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Letter from the Editors 编辑的信
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-01-11 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13385
Ahmet İçduygu, Jan Rath, Deniz Sert, Ayşen Üstübici
<p>The year 2024 has underscored the continued centrality of migration in global political and social discourse. With the persistence and emergence of conflicts worldwide, migration—whether forced or voluntary—remains of critical importance, highlighting the urgency of addressing its complexities and challenges. The ongoing clashes in Ukraine, which have resulted in 4 million internally displaced individuals and 6.8 million registered refugees according to UN estimates, serve as one of many stark reminders of migration's human toll. Simultaneously, conflicts in Gaza, which have displaced 1.9 million, Lebanon with 1.3 million internally displaced, and Sudan, where over 11 million have been displaced, further stress the capacity of humanitarian systems worldwide.</p><p>Across the globe, migration continues to shape political and social debates. The 2024 European Parliament elections marked a shift in the EU's political landscape, with far-right parties achieving unprecedented representation on the EU level. Possible policy shifts on migration, integration and citizenship remain to be seen with the resurgence of far-right parties all over Europe and the re-election of Donald Trump as US President in 2024. Although its regional impact is expected to be more pronounced, another significant development with global implications is the new EU Pact on Migration and Asylum, which was adopted in 2024. This Pact, characterized by restrictive measures, shifts the responsibilities of migration governance predominantly onto third countries, with the long-established logic of externalization. It is evident that the effects of this Pact will be felt in the coming years. These events underline the need for democratic debate and evidence-based policymaking in addressing migration's complex realities.</p><p>In its pursuit of advancing migration scholarship, <i>International Migration</i> has remained a leading platform for rigorous and impactful research. The publications in 2024 explored diverse themes, including the economic impacts of return migration, digital literacy in migration services and the intersections of migration with gender, race and age. Groundbreaking studies highlighted the resilience strategies of refugees, the criminalization of migrants and the transformative potential of refugee entrepreneurship.</p><p>Our commentaries section featured incisive analyses on pivotal topics focusing on the intersection of migration with gender, identity politics, age and race. Issue 62:1 and 62:2 included commentaries exploring the intersection of migration and gender studies (Cleton & Scuzzarello, 2024; Fresnoza-Flot, 2024; Garcia Rodriguez & Giametta, 2024; Clack-Kazak, 2024). Issue 62:3 featured commentaries by Yurdakul (2024) and Kaya (2024), exploring the intersection of migration and identity politics. With a focus on ageing and migration, Fargues (2024), Fokkema (2024) and Hunter and Torres (2024) contribute insights into this emerging nexus. The c
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引用次数: 0
National identifications of transnational students from the USA on the northwest border of Mexico 在墨西哥西北边境的美国留学生的国籍证明
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-01-09 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13371
Eunice D. Vargas Valle

Over the past two decades, more than half a million children—mostly born and educated in the USA—have arrived in Mexico from the USA because of their parents' return migration. The aim of this paper is to analyse the relationship between their national identification, school trajectories and US nationality in a border city with high return migration. The methodology is based on the analysis of a school survey and semi-structured interviews with transnational students. The results show that: binational identification was higher when students had intermediate schooling in both countries; identification with the USA decreased and identification with Mexico increased with more years in Mexican schools; and school trajectories were more relevant than nationality in defining binational identification. The majority of students identified as binational because their migration histories and transnational life experiences allowed them to be bicultural, despite the diffusion of mononational ideologies in schools.

在过去的20年里,有超过50万的孩子——大部分在美国出生和接受教育——因为父母的返乡而从美国来到墨西哥。本文的目的是分析在一个高回流移民的边境城市,他们的国家认同、学校轨迹和美国国籍之间的关系。该方法基于对学校调查的分析和对跨国学生的半结构化访谈。结果表明:两国中等学历学生的双国认同程度较高;随着在墨西哥学校学习时间的增加,对美国的认同减少,对墨西哥的认同增加;在界定两国身份方面,学校轨迹比国籍更有相关性。大多数学生被认为是双民族的,因为他们的移民历史和跨国生活经历使他们具有双文化,尽管学校里传播着单一民族的意识形态。
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引用次数: 0
Arrival infrastructures and refugee enrolment in higher education 抵达基础设施和难民在高等教育中的入学率
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-01-09 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13374
Ids Baalbergen, Gideon Bolt, Yanliu Lin, Pieter Hooimeijer

Refugees enrolling in host country higher education can improve their position in the labour market. However, little is known about the patterns underlying enrolment, and existing studies have only examined explanations at the individual level. This is problematic because opportunities to enrol in education are also dependent upon structural factors, and by ignoring this, studies run the risk of depicting non-enrolment as a consequence of individual shortcomings. We address this issue through the notion of arrival infrastructures and argue that existing infrastructures at multiple spatial scales may support or discourage enrolment. By focusing on the Netherlands, we were able to follow the enrolment of all registered refugees that arrived between 2014 and 2017 over time using registry data. We find that the accessibility of education, the municipal political climate and regional economic conditions influence educational enrolment. These findings show that dispersal policies can have detrimental effects on the social mobility of refugees.

难民在东道国接受高等教育可以提高他们在劳动力市场上的地位。然而,人们对入学的基本模式知之甚少,现有的研究只在个人层面上进行了解释。这是有问题的,因为参加教育的机会也取决于结构因素,如果忽视这一点,研究就有可能将不参加教育描述为个人缺点的结果。我们通过到达基础设施的概念来解决这一问题,并认为多个空间尺度的现有基础设施可能支持或阻碍入学。通过关注荷兰,我们能够使用登记数据跟踪2014年至2017年期间抵达的所有登记难民的登记情况。研究发现,教育可及性、城市政治气候和区域经济条件影响教育入学率。这些发现表明,分散政策可能对难民的社会流动产生不利影响。
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引用次数: 0
Navigating contradictions: justifications and imaginaries of the initiators of European migration information campaigns 驾驭矛盾:欧洲移民信息运动发起者的理由与想象
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-12-27 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13366
Cecilia Schenetti, Valentina Mazzucato, Sally Wyatt, Djamila Schans
European states employ migration information campaigns (MICs) to discourage irregular migration to Europe by people from the Global South. Campaigns are justified by their initiators in various ways. On the one hand, campaigns are said to protect ‘potential migrants’ by helping them to make informed decisions (‘care’). On the other hand, campaigns respond to Europe's security objective of restricting migration flows (‘control’). Researchers have looked at various intermediaries involved in these campaigns. Yet, little attention has been given to individual European policy actors who decide on the funding and design of campaigns and how they navigate between campaigns' contradictory intentions to care for ‘potential migrants’ and to control borders. How do European campaign initiators justify the need for MICs? And what does this tell us about the migration imaginaries of those who develop migration governance measures? Based on interviews with European policymakers and campaign designers in the Netherlands and Senegal, this article examines their discursive acts of legitimation. It shows that in justifying their everyday work, they imagine themselves as humanitarian actors, and ‘potential migrants’ as depoliticized subjects in need of care. While initiators do sometimes examine campaigns critically, they build a worldview in which care is instrumental to border enforcement and in which compassion becomes a form of repressive ‘soft’ bordering.
欧洲国家采用移民信息运动(MICs)来阻止全球南方国家的人非正常移民到欧洲。运动的发起者以各种方式为其辩护。一方面,据说运动通过帮助他们做出明智的决定(“关心”)来保护“潜在移民”。另一方面,运动回应了欧洲限制移民流动的安全目标(“控制”)。研究人员研究了参与这些活动的各种中介机构。然而,很少有人关注欧洲的个别政策参与者,他们决定运动的资金和设计,以及他们如何在照顾“潜在移民”和控制边界的运动的矛盾意图之间进行导航。欧洲运动发起者如何证明中等收入国家的必要性?对于那些开发迁移治理措施的人的迁移想象,这告诉了我们什么?本文基于对荷兰和塞内加尔的欧洲政策制定者和运动设计者的采访,考察了他们的话语合法化行为。这表明,在为他们的日常工作辩护时,他们将自己想象成人道主义行动者,并将“潜在移民”想象成需要照顾的非政治化主体。虽然发起者有时会批判性地审视运动,但他们建立了一种世界观,在这种世界观中,关怀有助于边境执法,而同情则成为一种压制性的“软”边界。
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引用次数: 0
The drivers of deskilling: Comparing highly skilled Ukrainian refugee women in Austria and Poland 工作外包的驱动因素:比较奥地利和波兰的高技能乌克兰难民妇女
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-12-19 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13363
Petra Aigner, Almina Bešić, Sabina Kubiciel‐Lodzińska, Johann Bacher, Jolanta Maj, Clara Prischl
The arrival of Ukrainian refugees in the European Union (EU) has reignited debates about the accessibility of labour markets, deskilling and underemployment. The Ukrainian case is especially significant because most refugees are highly skilled women and the implementation of the EU's temporary protection directive has provided them with immediate access to the EU's labour market. This paper examines the labour market access and deskilling of highly skilled Ukrainian women in the European Union. We compare two regions, Opole Voivodeship (Poland) and Upper Austria. Utilising a quantitative survey, we offer a comparative exploration of the drivers behind deskilling. This paper contributes to the growing literature on labour market access for female refugees, corroborating existing literature on ‘double’ and ‘triple disadvantage’ scenarios by highlighting deskilling processes and underemployment mechanisms in the context of instant labour market access. Moreover, it compares the diverse drivers of deskilling, ‘gender blindness’ in policy responses and the influence policymaking has on the allocation of migrant and refugee labour into sectors with shortages.
乌克兰难民抵达欧洲联盟(欧盟)重新引发了关于劳动力市场准入、技能丧失和就业不足的辩论。乌克兰的情况尤其重要,因为大多数难民都是高技能妇女,欧盟临时保护指令的实施为她们提供了立即进入欧盟劳动力市场的机会。本文考察了欧盟高技能乌克兰妇女的劳动力市场准入和技能丧失情况。我们比较两个地区,波兰省和上奥地利州。利用定量调查,我们提供了一个比较探索背后的驱动因素的技能。本文对女性难民进入劳动力市场的文献越来越多,通过强调在劳动力市场立即进入的背景下的去技能化过程和就业不足机制,证实了关于“双重”和“三重劣势”情景的现有文献。此外,它比较了去技能化的各种驱动因素、政策应对中的“性别盲目性”以及政策制定对向短缺部门分配移民和难民劳动力的影响。
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引用次数: 0
How European integration rationales shape reintegration assistance in Guinea and Senegal 欧洲一体化的基本原理如何影响几内亚和塞内加尔的重返社会援助
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-12-11 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13362
Luzia Jurt, Eveline Odermatt
To date, discussions on migrants' integration and returnees' reintegration have been kept apart. With the increased salience of return migration, reintegration schemes have gained importance, not only for European countries aiming at preventing further migration after return but also for migrants' countries of origin. However, research on reintegration from the perspective of transnational migration governance is still scarce. This article thus contributes to the advancement of theoretical approaches to return and reintegration policies by showing how core rationales of migrant integration in Europe spill over to the context of reintegration beyond the continent. Drawing from an ethnographic research project on gender, return migration and reintegration in West Africa, we compare the European key actors' perceptions of (re)integration, in the cases of Germany and Switzerland, with those of their counterparts in Guinea and Senegal. Moreover, we touch on how the returnees and their families and communities perceive the key actors' definitions of reintegration. Our results show the different ways in which Eurocentric expectations and rationales of migrant integration come to shape their reintegration support schemes in the countries of return. These include the narrowly defined target groups, the paradigm of ‘promoting and demanding’, which currently gravitates towards the principle of ‘demanding and controlling’, a high priority on economic (re)integration, and accountability.
迄今为止,关于移民融入社会和回返者重新融入社会的讨论一直是分开进行的。随着回返移民的日益突出,重新融入社会计划变得越来越重要,不仅对旨在防止回返后进一步移徙的欧洲国家如此,对移徙者原籍国也是如此。然而,从跨国移民治理的角度对重新融入社会的研究仍然很少。因此,本文通过展示欧洲移民融合的核心原理如何溢出到欧洲大陆以外的重新融合背景,有助于推进回归和重新融合政策的理论方法。根据一个关于西非性别、返回移民和重新融入社会的人种学研究项目,我们比较了欧洲主要行为体对(再)融合的看法,以德国和瑞士为例,与几内亚和塞内加尔的同行进行了比较。此外,我们还谈到回返者及其家人和社区如何看待关键行动者对重新融入社会的定义。我们的研究结果表明,以欧洲为中心的期望和移民融合的理由以不同的方式塑造了他们在返回国的重返社会支持计划。这些包括狭义的目标群体、“促进和要求”的范式(目前倾向于“要求和控制”的原则)、高度重视经济(再)一体化以及问责制。
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引用次数: 0
Are Estonians the true Finns? Homeland and residence country perspectives on support for the populist radical right 爱沙尼亚人是真正的芬兰人吗?从祖国和居住国视角看民粹主义激进右翼的支持
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-12-11 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13356
Mari‐Liis Jakobson, Josefina Sipinen, Kaarel Taimla
This article tackles the puzzle of why immigrant voters would support a populist radical right party (PRRP). Exploring the case of Estonian residents in Finland, it draws on 13 in‐depth interviews conducted with Estonians who voted for the Finns Party in the 2021 Finnish local elections, and survey data. The article produces a conceptual model explaining how both homeland politics and integration to residence country contribute to PRRP support. Estonians' support for the Finns Party partly results from a political realignment in Estonia and the Estonian PRRP's campaign activities. The influence of homeland politics is also furthered by their lack of political integration in the residence country, and their experience of immigrant integration, which prompts them to identify as ‘the good immigrant’ as opposed to groups they consider less integrated and thus position as inferior to themselves.
这篇文章解释了为什么移民选民会支持一个民粹主义激进右翼政党(PRRP)。本文探讨了爱沙尼亚居民在芬兰的情况,并对在2021年芬兰地方选举中投票支持芬兰人党的爱沙尼亚人进行了13次深度访谈,以及调查数据。本文建立了一个概念模型,解释了祖国政治和与居住国的融合如何促进对PRRP的支持。爱沙尼亚人对芬兰人党的支持部分是由于爱沙尼亚的政治调整和爱沙尼亚PRRP的竞选活动。他们在居住国缺乏政治融合,以及他们的移民融合经历,也进一步促进了祖国政治的影响,这促使他们将自己定位为“好移民”,而不是他们认为融合程度较低的群体,从而被置于不如自己的地位。
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引用次数: 0
GBA+ in Canada's immigration system: Opportunities and limitations 大湾区+在加拿大移民体系中的机遇与局限
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-12-03 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13355
Sasha Baglay
This exploratory study investigates the use of Gender‐based Analysis Plus (GBA+) in Canada's immigration programme development. The objectives of the article are as follows: first, to provide insight into the structures within the Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) that support GBA+ and understand how it is applied in practice; second, to evaluate the transformative potential of GBA+ in this context. Drawing on IRCC's policy, guidelines, Annual Reports to Parliament and self‐assessments, the article makes a preliminary finding that GBA+ is unlikely to prompt transformation of key tenets of the immigration system, but it can stimulate incremental changes, particularly in areas that are already more responsive to systemic barriers (such as the refugee class). However, more in‐depth study is needed into the IRCC's culture and attitude towards GBA+ as well as full content analysis of GBA+ of a larger sample of recent initiatives.
本探索性研究调查了基于性别的分析加(GBA+)在加拿大移民计划发展中的使用。本文的目标如下:首先,深入了解加拿大移民难民和公民部(IRCC)内部支持GBA+的结构,并了解其在实践中的应用;第二,在此背景下评估大湾区+的变革潜力。根据IRCC的政策、指导方针、提交给议会的年度报告和自我评估,本文初步发现,大湾区+不太可能促使移民制度的关键原则发生转变,但它可以刺激渐进式变革,特别是在那些已经对系统性障碍反应更强的领域(如难民阶层)。然而,需要对IRCC的文化和对GBA+的态度进行更深入的研究,并对近期倡议的更大样本的GBA+进行全面的内容分析。
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引用次数: 0
Living in micro‐networks: Korean migrants' social networking practices in Canadian cities 生活在微网络中:韩国移民在加拿大城市的社交网络实践
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-12-02 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13357
Kyong Yoon
Drawing on qualitative interviews with South Korean (Korean hereinafter) migrants in Western Canada, this study examines the migrants' sense of belonging and social networking practices during their post‐migration settlement and adaptation, including during the COVID‐19 pandemic. The study focuses on a relatively recent cohort of Korean labour migrants whose main motivation for migration was to explore flexible and relaxed ways of living in the host society. Through an analysis of these migrants' lived experiences, the study examines how they have managed various forms of social networking and developed particular senses of social belonging. The study reveals the migrants' lack of a sense of social belonging and tendency to pursue individualized micro‐networks, which were particularly challenged during the COVID‐19 pandemic.
通过对加拿大西部韩国移民(以下简称韩国移民)的定性访谈,本研究考察了移民在移民后定居和适应期间(包括COVID - 19大流行期间)的归属感和社交网络实践。这项研究的重点是相对较新的一批韩国劳工移徙者,他们移徙的主要动机是探索在东道国社会灵活和轻松的生活方式。通过对这些移民生活经历的分析,该研究考察了他们如何管理各种形式的社交网络,并形成了特殊的社会归属感。研究表明,流动人口缺乏社会归属感,倾向于追求个性化的微网络,这在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间尤其受到挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Revealing the role of intangible factors on migration in MENA: Religious identity and freedom perceptions 揭示中东和北非地区无形因素对移民的作用:宗教认同和自由观念
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-12-02 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13354
Ayşe Perihan Kırkıç
This study investigates the role of intangible factors in the migration decision‐making processes of citizens from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. While the existing literature often highlights economic factors as the primary drivers of migration, this research explores how religious identity and perception of democracy and freedoms—specifically, freedom of expression and electoral freedom—influence these decisions. Utilising data from the Arab Opinion Index from 2012 to 2020, the study covers nine MENA countries and considers variables, such as gender, education level, household economic status, age, residential area, religious affiliation, and views on social and political freedoms. The findings suggest that intangible factors, particularly religious identity and perceived lack of freedoms, significantly influence individuals' migration decisions, similar to economic factors. Individuals who identify as less religious, associate with a less religious social circle, and perceive that their freedoms are not protected are more likely to consider migrating. This research contributes to a deeper understanding of migration dynamics in the MENA region, providing policymakers with crucial insights to develop evidence‐based strategies addressing the complex drivers of migration.
本研究探讨了无形因素在中东和北非(MENA)地区公民移民决策过程中的作用。虽然现有文献经常强调经济因素是移民的主要驱动因素,但本研究探讨了宗教认同和对民主和自由的看法-特别是言论自由和选举自由-如何影响这些决定。该研究利用了2012年至2020年阿拉伯民意指数的数据,涵盖了9个中东和北非国家,并考虑了性别、教育水平、家庭经济状况、年龄、居住地、宗教信仰以及对社会和政治自由的看法等变量。调查结果表明,无形因素,特别是宗教认同和认为缺乏自由,与经济因素类似,显著影响个人的移民决定。那些认为自己宗教信仰较少、与宗教信仰较少的社交圈有联系、并认为自己的自由没有受到保护的个人更有可能考虑移民。这项研究有助于深入了解中东和北非地区的移民动态,为政策制定者提供关键见解,以制定基于证据的战略,解决移民的复杂驱动因素。
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引用次数: 0
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International Migration
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