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The Two Logics of Autocratic Rule 专制统治的两个逻辑
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-06 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2242790
J. Wiessmann
identity politics in Africa will find this volume particularly insightful. The volume’s chapters speak to and complement recent publications that have focused on themes these individual chapters raise that emphasize the importance of context in studying African politics. The volume however could have been strengthened by applying its analytical frame on the international relations of Africa and coups and unconstitutional changes of government in Africa.
非洲的身份政治会发现这本书特别有见地。该卷的章节讲述并补充了最近的出版物,这些出版物聚焦于这些章节提出的主题,强调了背景在研究非洲政治中的重要性。然而,本可以通过应用其对非洲国际关系、非洲政变和违宪政府更迭的分析框架来加强该卷。
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引用次数: 0
Cooptation without opposition: government response in the authoritarian legislature in China 没有反对的合作:中国专制立法机构中的政府反应
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2238187
Dongshu Liu
ABSTRACT Cooptation is widely applied to study authoritarian legislatures, but it is often used to identify and placate the opposition groups. For one-party authoritarian regimes in which the hardcore opposition groups are not represented in the legislature, do autocrats still display dynamics of cooptation when responding to the delegates? Based on a unique dataset of government responses to delegate proposals in China, this article finds that the Chinese regime indeed responds to People’s Congress delegates based on the need for cooptation. Delegates who are members of the ruling Communist Party of China (CCP), who are more tightly controlled through the party institution, receive less favourable state responses than non-CCP delegates. However, the disadvantages of CCP delegates disappear when the risk of internal defection increases. The findings further show that even in the absence of strong opposition parties, authoritarian regimes still adopt cooptation strategies in legislatures.
摘要合作被广泛应用于研究威权立法机构,但它经常被用来识别和安抚反对团体。对于立法机构中没有核心反对团体代表的一党专制政权来说,独裁者在回应代表时是否仍然表现出合作的动力?基于一个独特的中国政府对代表提案的回应数据集,本文发现,中国政权确实基于合作的需要对人大代表做出了回应。执政党中国共产党(CCP)的代表通过党的机构受到更严格的控制,他们得到的国家回应不如非中共代表。然而,当内部叛逃的风险增加时,中共代表的劣势就会消失。研究结果进一步表明,即使没有强大的反对党,独裁政权仍然在立法机构中采取合作策略。
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引用次数: 0
How do voters respond to party switching in Africa? 选民对非洲政党的转变有何反应?
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-13 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2232305
Victor Agboga
ABSTRACT Are there electoral consequences for elected politicians who switch from one party to another? Existing research on this question discovered that switchers often perform worse in elections than non-switchers because voters are suspicious of their intentions, especially in older democracies. Nonetheless, few robust studies have been conducted on this in Africa amidst concerns of weak party institutionalization and voters’ passivism, despite the prevalence of switching on the continent and copious existing research on the issue on other continents. I conducted a nationwide representative survey gauging voters’ response to party switching and analysed an original dataset on party switching among African MPs, using Nigeria with over 200 cases of party defection within eight years as a case study. I discovered party switchers in Nigeria, Africa's biggest democracy, performed worse in elections compared to non-switchers, with significant implications for our understanding of voting behaviour in Africa.
摘要:对于从一个政党转向另一个政党的民选政客来说,这会对选举产生影响吗?现有的关于这个问题的研究发现,转换者在选举中的表现往往比非转换者差,因为选民对他们的意图持怀疑态度,尤其是在旧的民主国家。尽管如此,尽管非洲大陆普遍存在换届现象,其他大陆也对这一问题进行了大量的现有研究,但由于担心政党制度化不力和选民的被动主义,非洲很少对此进行有力的研究。我进行了一项全国性的代表性调查,衡量选民对政党转换的反应,并分析了非洲议员政党转换的原始数据集,以尼日利亚为例,在八年内发生了200多起政党叛逃案件。我发现,在非洲最大的民主国家尼日利亚,政党转换者在选举中的表现比非政党转换者差,这对我们理解非洲的投票行为有重大影响。
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引用次数: 0
It takes two to toyi-toyi: one party dominance and opposition party failure in South Africa’s 2019 national election toyi toyi需要两个人:在南非2019年全国大选中,一党统治和反对党失败
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-11 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2228710
C. Schulz-Herzenberg, R. Mattes
ABSTRACT Why do dominant parties continue to win elections despite significant governance failures? Scholars of one party democracies tend to locate explanations at the macro-level: manipulation of rules, control over state media, or selective distribution of benefits to supporters. Other scholars emphasize ethnic or religious identities which trump consideration of policy and performance. We employ a multinomial regression model of voter decisions in South Africa’s 2019 general election to explore how the ruling African National Congress managed to secure 58% of the vote amidst a massive corruption scandal and waning public services. We find that dissatisfied government supporters do not ignore poor performance, but must perceive a legitimate alternative amongst the opposition before they switch their vote. Otherwise, they exit the electorate. This allows the governing party to win significant proportions of a diminishing electorate. Thus, decisions about whether to vote are not just a result of resources, mobilization or efficacy, but are also rooted in perceptions of governing and opposition parties. Voter turnout and vote choice are intimately linked, rather than separate causal processes. Moreover, continued one-party dominance may be as much a function of opposition party failure as it is of government control over rules, rents or resources.
摘要:为什么在治理出现重大失误的情况下,占主导地位的政党仍能在选举中获胜?一党制民主国家的学者倾向于在宏观层面找到解释:操纵规则、控制国家媒体或选择性地向支持者分配利益。其他学者强调种族或宗教身份,而这些身份比政策和表现的考虑更重要。我们采用了南非2019年大选选民决策的多项式回归模型,来探索执政的非洲人国民大会是如何在大规模腐败丑闻和公共服务衰退的情况下获得58%的选票的。我们发现,不满的政府支持者并没有忽视糟糕的表现,但在他们改变投票之前,必须在反对派中找到一个合法的替代方案。否则,他们将退出选民。这使得执政党能够在不断减少的选民中赢得相当大比例的选票。因此,关于是否投票的决定不仅是资源、动员或效率的结果,还植根于执政党和反对党的观念。选民投票率和投票选择密切相关,而不是单独的因果过程。此外,一党继续占据主导地位可能既是反对党失败的结果,也是政府对规则、租金或资源控制的结果。
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引用次数: 1
Civil society collective action under authoritarianism: divergent collaborative equilibriums for political reform in Malaysia and Singapore 威权主义下的民间社会集体行动:马来西亚和新加坡政治改革的不同合作平衡
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-10 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2223142
Elvin Ong, Syazwi Bin Rahmad
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引用次数: 0
The Social Constitution: Embedding Social Rights Through Legal Mobilization 社会宪法:通过法律动员嵌入社会权利
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-06 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2231853
Andrew O’Donohue
Specifically, the demise of the U.S. liberal unipolarity and the shift to a multipolar international system (touched upon briefly by the author on pp. 358 & 429-430) might be one of the main determining factors of the future of revolutionary contention in the world. All in all, The Revolutionary City is an impressive achievement both in terms of its scope and in terms of the great ideas and arguments it contains. It is definitely the most comprehensive global study of revolutions to date. It will be of interest primarily to comparativist social scientists and policymakers alike.
具体来说,美国自由主义单极格局的消亡和向多极国际体系的转变(作者在第358页和第429-430页简要地谈到了这一点)可能是未来世界革命争夺的主要决定因素之一。总而言之,《革命之城》是一部令人印象深刻的成就,无论是就其范围而言,还是就其所包含的伟大思想和论点而言。这绝对是迄今为止最全面的全球革命研究。它将主要引起比较主义社会科学家和政策制定者的兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Elites and the Politics of Accountability in Africa 非洲的精英和问责制政治
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-06 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2231873
Mwita Chacha
tion to competing explanations would have been appreciated (at least by this reviewer). These points notwithstanding, there is little doubt that Taylor’s book will be the goto resource for political scientists, legal scholars, and practitioners seeking to understand how the tutela transformed Colombian society and how social constitutionalism became ingrained in everyday life. While a rich literature has documented the deficiencies marring the rule of law in Latin America, Taylor makes a contribution by illuminating a positive case of how rights become embedded in practice. Given that the study of political regimes often exhibits a selection bias toward negative cases, Taylor’s contribution is rare and refreshing. For the many scholars and citizens who admire the Colombian model—or seek to improve upon it—this book will be required reading.
对相互竞争的解释的反应会受到赞赏(至少是这位评论家)。尽管有这些观点,毫无疑问,泰勒的书将成为政治学家、法律学者和从业者的后顾之忧,他们希望了解监护制度如何改变哥伦比亚社会,以及社会宪政如何在日常生活中根深蒂固。虽然丰富的文献记录了拉丁美洲法治的缺陷,但泰勒通过阐明权利如何融入实践的积极案例做出了贡献。鉴于对政治制度的研究往往表现出对负面案例的选择偏见,泰勒的贡献是罕见的,令人耳目一新。对于许多钦佩哥伦比亚模式或寻求改进哥伦比亚模式的学者和公民来说,这本书将是必读之作。
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引用次数: 0
Academic freedom and the onset of autocratization 学术自由与专制的开始
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-06 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2207213
Lars Pelke
ABSTRACT Democracy is under threat across the globe and a third wave of autocratization manifests in democratic regression and authoritarian hardening. However, although universities have been important pro-democracy hotbeds, the nexus between academic freedom and autocratization has generated little scholarly attention. This article presents the first systematic investigation of the influence of academic freedom on the onset of autocratization. In particular, it reveals how academic freedom protects regimes from an onset of autocratization and argues that more academic freedom reduces the risk of autocratization by imprinting a pro-democracy bias on students and researchers. This article’s research design combines two studies. Study I tests whether graduates that were socialized under more academic freedom develop more democratic support, which I analyse using data from the World Values Surveys and linear fixed effects models. Study II tests whether more academic freedom reduces the onset probability of autocratization using V-Dem data and binomial-response GLMs. This article finds evidence that while high levels of academic freedom reduce the probability of an onset of autocratization, low levels also reduce the probability of an onset. Overall, the article highlights the crucial role of academic freedom for democracy, especially in times of severe threats to democracy.
摘要民主在全球范围内受到威胁,第三波专制化表现为民主倒退和专制强化。然而,尽管大学一直是重要的民主温床,但学术自由和专制之间的关系很少引起学术界的关注。本文首次系统地研究了学术自由对专制开始的影响。特别是,它揭示了学术自由如何保护政权免受专制化的影响,并认为更多的学术自由通过在学生和研究人员身上留下亲民主的偏见来降低专制化的风险。本文的研究设计结合了两项研究。研究I测试了在更大的学术自由下社会化的毕业生是否会得到更民主的支持,我使用世界价值观调查和线性固定效应模型的数据进行了分析。研究II使用V-Dem数据和二项响应GLM测试了更多的学术自由是否会降低专制化的发生概率。这篇文章发现有证据表明,虽然高水平的学术自由会降低专制化开始的概率,但低水平的学术也会降低独裁化开始的可能性。总的来说,这篇文章强调了学术自由对民主的关键作用,尤其是在民主受到严重威胁的时候。
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引用次数: 0
The use of experts in building political trust: dissenting opinions and critical citizens in times of crisis 利用专家建立政治信任:危机时期的不同意见和批评公民
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2227572
Vera W. H. Yuen
ABSTRACT Under COVID-19 emergency decrees, countries imposed freedom-restricting measures that health experts endorsed to contain the disease. There has been debates about whether the pandemic has led to the backsliding of democratic standards and the promotion of illiberal and authoritarian practices. This study conducted a survey in Hong Kong, a non-democracy. At the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, the government postponed an election widely expected to be won by the opposition. This study explores whether health experts’ opinions could affect public support for postponement of a regular election and government trustworthiness. It finds that neither health experts’ affirmation nor negation increased support for the postponement, but rejecting the government mandate reduced government trustworthiness while affirming it did not. The negative opinions thus had asymmetric information value against affirmative opinions in a known-censored environment. This channel operates through democrats in Hong Kong, who are critical citizens of the regime. The strategy of silencing dissent would be cost-effective for preserving political trust while engaging experts to support the mandates appeared unhelpful. This study contributes to understanding the use of experts in influencing political trust within an authoritarian setting.
根据COVID-19紧急法令,各国实施了卫生专家认可的限制自由措施,以控制疾病。人们一直在争论,这场大流行病是否导致了民主标准的倒退,并助长了不自由和专制的做法。该研究在非民主国家香港进行了一项调查。在新冠肺炎疫情最严重的时候,政府推迟了人们普遍预计反对派会赢得的选举。本研究探讨健康专家的意见是否会影响公众对推迟定期选举的支持和政府的可信度。研究发现,卫生专家的肯定和否定都没有增加对推迟的支持,但拒绝政府授权会降低政府的可信度,而肯定不会。因此,在一个已知的审查环境中,负面意见与肯定意见具有不对称的信息价值。这个渠道是通过香港的民主人士运作的,他们是对该政权持批评态度的公民。压制异议的策略对于维护政治信任来说是具有成本效益的,而让专家来支持任务似乎是无益的。本研究有助于理解专家在威权环境下影响政治信任的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Democracy erodes from the top: Leaders, citizens, and the challenge of populism in Europe 民主自上而下被侵蚀:欧洲领导人、公民和民粹主义的挑战
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2023.2227843
Katerina Hatzikidi
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Democratization
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