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What Does “Trust in the Media” Mean? “媒体信任”是什么意思?
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1162/daed_a_01948
M. Schudson
Abstract Is public trust in the news media in decline? So polls seem to indicate. But the decline goes back to the early 1970s, and it may be that “trust” in the media at that point was too high for the good of a journalism trying to serve democracy. And “the media” is a very recent (1970s) notion popularized by some because it sounded more abstract and distant than a familiar term like “the press.” It may even be that people answering a pollster are not trying to report accurately their level of trust but are acting politically to align themselves with their favored party's perceived critique of the media. This essay tries to reach a deeper understanding of what gives rise to faith or skepticism in various cultural authorities, including journalism.
摘要公众对新闻媒体的信任度在下降吗?民意调查似乎表明了这一点。但这种下降可以追溯到20世纪70年代初,可能是当时对媒体的“信任”太高,不利于试图为民主服务的新闻业。“媒体”是一个最近(20世纪70年代)被一些人普及的概念,因为它听起来比“媒体”这样熟悉的术语更抽象、更遥远。甚至可能是,回答民意调查的人并没有试图准确地报告他们的信任程度,而是在政治上采取行动,与他们所支持的政党对媒体的批评保持一致。本文试图更深入地理解是什么导致了包括新闻业在内的各种文化权威的信仰或怀疑。
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引用次数: 2
Specific Sources of Trust in Generals: Individual-Level Trust in the U.S. Military 对将军的具体信任来源:美国军队个人层面的信任
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1162/daed_a_01954
Max Z. Margulies, Jessica D. Blankshain
Abstract This essay explores the individual-level determinants of trust in the U.S. military. Prior research has identified five possible drivers of societal trust in the military: performance, professionalism, persuasion, personal connection, and partisanship. Using data from the American National Election Studies and the General Social Survey, we emphasize the importance of understanding trust at an individual level, as perceptions of military performance and professionalism are not objective but mediated by individual-level factors. Our findings reinforce mixed support for trust being linked to assessments of military success on or off the battlefield, and undermine arguments that relate high trust to a widening gap between the military and civilian society. We also present new evidence for generational and ideational sources of military trust consistent with recent speculation that trust in the military is declining. Overall, we show that individual-level trust may be difficult to change, but that public trust in the military has consequences for a variety of defense-oriented policies.
摘要本文探讨了对美国军队信任的个人层面的决定因素。先前的研究已经确定了社会对军队信任的五个可能驱动因素:表现、专业精神、说服力、个人关系和党派偏见。利用美国国家选举研究和一般社会调查的数据,我们强调了在个人层面理解信任的重要性,因为对军事表现和专业精神的看法不是客观的,而是由个人层面的因素调节的。我们的研究结果强化了对信任与战场内外军事成功评估的混合支持,并破坏了将高度信任与军事和民间社会之间日益扩大的差距联系起来的论点。我们还为军事信任的代际和概念来源提供了新的证据,这与最近对军队的信任正在下降的猜测一致。总的来说,我们表明,个人层面的信任可能很难改变,但公众对军队的信任会对各种以国防为导向的政策产生影响。
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引用次数: 1
From Anti-Government to Anti-Science: Why Conservatives Have Turned Against Science 从反政府到反科学:保守派为何反对科学
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1162/daed_a_01946
N. Oreskes, E. Conway
Abstract Empirical data do not support the conclusion of a crisis of public trust in science. They do support the conclusion of a crisis of conservative trust in science: polls show that American attitudes toward science are highly polarized along political lines. In this essay, we argue that conservative hostility toward science is rooted in conservative hostility toward government regulation of the marketplace, which has morphed in recent decades into conservative hostility to government, tout court. This distrust was cultivated by conservative business leaders for nearly a century, but took strong hold during the Reagan administration, largely in response to scientific evidence of environmental crises that invited governmental response. Thus, science-particularly environmental and public health science-became the target of conservative anti-regulatory attitudes. We argue that contemporary distrust of science is mostly collateral damage, a spillover from carefully orchestrated conservative distrust of government.
摘要实证数据并不支持公众对科学信任危机的结论。他们确实支持保守派对科学信任危机的结论:民意调查显示,美国人对科学的态度沿着政治路线高度两极分化。在这篇文章中,我们认为保守派对科学的敌意植根于保守派对政府监管市场的敌意,近几十年来,这种敌意已经演变为保守派对市场的敌意。这种不信任是由保守派商业领袖培养了近一个世纪的,但在里根政府期间得到了强烈的支持,主要是为了应对环境危机的科学证据,促使政府做出回应。因此,科学,特别是环境和公共卫生科学,成为保守的反监管态度的目标。我们认为,当代对科学的不信任主要是附带损害,是保守派精心策划的对政府的不信任的结果。
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引用次数: 5
Fifty Years of Declining Confidence & Increasing Polarization in Trust in American Institutions 五十年来对美国机构信任的信心下降和日益两极分化
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1162/daed_a_01943
Henry E. Brady, Thomas B Kent
Abstract Except for the military and science, confidence in most American political and non-political institutions has fallen precipitously over the past fifty years. Declines in trust are partly the result of dissatisfaction with governmental and institutional accountability and concomitant skepticism about the competency and responsiveness of institutions. Declines are also the result of a polarization in trust in institutions, as Republicans trust business, the police, religion, and the military much more than Democrats, whose confidence in these institutions, except the military, has fallen. In turn, Democrats trust labor, the press, science, higher education, and public schools much more than Republicans, whose confidence in these institutions has fallen. Declines and polarization in confidence may be traceable to political polarization stemming from increasing income inequality and segregation in America. With polarization and decreasing trust in institutions, it becomes more difficult to fight epidemics, maintain faith in policing, and deal with problems such as climate change.
摘要在过去的五十年里,除了军事和科学,人们对大多数美国政治和非政治机构的信心急剧下降。信任度下降的部分原因是对政府和机构问责制的不满,以及随之而来的对机构能力和反应能力的怀疑。下降也是对机构信任两极分化的结果,因为共和党人比民主党人更信任商业、警察、宗教和军队,而民主党人对这些机构(除了军队)的信心已经下降。反过来,民主党人比共和党人更信任劳工、媒体、科学、高等教育和公立学校,而共和党人对这些机构的信心已经下降。信心的下降和两极分化可能源于美国日益加剧的收入不平等和种族隔离导致的政治两极分化。随着两极分化和对机构信任的减少,抗击流行病、保持对治安的信心以及应对气候变化等问题变得更加困难。
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引用次数: 5
Trust in Medicine, the Health System & Public Health 信任医学、卫生系统和公共卫生
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1162/daed_a_01944
R. Blendon, J. Benson
Abstract This essay reviews more than forty years of public opinion polling to look at trust in medicine, the health system, and public health. We use polling data to explore the reasons for the decline and current level of public trust in leaders of medicine and public health, including underlying forces such as the decline in trust in other institutions. Except for the military, none of the efforts to improve public trust in various institutions have been very successful to date. Given the uncertainty about how to restore trust, this essay makes a number of recommendations that might improve public trust in medicine and public health in the future.
摘要本文回顾了40多年来的民意调查,以考察人们对医学、卫生系统和公共卫生的信任。我们使用民意调查数据来探索公众对医学和公共卫生领导人信任度下降的原因和当前水平,包括对其他机构信任度下降等潜在力量。除军方外,迄今为止,改善公众对各种机构信任的努力都没有取得很大成功。鉴于如何恢复信任的不确定性,本文提出了一些建议,这些建议可能会在未来提高公众对医学和公共卫生的信任。
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引用次数: 4
Trust in Elections 选举中的信任
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1162/daed_a_01953
Charles Stewart
Abstract The sometimes violent movement to reject the outcome of the 2020 U.S. presidential election draws our attention to the topic of trust in the institution of American election administration. An examination of this topic must make an important distinction between trust in elections (a psychological construct) and the trustworthiness of election results (a legal construct). The history of election administration in the United States is full of examples of efforts to increase the trustworthiness of elections to ensure that results are based on fair and competent administration. The resilience of these efforts was on display following the 2020 election, as formal institutions rejected claims that the election was fraudulent. Still, the past two decades have seen a decline in trust in American elections that has primarily been driven by a slow but steady decline in trust among Republicans. Surprisingly, the increased polarization in trust most recently has been due more to Democrats suddenly becoming more trusting. Election officials must continue to try to overcome attacks on trust in the system, but it is unclear how long they can sustain the legal system guaranteeing free and fair elections without broad-based public trust in how we administer elections.
反对2020年美国总统大选结果的暴力运动引起了我们对美国选举管理制度信任的关注。对这一主题的研究必须在选举信任(一种心理建构)和选举结果的可信度(一种法律建构)之间做出重要区分。美国选举管理的历史充满了努力提高选举可信度以确保结果建立在公平和称职的管理基础上的例子。这些努力的弹性在2020年大选后得到了体现,因为正式机构否认了选举存在欺诈的说法。尽管如此,过去二十年来,人们对美国选举的信任有所下降,这主要是由共和党人对选举的信任缓慢而稳定地下降造成的。令人惊讶的是,最近信任两极分化的加剧更多是由于民主党人突然变得更加信任。选举官员必须继续努力克服对制度信任的攻击,但如果公众对我们管理选举的方式没有广泛的信任,他们还能维持保障自由公正选举的法律制度多久,目前还不清楚。
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引用次数: 3
Religion, Democracy & the Task of Restoring Trust 宗教、民主与恢复信任的任务
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1162/daed_a_01951
Robert J. Wuthnow
Abstract There is a palpable sense of betrayal when religious leaders participate in moral malfeasance: when they engage in illicit sexual affairs, commit or condone child abuse, or deal in fraudulent financial transactions. Betrayals like these prompt doubts that religious leaders can be trusted and pose questions about the organizations they represent. But what can be learned from these episodes? I discuss the dramatic erosion of confidence in religious organizations that has taken place in recentyears, framing it in terms of arguments about moral decline and institutional changes in religion. I show how betrayals of trust become symbolic representations of larger societal problems that are deemed to necessitate remediation. How the betrayals are interpreted becomes the basis for several mechanisms through which attempts are made to restore trust: confessions, investigations, and litigation. Their limitations notwithstanding, they cast light on the major challenges we face as a nation in seeking to restore trust in our basic institutions and our faith in American democracy.
摘要当宗教领袖参与道德渎职时,会有一种明显的背叛感:当他们从事非法性行为、实施或纵容虐待儿童或进行欺诈性金融交易时。像这样的背叛引发了人们对宗教领袖是否可信的怀疑,并对他们所代表的组织提出了质疑。但是,从这些事件中可以学到什么呢?我讨论了近年来对宗教组织信心的急剧削弱,并从道德衰落和宗教制度变革的角度来阐述这一点。我展示了背叛信任如何成为更大社会问题的象征性表现,这些问题被认为需要补救。如何解读背叛行为成为试图恢复信任的几种机制的基础:供词、调查和诉讼。尽管它们有局限性,但它们揭示了我们作为一个国家在寻求恢复对我们基本制度的信任和对美国民主的信心方面面临的重大挑战。
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引用次数: 1
American Trust in Science & Institutions in the Time of COVID-19 COVID-19时期美国人对科学和机构的信任
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1162/daed_a_01945
Ross Hatton, Colleen L. Barry, A. Levine, E. Mcginty, Hahrie Han
Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic prompted many discussions about how people's trust in science shaped our ability to address the crisis. Early in the pandemic, our research team set out to understand how trust in science relates to support for public health guidelines, and to identify some trusted sources of science. In this essay, we share our findings and offer ideas about what might be done to strengthen the public's trust in science. Notably, our research shows a stark partisan divide: Republicans had lower support for public health guidelines, and their trust in science and institutions such as the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the National Institutes of Health eroded over time. Meanwhile, Democrats’ trust in science has remained high throughout the pandemic. In the context of this divide, we explore how trust in various information sources, from governmental institutions to the media, relates to trust in science, and suggest that the best avenue for rebuilding trust might be through empowering local institutions and leaders to help manage future crises.
摘要新冠肺炎大流行引发了许多关于人们对科学的信任如何塑造我们应对危机的能力的讨论。在疫情早期,我们的研究团队开始了解对科学的信任与对公共卫生指南的支持之间的关系,并确定一些值得信赖的科学来源。在这篇文章中,我们分享了我们的发现,并就如何加强公众对科学的信任提出了一些想法。值得注意的是,我们的研究显示出明显的党派分歧:共和党人对公共卫生指导方针的支持率较低,他们对科学和机构的信任随着时间的推移而减弱,如疾病控制与预防中心和美国国立卫生研究院。与此同时,在整个疫情期间,民主党人对科学的信任度一直很高。在这种分歧的背景下,我们探讨了从政府机构到媒体对各种信息来源的信任与对科学的信任之间的关系,并建议重建信任的最佳途径可能是授权地方机构和领导人帮助管理未来的危机。
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引用次数: 3
Trust & Models of Policing 信任与警务模式
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1162/daed_a_01949
T. Meares
Abstract The notion of trust has become central to the discussion of policing and its transformation over the last decade. Scholars, policy-makers, and the agents who purport to carry out public safety projects on behalf of the public now commonly point to trust as one of the central goals of the relationship between policing agencies and members of the public they serve, in contrast to the more common and familiar notion of crime reduction. This essay highlights three common mechanisms agencies and the individuals they comprise use to attempt to improve the public's trust in police: changing policy, training of police, and citizen oversight boards. Focusing on the conceptual framework that the social psychology of procedural justice offers, the essay then turns to a less common target for change: the very laws police enforce. Changing the police will require not only transforming how its members carry out the job but also the laws they are sworn to uphold.
摘要在过去十年中,信任的概念已成为警务及其转型讨论的核心。学者、政策制定者和声称代表公众执行公共安全项目的代理人现在普遍指出,信任是警务机构与其服务的公众之间关系的核心目标之一,而减少犯罪的概念更为常见和熟悉。这篇文章强调了三个共同的机制——机构及其组成的个人——试图提高公众对警察的信任:改变政策、培训警察和公民监督委员会。围绕程序正义的社会心理学提供的概念框架,文章转向了一个不太常见的变革目标:警察执行的法律。更换警察不仅需要改变其成员的工作方式,还需要改变他们宣誓维护的法律。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction 介绍
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1162/daed_e_01924
C. Berkowitz, Norman M. Bradburn, R. Townsend
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引用次数: 0
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Daedalus
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