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Dissenting and innovating: Freelancers’ emerging forms of organising in the Netherlands 异议与创新:荷兰自由职业者的新兴组织形式
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.1177/00113921231223176
Valeria Piro, Annalisa Murgia
This article investigates precarious workers’ organising by considering the case of freelancers, a category between the self-employed – usually represented by employer organisations – and employees – whose interests are traditionally defended by trade unions. Drawing on a 6-month ethnography conducted in the Netherlands within two freelancer associations, our study shows their capacity to exercise collective forms of ‘critical agency’ – on the one hand, by questioning their established practices and seeking to innovate their repertoire, and on the other, by staging protest actions, despite the long Dutch tradition of consensus-based social dialogue. The aim of the article is twofold. First, it contributes to the debate on precarious workers’ organising by considering freelancers as agentic subjects, whose collective identity and organising practices shape and are shaped not only by the socio-institutional context, but also by the type of relationships they create and in which they are embedded. Second, by focusing on collective everyday practices as fields of production of the new, it illustrates diverse forms of critical agency exercised by freelancers, thus offering an empirical contribution to the understanding of critical agency in its making.
自由职业者是介于自营职业者(通常由雇主组织代表)和雇员(传统上由工会维护其利益)之间的一个类别。我们在荷兰对两个自由职业者协会进行了为期 6 个月的人种学研究,研究结果表明,尽管荷兰长期以来一直在开展以共识为基础的社会对话,但自由职业者仍有能力行使集体形式的 "批判性代理"--一方面,他们质疑自己的既定做法并寻求创新,另一方面,他们采取抗议行动。本文有两个目的。首先,文章将自由职业者视为代理主体,他们的集体身份和组织实践不仅受社会制度环境的影响,而且还受他们所建立的关系类型的影响。其次,通过关注作为新事物生产领域的集体日常实践,本研究说明了自由职业者行使批判性代理的各种形式,从而为理解批判性代理的形成提供了经验性贡献。
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引用次数: 0
The German social space and its homologies: National variation on a basic structure 德国社会空间及其同源性:基本结构的国家差异
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/00113921221100582
Will Atkinson, Andreas Schmitz
This article constructs a comprehensive new model of the contemporary class structure of Germany. More specifically, inspired by Pierre Bourdieu’s geometric conception of class relations and drawing on original survey data, it adopts multiple correspondence analysis paired with cluster analysis to chart the German ‘social space’, that is, the relational configuration of key forms of capital. It then explores correspondences with occupational groups, ethnic groups, other demographic features, lifestyle practices and tastes. The results disclose specific structuring effects of German peculiarities on the distribution of social power, including East–West reunification and the long-running guestworker programme. More fundamentally, though, in its basic structure, the space resembles that mapped by Bourdieu in France and those documented by others elsewhere, suggesting common principles of social and symbolic differentiation among Western capitalist societies.
本文为当代德国的阶级结构构建了一个全面的新模型。更具体地说,受皮埃尔-布迪厄(Pierre Bourdieu)关于阶级关系的几何概念的启发,并借鉴原始调查数据,文章采用多重对应分析法和聚类分析法来描绘德国的 "社会空间",即主要资本形式的关系配置。然后探讨了与职业群体、种族群体、其他人口特征、生活方式和品味之间的对应关系。研究结果揭示了德国的特殊性对社会权力分配的具体结构性影响,包括东西方统一和长期的客工计划。但更重要的是,在其基本结构上,该空间与布迪厄在法国绘制的空间以及其他人在其他地方记录的空间相似,这表明西方资本主义社会在社会和符号分化方面有着共同的原则。
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引用次数: 2
Scapegoating queers: Pink-blocking as state strategy 把同性恋当作替罪羊作为国家战略的粉红阻挡
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-12-27 DOI: 10.1177/00113921231217498
Meredith L. Weiss
Malaysia’s ‘democratic transition’ in May 2018, when a challenger coalition ousted the long-dominant incumbent coalition, raised hopes of a new political climate, more respectful of civil liberties. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) Malaysians shared that sentiment; a growing number had even protested openly for political liberalization as part of an umbrella movement for electoral reform. Within months of the election, several higher profile incidents peppered a series of attacks on queer spaces and both state-sponsored and private harassment of LGBT Malaysians – even as Malaysia ticked upwards in global metrics of ‘democracy’. Attention to LGBT peoples and issues remain at an all-time high in Malaysia, driven far less by queer activism than anti-LGBT agitation, in line with a government-led, base-ingratiating ‘pink-blocking’ agenda, rooted in both ‘Asian values’ and religious discourse. Here as elsewhere, queer identities and acts offer a handy diversion and scapegoat – and in Muslim-majority, increasingly Islamist Malaysia, anti-queer policies and policing affirm commitment to the presumed moral high ground of Malay-Muslim rights: pink-blocking offers a way to build coveted electoral support. In contrast, we may find recourse to ‘pink-washing’ strategies in countries lacking a similarly socially conservative, substantial base and/or competitive elections, and/or where currying favour with the west is a higher imperative.
2018 年 5 月,马来西亚进行了 "民主过渡",挑战者联盟推翻了长期占主导地位的现任联盟,这让人们对一个更加尊重公民自由的新政治气候产生了希望。马来西亚的男女同性恋、双性恋和变性者(LGBT)也有同感;越来越多的人甚至公开抗议政治自由化,作为选举改革伞式运动的一部分。在选举结束后的几个月内,发生了几起备受瞩目的事件,包括对同性恋空间的一系列袭击,以及国家支持和私人对马来西亚男女同性恋、双性恋和变性者的骚扰--尽管马来西亚在全球 "民主 "指标中的排名在不断上升。在马来西亚,对男女同性恋、双性恋和变性者及相关问题的关注度仍处于历史最高水平,但其驱动力远非同性恋活动,而是反同性恋、双性恋和变性者的骚动,这与政府主导的、以 "亚洲价值观 "和宗教话语为根基的 "粉红阻击 "议程是一致的。与其他地方一样,这里的同性恋身份和行为提供了一个方便的转移话题和替罪羊--在穆斯林占多数、伊斯兰教日益盛行的马来西亚,反同性恋政策和治安工作肯定了对马来穆斯林权利这一假定道德高地的承诺:粉色封锁提供了一种建立梦寐以求的选举支持的方式。与此相反,在缺乏类似的社会保守主义、实质性基础和/或竞争性选举的国家,和/或在更需要讨好西方的国家,我们可能会发现 "粉色洗白 "策略。
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引用次数: 0
Southern theory, knowledge production and Russia’s war in Ukraine: An interview with Raewyn Connell 南方理论、知识生产与俄罗斯的乌克兰战争:专访 Raewyn Connell
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-12-16 DOI: 10.1177/00113921231218736
Ivan Kislenko, Raewyn Connell
This is an interview with Raewyn Connell held through email in April 2023 and has been later updated in October 2023. It consists of the following three sections: ‘Southern Theory and Its Enemies’; ‘Russia’s war in Ukraine and the Global Field of Knowledge Production’; ‘The position of Russia in the North-South dichotomy’. It includes a variety of ideas, that is, southern theory, subaltern empire, Global East, post-socialist coloniality, sanctions, appropriation of anticolonial narratives by Putin, North and South in sociology, and so on. The main aim of the interview is to demonstrate how the ideas of Raewyn Connell relate to a current configuration of knowledge production in sociology, especially in the state of war and its possible influence on international sociology.
本文是 2023 年 4 月通过电子邮件对 Raewyn Connell 进行的采访,后于 2023 年 10 月更新。内容包括以下三个部分:南方理论及其敌人";"俄罗斯在乌克兰的战争与全球知识生产领域";"俄罗斯在南北对立中的地位"。访谈内容丰富多彩,包括南方理论、亚细亚帝国、全球东方、后社会主义殖民主义、制裁、普京对反殖民主义叙事的利用、社会学中的南北关系等。访谈的主要目的是说明拉维恩-康奈尔的思想与当前社会学知识生产的结构有什么关系,特别是在战争状态下及其对国际社会学可能产生的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Do countries’ freedom status and gender equality level inform gender differences in bribery? Evidence from a multi-country level analysis 国家的自由状况和性别平等水平是否会影响贿赂中的性别差异?来自多国分析的证据
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.1177/00113921231217499
E. Dim, J. Asomah, Yiyan Li
Given the continuing debate on whether women are less corrupt than men, this study investigates the socio-political context in which men and women give bribes based on the seventh round of the Afrobarometer multi-country data set. We also seek to understand how a country’s freedom status and gender equality level inform the extent to which women and men are likely to be involved in corruption. In doing so, the study focuses on the influence of gender status, the number of female legislators, gender equality, and political freedom on bribe-giving among men and women. Research results indicate that (1) women in Africa are less likely to pay bribes than men, controlling both macro-level and micro-level factors, (2) women are less likely than men to give bribes in countries with high gender equality, and (3) the tendency for women to give bribes is the lowest in politically free countries. However, the inclination of women’s bribery reached the highest level among countries with partial political freedom. This study extends the theoretical and empirical understanding of the context within which women are more or less likely to give bribes, especially in the global South.
鉴于关于女性是否比男性更腐败的持续争论,本研究基于非洲晴雨表第七轮多国数据集调查了男性和女性行贿的社会政治背景。我们还试图了解一个国家的自由状况和性别平等水平如何影响女性和男性可能卷入腐败的程度。在此过程中,该研究侧重于性别地位、女议员人数、性别平等和政治自由对男女贿赂行为的影响。研究结果表明:(1)在控制宏观和微观因素的情况下,非洲女性行贿的可能性低于男性;(2)在性别平等程度较高的国家,女性行贿的可能性低于男性;(3)在政治自由的国家,女性行贿的倾向最低。然而,在政治部分自由的国家中,女性的贿赂倾向达到了最高水平。这项研究扩展了对妇女或多或少可能行贿的背景的理论和实证理解,特别是在全球南方。
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引用次数: 0
Are public sector organizations still relevant for poverty reduction? Frontline workers’ personal resources and the centrality of trust 公共部门组织对减贫仍有意义吗?前线工作者的个人资源与信任的核心作用
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1177/00113921231206492
Einat Lavee
This study draws on 214 in-depth interviews with frontline Israeli workers providing services in the public sector to investigate whether organizational embeddedness helps individuals living in poverty accumulate resources from public organizations in times of reduced government support. Findings show that public sector workers provide clients with informal, personal resources that allow better coping with poverty. Beyond local, short-term assistance, these personal resources are provided in the hopes of strengthening trust among low-income populations, thereby achieving long-term improved well-being and social inclusion. Findings expose new dimensions in the relations between organizations and their low-income clients, as well as the importance of organizational embeddedness in coping with poverty.
本研究通过对 214 名在公共部门提供服务的以色列一线工作人员进行深入访谈,调查组织嵌入性是否有助于生活贫困的个人在政府支持减少时从公共组织积累资源。研究结果表明,公共部门工作人员为服务对象提供了非正式的个人资源,使其能够更好地应对贫困。除了当地的短期援助外,这些个人资源的提供是希望加强低收入人群之间的信任,从而实现长期的福利改善和社会包容。研究结果揭示了各组织与其低收入客户之间关系的新层面,以及组织嵌入性在应对贫穷方面的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Protective abandonment: Risk, data, and surveillance of nuclear workers post Fukushima 放弃保护:福岛事故后核电工人的风险、数据和监控
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-18 DOI: 10.1177/00113921231211583
Midori Ogasawara
During the coronavirus disease-19 pandemic, Fukushima marked the 10th anniversary of its nuclear disaster of 2011. And although pandemic scientists around the world used technological surveillance to predict risks, the experiences from the Fukushima health crisis call into question such technological solutionism. The Japanese government and electronic companies had placed nuclear workers under intensive health surveillance for decades, but the health data rarely helped workers to protect themselves. Rather, the government has often used the data to decline workers’ claims for medical compensation. I call this contradictory consequence of data Protective Abandonment, the systematic disposal of people through the promise of protection. Data are collected through surveillance, for the purpose of risk management, but the information ends up protecting only the existing political economic systems. Crucially, data collection disguises protection and hides the unequal distribution of care. I argue that protective abandonment may become a common experience in today’s data-driven societies.
在冠状病毒疾病-19 大流行期间,福岛正值 2011 年核灾难十周年。尽管全世界的大流行病科学家都利用技术监控来预测风险,但福岛健康危机的经验让人们对这种技术解决主义产生了质疑。数十年来,日本政府和电子公司对核电工人进行了密集的健康监控,但健康数据很少能帮助工人保护自己。相反,政府经常利用这些数据拒绝工人的医疗赔偿要求。我将数据带来的这一矛盾后果称为 "保护性遗弃",即通过承诺提供保护而系统性地抛弃人们。数据是通过监控收集的,目的是进行风险管理,但这些信息最终只保护了现有的政治经济体系。最重要的是,数据收集掩盖了保护,隐藏了不平等的照顾分配。我认为,在当今数据驱动的社会中,放弃保护可能会成为一种普遍的经历。
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引用次数: 0
Looking at human-centered artificial intelligence as a problem and prospect for sociology: An analytic review 将以人为中心的人工智能视为社会学的问题和前景:分析评论
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-17 DOI: 10.1177/00113921231211580
A. Rezaev, N. Tregubova
Significant advances have been achieved within the past decade in the progress of theoretical and empirical studies of Artificial Intelligence. This article is an attempt, through a review of existing literature on Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence, to raise new questions and provide additional scientific data that will stimulate the potential and foster the forces of sociology and Artificial Intelligence studies to draw closer together. The point of departure for the article is the appearance of Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence in scholarly assembly. The authors then explore routines of the term Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence and the dilemmas of Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence. In what follows, they review how Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence appears in sociological and social sciences production. The authors turn to the closing remarks and finalize formulating three rules of what not to do when studying Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence from a sociological perspective.
过去十年间,人工智能的理论和实证研究取得了重大进展。本文试图通过对以人为本的人工智能现有文献的回顾,提出新的问题,提供更多的科学数据,激发社会学与人工智能研究的潜力,促进社会学与人工智能研究的力量更加紧密地结合在一起。文章的出发点是以人为本的人工智能在学术集会中的出现。随后,作者探讨了 "以人为本的人工智能 "这一术语的日常用法以及 "以人为本的人工智能 "所面临的困境。接下来,他们回顾了以人为本的人工智能是如何出现在社会学和社会科学作品中的。最后,作者在结束语中提出了从社会学角度研究 "以人为本的人工智能 "时不能做的三件事。
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引用次数: 0
Challenging the protest paradigm and winning legitimacy. Analysis of the representation of the social movement against femicide in the mainstream media in Mexico 挑战抗议模式,赢得合法性。墨西哥主流媒体对反对杀害妇女的社会运动的报道分析
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1177/00113921231211578
Mariana Aldrete
Previous studies found a tendency for negative representations of social movements in the media in the so-called ‘protest paradigm’. This work proposes a methodology using the paradigm as a framework and operationalizing its characteristics into neutral variables: emphasis, prominence, legitimacy, and tone. In addition, the political elite-media relationship is included as an analytical dimension to better understand the factors that produce media representations of social movements. The empirical focus is the representation of the movement against femicide in three Mexican national news outlets with different political leanings, from 2014 to 2017, gathering N = 865 news articles. The articles were coded using the qualitative content analysis technique. Each variable was coded to measure the representation of the movement and the authorities. The results show that the detriment to one actor’s legitimacy can benefit the other’s representation, suggesting an interdependent system formed by the political elite, the media, and the social movements.
先前的研究发现,在所谓的“抗议范式”中,媒体倾向于对社会运动进行负面描述。这项工作提出了一种使用范式作为框架的方法,并将其特征操作化为中性变量:强调,突出,合法性和语气。此外,政治精英与媒体的关系被作为一个分析维度,以更好地理解产生社会运动的媒体表征的因素。实证研究的重点是2014年至2017年,墨西哥三家不同政治倾向的国家新闻媒体对反对杀害妇女运动的代表性,共收集了N = 865篇新闻报道。采用定性内容分析技术对文章进行编码。每个变量都被编码以衡量运动和权威的表现。结果表明,对一方行为者合法性的损害可能有利于另一方的代表,这表明政治精英、媒体和社会运动形成了一个相互依存的系统。
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引用次数: 0
Examining distrust of science and scientists: A study on ideology and scientific literacy in the European Union 检验对科学和科学家的不信任:欧盟意识形态和科学素养的研究
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1177/00113921231211582
Dragoș M Obreja, Răzvan Rughiniș, Daniel Rosner
There is considerable evidence that, in the United States, public distrust in science is amplified by a conservative ideology and by lower levels of scientific literacy. By emphasizing the discussion on reflexive modernity and (de)politicization of science and politics, we use the Eurobarometer 95.2 to explore these relationships in present-day European Union. We document a significant relationship between conservatively oriented opinions and lower scores on the scientific literacy scale and EU respondents’ levels of distrust in science. We notice that conservative attitudes – measured by dummy statements such as focus on morality instead of innovation, and national isolation due to fear of international crime instead of international co-operation – cause higher distrust in science and scientists. Unlike several studies carried out in the United States, we observe that in the European Union countries, trust in private companies to tackle with scientific issues such as climate change does not predict much when it comes to trust in science and scientists. The obtained results highlight the conceptual confluence between politicization of EU politics and expertization when it comes to policymaking at the EU level, emphasizing the debate regarding the ideological tension that fuels the distrust in science and scientists.
有相当多的证据表明,在美国,保守的意识形态和较低的科学素养水平放大了公众对科学的不信任。通过强调对反思性现代性和科学与政治的(去)政治化的讨论,我们使用欧洲晴雨表95.2来探索当今欧盟的这些关系。我们记录了保守导向的观点与科学素养量表和欧盟受访者对科学的不信任程度的较低分数之间的显著关系。我们注意到,保守的态度——通过诸如关注道德而不是创新,以及由于害怕国际犯罪而不是国际合作而导致的国家孤立等虚假陈述来衡量——导致了对科学和科学家的更高不信任。与在美国进行的几项研究不同,我们观察到,在欧盟国家,在对科学和科学家的信任方面,对私营公司处理气候变化等科学问题的信任并不能预测太多。当涉及到欧盟层面的政策制定时,所获得的结果突出了欧盟政治政治化和专家化之间概念上的融合,强调了关于助长对科学和科学家不信任的意识形态紧张的辩论。
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引用次数: 0
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