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Who tolerates democratic backsliding? A mosaic approach to voters’ responses to authoritarian leadership in Hungary 谁能容忍民主倒退?匈牙利选民对独裁领导的反应的马赛克方法
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2203918
Natasha Wunsch, Theresa Gessler
ABSTRACT In contexts of democratic backsliding, citizens represent the last bulwark against the systematic dismantling of checks and balances by overbearing executives. And yet, they repeatedly fail to punish authoritarian-leaning leaders at the ballot box, allowing them to consolidate their grip on power. Why is that so? We leverage a conjoint survey experiment in Hungary to probe competing mechanisms of citizen tolerance towards democratic violations in a context of severe backsliding. Our main contribution consists of demonstrating empirically the presence of a composite effect, whereby authoritarian-leaning elites succeed in offering targeted compensations to different groups, ultimately building a mosaic of support among voters to secure enduring electoral backing. We pinpoint trade-offs notably related to cultural conservatism and economic benefits among different subgroups of the population. At the same time, our empirical findings indicate surprisingly high levels of condemnation of undemocratic positions by Hungarian respondents. We discuss how this unexpected pattern points to the limitations of conjoint designs as well as the overlooked supply side of democratic backsliding. Our study feeds into broader debates about the unfolding and entrenchment of democratic backsliding and how we study these processes.
摘要在民主倒退的背景下,公民代表着抵御专横高管系统性破坏制衡的最后堡垒。然而,他们一再未能在投票箱中惩罚倾向独裁的领导人,使他们得以巩固对权力的控制。为什么会这样?我们利用匈牙利的一项联合调查实验,调查在严重倒退的背景下,公民对民主侵犯行为的宽容机制。我们的主要贡献包括从经验上证明了一种复合效应的存在,即倾向独裁的精英成功地向不同群体提供了有针对性的补偿,最终在选民中建立了一个支持的马赛克,以确保持久的选举支持。我们指出了不同人群中与文化保守主义和经济利益显著相关的权衡。与此同时,我们的实证研究结果表明,匈牙利受访者对不民主立场的谴责程度高得惊人。我们讨论了这种意想不到的模式如何指向联合设计的局限性,以及民主倒退中被忽视的供给侧。我们的研究引发了关于民主倒退的展开和巩固以及我们如何研究这些过程的更广泛辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Authoritarian police in democracy: contested security in Latin America 民主中的威权警察:拉丁美洲有争议的安全
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2207214
P. Tap
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引用次数: 7
For things to remain the same, how many things have to change? Elite continuity and change after leadership changes 为了让事情保持不变,有多少事情需要改变?领导层变动后的精英连续性和变化
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2189699
Tiziana Corda
ABSTRACT After leadership changes, how do new leaders recast the composition of their surrounding elites to ensure support and secure their tenure? Using original data on African cabinets, this article contributes to the debate on leaders’ survival with new theoretical inputs and empirical evidence about senior level changes new leaders introduce after assuming office to ensure a longer and more stable tenure. The article concentrates primarily on leaders emerged from an under-theorized and yet frequent type of leadership change, which is neither violent nor electoral, such as after a predecessor’s resignation. Because these leaders lack the authority generally granted, albeit through different means, by electoral and violent takeovers, the article builds on regime cycle frameworks to develop a sequential interpretation of elite management for such hybrid types which is distinct from both violence-born and electoral regimes. The comparative analysis of two recent such cases in Ethiopia and Zimbabwe empirically illustrates how the timing and sequencing of post-change elite management eventually affect leadership stability over time. These findings ultimately reinforce the view that the survival debate needs to dilute its focus on leaders as the organizing principles of regimes, and instead concentrate on wider senior elite coalitions.
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引用次数: 0
Politicizing gender and democracy in the context of the Istanbul Convention 在《伊斯坦布尔公约》范围内将性别和民主政治化
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2205132
Büke Boşnak
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引用次数: 0
Evaluating Europe's push to enact AI regulations: how will this influence global norms? 评估欧洲推动制定人工智能法规:这将如何影响全球规范?
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2196068
Steven Feldstein
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引用次数: 1
Bridling dictators – rules and authoritarian politics 约束独裁者——规则和威权政治
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2205130
Junhyoung Lee
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引用次数: 0
State of the world 2022: defiance in the face of autocratization 2022年世界状况:面对独裁的反抗
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2199452
Felix Wiebrecht, Yuko Sato, Marina Nord, Martin Lundstedt, Fabio Angiolillo, Staffan I. Lindberg
ABSTRACT This article presents the state of democracy in the world in 2022 using the most recent Varieties of Democracy dataset (V13). There are four main findings. First, the level of democracy enjoyed by the average global citizen is down to 1986-levels and 72% of the world’s population live in autocracies. Second, the third wave of autocratization reaches a new height with 42 countries autocratizing. By contrast, only 14 countries are democratizing. Third, between 1992 and 2022, autocracies increased their share of the global economy and now account for 46% of world GDP when measured by purchasing power parity. Fourth, defying the global wave of autocratization, eight countries not only stopped but also reversed autocratization in the last 10 years, which we define as democratic U-turns. We find five elements that seem important across the identified cases: executive constraints, mass mobilization, alternation in power, unified opposition coalescing with civil society, and international democracy support. We analyze different combinations of these factors and discuss how they could be critical in stopping and reversing contemporary autocratization. This first analysis suggests that in-depth, comparative case studies of these eight cases and their counterfactuals would be an important area of future research.
摘要本文使用最新的民主多样性数据集(V13)介绍了2022年世界的民主状况。主要有四个发现。首先,全球普通公民享有的民主水平已降至1986年的水平,世界上72%的人口生活在独裁国家。第二,第三次独裁浪潮达到了一个新的高度,有42个国家实行独裁。相比之下,只有14个国家正在实现民主化。第三,1992年至2022年间,独裁政权在全球经济中的份额有所增加,按购买力平价衡量,目前占世界GDP的46%。第四,在过去的10年里,八个国家无视全球独裁浪潮,不仅停止了独裁,而且扭转了独裁,我们将其定义为民主的180度大转弯。我们发现,在已确定的案例中,有五个要素似乎很重要:行政约束、大规模动员、权力交替、与民间社会联合的统一反对派以及国际民主支持。我们分析了这些因素的不同组合,并讨论了它们如何在阻止和扭转当代专制化方面发挥关键作用。第一次分析表明,对这八个案例及其反事实进行深入的比较案例研究将是未来研究的一个重要领域。
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引用次数: 15
Subnational authority and political alignment in African states. 非洲国家的地方权力和政治联盟
IF 3.7 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-26 eCollection Date: 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2201495
Clionadh Raleigh, Andrea Carboni

This paper examines the importance of, and variations in, political alignment within African regimes. Political alignment is how leaders establish sufficient political support across elites: we posit that formal appointments are the primary way that leaders manipulate political coalitions in order to secure their collective authority and tenure. Appointments, individually and collectively, can take on multiple characteristics: they can create inclusive or exclusive coalitions, transactional or loyal support, volatile or stable elite networks. Appointment powers have greater salience since governments institutionalized and formalized in governance systems across democratic and autocratic states. Manipulating who holds and secures power at the subnational and national levels, rather than repressive control or state capacity, underpins the stability, security, and survival of modern African regimes.

本文探讨了非洲政权内部政治结盟的重要性及其变化。政治结盟是领导人在精英中建立足够政治支持的方式:我们认为,正式任命是领导人操纵政治联盟以确保其集体权威和任期的主要方式。无论是单独任命还是集体任命,都可以具有多种特征:它们可以建立包容性或排他性联盟、交易性或忠诚性支持、动荡或稳定的精英网络。由于政府在民主和专制国家的治理体系中制度化和正式化,任命权具有更大的显著性。在国家以下和国家层面操纵谁掌握和确保权力,而不是压制性控制或国家能力,是现代非洲政权稳定、安全和生存的基础。
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引用次数: 0
Staying in control of technology: predictive policing, democracy, and digital sovereignty 掌握技术:预测性警务、民主和数字主权
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-18 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2197217
M. Leese
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引用次数: 0
The provocative effects of democratization: assessing the relationship between the regime transition in Armenia and the escalation of the Karabakh conflict in 2018–2020 民主化的挑衅效应:评估2018-2020年亚美尼亚政权过渡与卡拉巴赫冲突升级之间的关系
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-11 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2195168
A. Babayev, K. Mahmudov
ABSTRACT The democratization and war theory suggests that countries become more conflict-prone while in a transition phase to democracy. Drawing on this theory, we examine the relationship between democratic transition in Armenia and the escalation of the Karabakh conflict in 2018–2020 – prior to the second Karabakh war. Obviously, various factors led to a dangerous escalation of the conflict, which eventually ended in all-out war. Yet, the article primarily aims to find out how Armenia’s recent democratization is related to this escalation. Our findings confirm the above theory: the main empirical argument is that the key elements linking democratic transition to conflict escalation have been the increasingly nationalist, populist behaviour of the new Armenian leadership and a perceived provocation caused by it on Azerbaijani side.
民主化和战争理论表明,国家在向民主过渡的过程中更容易发生冲突。根据这一理论,我们研究了亚美尼亚的民主过渡与第二次卡拉巴赫战争前2018-2020年卡拉巴赫冲突升级之间的关系。显然,各种因素导致了冲突的危险升级,最终以全面战争告终。然而,这篇文章的主要目的是了解亚美尼亚最近的民主化与这一升级有何关系。我们的研究结果证实了上述理论:主要的实证论点是,将民主过渡与冲突升级联系起来的关键因素是亚美尼亚新领导层日益民族主义和民粹主义的行为,以及它在阿塞拜疆方面引起的挑衅。
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引用次数: 0
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Democratization
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