instead what we do with the fundamental question of becoming both more and less human, following a surge of interest in decentring human exceptionalism. Moreover, a posthumanist sociology returns to the question of what it means to be an intersectional being, to proliferate the involvement of entities at the intersections of histories and social structures. Thus, it is a perspective that emerges from within the conditions of related crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. This pandemic has highlighted the need to decentre human exceptionalism, raising a challenge for sociologists to return to the premises of what it means to be a social being. In some sense, management of the pandemic already assumes a decentring. This article builds an argument by first reviewing what broadly constitutes a ‘posthumanist’ sociological perspective, then moves on to a case study of the interrelated human and non-human actors that constituted the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic outbreak. The case study usefully marks the intersection between human and non-human bodies as nodes in the interpretive production chain of this global event – one that acknowledges human extensions and connections to multispecies and ecological systems. Such interlinkages become foundational to interrogating what it means to become human in a posthuman world. The article ends on this posthuman question: under the posthuman condition, if we do not discern a difference between the human and other-than-human entities, how will this homogenization affect the human collective ability to enact and maintain cross-species and cross-entity protections?","PeriodicalId":47938,"journal":{"name":"Current Sociology","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45682478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-21DOI: 10.1177/00113921221086824
Nir Gazit, E. Grassiani
Contemporary volunteering is often considered a neoliberal phenomenon that has become prevalent in an era of post-national sentiments and individualism. Although it is frequently depicted as non-political, it may serve the promotion of political agendas, such as neo-nationalism, outside the traditional frame of the state and its institutions. This becomes particularly salient when non-governmental organizations practice volunteering in ways that undermine the state’s monopoly in the realms of security and public order. We conceptualize this tendency as securitized volunteering – instances of volunteering work that is promoted by, in this case non-state, organizations who are involved in voluntary security activities that are violent (or potentially violent). Drawing on an ethnographic study of the Israeli organization HaShomer HaChadash (The New Guard), this article demonstrates how agricultural and security volunteering is used to advance a neo-nationalist agenda that circumvents the state, and at the same time maintains an apolitical stance. This is achieved through the implementation of two corresponding forms of securitized volunteering – civilianization of security volunteerism and securitization of civilian volunteerism. Blurring the distinction between both forms enables the organization to attract supporters and volunteers that come from various social sectors and to reinforce its seemingly apolitical position and nationalist agenda.
{"title":"Securitized volunteerism and neo-nationalism in Israel’s rural periphery","authors":"Nir Gazit, E. Grassiani","doi":"10.1177/00113921221086824","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00113921221086824","url":null,"abstract":"Contemporary volunteering is often considered a neoliberal phenomenon that has become prevalent in an era of post-national sentiments and individualism. Although it is frequently depicted as non-political, it may serve the promotion of political agendas, such as neo-nationalism, outside the traditional frame of the state and its institutions. This becomes particularly salient when non-governmental organizations practice volunteering in ways that undermine the state’s monopoly in the realms of security and public order. We conceptualize this tendency as securitized volunteering – instances of volunteering work that is promoted by, in this case non-state, organizations who are involved in voluntary security activities that are violent (or potentially violent). Drawing on an ethnographic study of the Israeli organization HaShomer HaChadash (The New Guard), this article demonstrates how agricultural and security volunteering is used to advance a neo-nationalist agenda that circumvents the state, and at the same time maintains an apolitical stance. This is achieved through the implementation of two corresponding forms of securitized volunteering – civilianization of security volunteerism and securitization of civilian volunteerism. Blurring the distinction between both forms enables the organization to attract supporters and volunteers that come from various social sectors and to reinforce its seemingly apolitical position and nationalist agenda.","PeriodicalId":47938,"journal":{"name":"Current Sociology","volume":"71 1","pages":"299 - 321"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47144423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-20DOI: 10.1177/00113921221086822
Itamar Y. Shachar
‘Volunteering’ has been emerging in the last decades as an object of intensified political interest and promotion, assembled through a myriad of alignments, composed of state institutions and international bodies, corporations, and third sector actors, operating across local, nationwide, and transnational scales. This article focuses on a particular configuration that I call ‘conscripted volunteering’, in which soldiers engage in activities framed as ‘doing good’ beyond their regular military duties. The article explores how this configuration emerges in Israel through growing efforts to create assemblages of corporate, public, nonprofit, and military actors. These assembling efforts include initiating and maintaining connections, routinizing and sustaining partnerships, and aligning various interests and needs. While some assemblages gradually dissolve, others are successfully sustained and new ones emerge. The overall proliferation of such assemblages in Israel is identified in this article as an emerging ‘military-industrial-nonprofit complex’ that is forged by a consensual neoliberal agenda regarding citizenship and modalities of participation. These insights could be utilized to understand various types of military-humanitarian interventions and to reconceptualize military-society relations more broadly.
{"title":"An emerging military-industrial-nonprofit complex? Exploring conscripted volunteering in Israel","authors":"Itamar Y. Shachar","doi":"10.1177/00113921221086822","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00113921221086822","url":null,"abstract":"‘Volunteering’ has been emerging in the last decades as an object of intensified political interest and promotion, assembled through a myriad of alignments, composed of state institutions and international bodies, corporations, and third sector actors, operating across local, nationwide, and transnational scales. This article focuses on a particular configuration that I call ‘conscripted volunteering’, in which soldiers engage in activities framed as ‘doing good’ beyond their regular military duties. The article explores how this configuration emerges in Israel through growing efforts to create assemblages of corporate, public, nonprofit, and military actors. These assembling efforts include initiating and maintaining connections, routinizing and sustaining partnerships, and aligning various interests and needs. While some assemblages gradually dissolve, others are successfully sustained and new ones emerge. The overall proliferation of such assemblages in Israel is identified in this article as an emerging ‘military-industrial-nonprofit complex’ that is forged by a consensual neoliberal agenda regarding citizenship and modalities of participation. These insights could be utilized to understand various types of military-humanitarian interventions and to reconceptualize military-society relations more broadly.","PeriodicalId":47938,"journal":{"name":"Current Sociology","volume":"71 1","pages":"214 - 234"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48364153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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