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Rethinking the Migration‐Development Nexus Through Migration Management Aid 通过移民管理援助重新思考移民与发展的关系
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-02-09 DOI: 10.1111/imig.70130
Michael Collyer
Official Development Assistance (ODA) has always been used flexibly to pursue other goals, including the control of migration. Despite strong evidence that ODA actually results in increased levels of emigration, a new approach to ‘migration management aid’ is driving widespread policy experimentation, particularly in Europe. In the case of ‘in‐donor refugee costs’, an earlier attempt to use ODA to pursue migration management goals, accounting methods of the OECD's Development Assistance Committee (DAC) provided valuable tools to monitor changes in expenditure. The creation of a new DAC code means that this is now possible for migration management aid.
官方发展援助一直灵活地用于实现其他目标,包括控制移徙。尽管强有力的证据表明官方发展援助实际上导致了移民水平的增加,但一种新的“移民管理援助”方法正在推动广泛的政策试验,特别是在欧洲。在“捐助难民成本”的情况下,早期尝试使用官方发展援助来实现移民管理目标,经合组织发展援助委员会(DAC)的会计方法提供了监测支出变化的宝贵工具。新的DAC代码的创建意味着这对于迁移管理援助现在是可能的。
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引用次数: 0
Migrants' Calibration of Social Ties Under Double War: Relational Dynamics and Network Reconfiguration 双重战争下的移民社会关系校准:关系动力学与网络重构
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-02-06 DOI: 10.1111/imig.70141
Svetlana Chachashvili-Bolotin, Ravit Talmi-Cohn

This article examines how social ties are actively constructed, recalibrated or severed by migrants navigating a reality of double war, defined as the simultaneous exposure to war in both their countries of origin and destination. The study draws on thirty-seven in-depth interviews with migrants from Ukraine, Russia and Belarus who immigrated to Israel between 2022 and 2024 following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and later experienced renewed insecurity during the Israel–Hamas War. Engaging three main bodies of literature, transnationalism, social network theory and migration in contexts of war and displacement, this study explores how migrants manage ties across a geo-social triangle: the origin country, the host country and third countries. The analysis identifies two relational phases: an initial overload and triage of social ties, followed by a phase of relational calibration, in which migrants make strategic and emotionally and morally charged decisions about with whom to connect, support or withdraw from. These findings offer a conceptual understanding of social ties as dynamic and ethically negotiated responses to instability. By positioning migrants' agency under conditions of insecurity, the study contributes new analytic tools for examining how war reshapes relational life across transnational space.

本文考察了在双重战争的现实中,移民如何积极地构建、重新校准或切断社会关系,双重战争的定义是在原籍国和目的地国同时暴露在战争中。该研究对来自乌克兰、俄罗斯和白俄罗斯的移民进行了37次深入访谈,这些移民在2022年俄罗斯全面入侵乌克兰后,于2022年至2024年间移民到以色列,后来在以色列-哈马斯战争期间经历了新的不安全感。本研究涉及三个主要文献,跨国主义,社会网络理论和战争和流离失所背景下的移民,探讨了移民如何管理地理社会三角关系:原籍国,东道国和第三国。分析确定了两个关系阶段:最初的社会关系超载和分类,随后是关系校准阶段,在这个阶段,移民对与谁联系、支持谁或退出做出战略性、情绪化和道德上的决定。这些发现提供了一种概念性的理解,即社会关系是对不稳定的动态和道德协商反应。通过在不安全的条件下定位移民的代理,该研究为研究战争如何重塑跨国空间的关系生活提供了新的分析工具。
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引用次数: 0
Diaspora Engagement via Open Education: Four Decades of Turkish Transnational Educational Engagement in Germany 通过开放教育的侨民参与:四十年来土耳其在德国的跨国教育参与
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-02-05 DOI: 10.1111/imig.70140
Ali Resul Usul

States increasingly use education to engage diasporas, yet sustained transnational educational programmes remain understudied despite their potential to illuminate how migration governance adapts over time. Focusing on Turkey's Open Education Faculty (AÖF) in Germany, we combine administrative enrolment records (78,138 student-year records; 32,155 students) with documentary and media analysis to trace participation, institutional design, and policy framing over four decades (1982–2023). We identify five phases, showing a transformation from economic credentialing oriented toward first-generation male workers to a predominantly digital platform increasingly used by later-generation, mostly female learners seeking knowledge tied to culture and identity. Programme choices shifted from economics/business toward theology and sociology. We propose a ‘capability-mediated engagement’ framework: programme durability depends on adapting to evolving capabilities that members value across life-course and integration contexts. The findings challenge zero-sum integration models, suggesting transnational education can complement host-country belonging.

各国越来越多地利用教育来吸引移民,然而,尽管可持续的跨国教育计划有可能阐明移民治理如何随着时间的推移而适应,但它们仍未得到充分研究。我们以德国的土耳其开放教育学院(AÖF)为研究对象,将行政招生记录(78,138名学生年记录;32,155名学生)与文献和媒体分析相结合,追踪40年来(1982-2023年)的参与、制度设计和政策框架。我们确定了五个阶段,显示了从面向第一代男性工人的经济证书到越来越多的下一代(主要是女性学习者)寻求与文化和身份相关的知识的主要数字平台的转变。课程选择从经济学/商学转向神学和社会学。我们提出了一个“能力介导的参与”框架:项目的持久性取决于适应成员在整个生命过程和整合环境中所重视的不断发展的能力。研究结果挑战了零和整合模型,表明跨国教育可以补充东道国归属感。
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引用次数: 0
The Securitization Cycle: Vietnamese Migration in The Czech Republic 证券化周期:捷克共和国的越南移民
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-02-03 DOI: 10.1111/imig.70139
Novotna Lucie, Pagogna Raffaella, Vybíralová Dorota, Souralová Adéla

This article examines how securitized governmentality shapes Czech migration policy, particularly for Vietnamese migrants. Grounded in a humanizing approach and drawing upon the Paris School securitization theory and governmentality, this research explores how security-driven logics become embedded in institutional practices, shaping migration governance and restricting legal pathways. Through interviews with migration professionals from the Czech Ministry of the Interior, municipalities, integration centres, and NGOs, this study reveals contrasting institutional perspectives. The Ministry of the Interior frames Vietnamese migration as a security risk, linking it to illicit brokerage networks and justifying restrictive policies. Treating integration as secondary, it prioritizes control measures; NGOs and local actors highlight how exclusionary policies push migrants toward informal community structures for support. This dynamic creates a self-reinforcing cycle of securitization, rooted in the interaction between securitized institutional logics and community dynamics. This study demonstrates how these interactions shape migration governance, reinforce exclusion, and deepen migrant vulnerability.

本文探讨了证券化治理如何影响捷克的移民政策,特别是对越南移民的政策。本研究以人性化的方法为基础,借鉴巴黎学派的证券化理论和治理理论,探讨安全驱动的逻辑如何嵌入制度实践,塑造移民治理并限制法律途径。通过对来自捷克内政部、市政当局、移民融合中心和非政府组织的移民专业人士的访谈,本研究揭示了截然不同的制度视角。内政部将越南移民定义为一种安全风险,将其与非法经纪网络联系起来,并为限制性政策辩护。把一体化放在第二位,把控制措施放在首位;非政府组织和地方行动者强调,排他性政策如何迫使移民向非正式社区结构寻求支持。这种动态创造了一个自我强化的证券化循环,植根于证券化的制度逻辑和社区动态之间的相互作用。本研究展示了这些相互作用是如何影响移民治理、强化排斥和加深移民脆弱性的。
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引用次数: 0
Temporary Immigration, Exploitation, and Social Capital: A Non-Materialist View 临时移民、剥削和社会资本:一个非唯物主义的观点
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-02-03 DOI: 10.1111/imig.70138
Elizabeth F. Cohen, Cyril Ghosh

Many countries of the Global North depend on the economic benefits of migration even as their citizens and leaders evince ever more open opposition to immigrants settling and becoming citizens. One result of this misalignment of interests and goals has been the proliferation of visa statuses that commit their bearers to not seeking permanent settlement or citizenship and offer them very few rights. Many scholars have debated whether and in which ways short-term migration may be normatively problematic, and in particular, exploitative. In this paper we add to existing critiques of temporary migration regimes as unjust and materially exploitative the claim that such schemes exploit not just the labor and other material contributions of short-term immigrants, but also the social capital they build by necessity when they are in residence.

全球北方的许多国家依赖移民带来的经济利益,尽管它们的公民和领导人越来越公开地反对移民定居并成为公民。这种利益和目标不一致的结果之一是,签证身份的激增,使其持有者承诺不寻求永久定居或公民身份,并为他们提供很少的权利。许多学者一直在争论短期移民在规范上是否存在问题,以及在哪些方面存在问题,特别是存在剥削性问题。在本文中,我们对现有的关于临时移民制度不公正和物质剥削的批评进行了补充,声称这些计划不仅剥削了短期移民的劳动力和其他物质贡献,而且还剥削了他们在居住时必要建立的社会资本。
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引用次数: 0
Refugee Governance in the Arab World: The International Refugee Regime and Global Politics. By T. Fakhoury and D. Chatty (eds.), Bloomsbury Academic, (2024) (e-book). ISBN: 978-0-7556-5016-3. https://doi.org/10.5040/9780755650163 阿拉伯世界的难民治理:国际难民制度与全球政治。作者:Fakhoury, T.和Chatty, D.(编辑),Bloomsbury Academic,(2024)(电子书)。ISBN: 978 0量7556还是5016量3。https://doi.org/10.5040/9780755650163
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-01-29 DOI: 10.1111/imig.70137
Zeynep Balcioglu
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引用次数: 0
Migration Departheid: Information Campaigns and Migratory Futures in The Gambia, West Africa 离开的移民:西非冈比亚的信息运动和移民的未来
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-01-24 DOI: 10.1111/imig.70135
Cathy Conrad Suso

This paper views migration management campaigns through the lens of involuntary immobility and containment development, which aim to geographically localise Gambian desires and imaginations, to the extent that they are being subjected to border controls that discriminate and dehumanise irregular migrants. Migration Information Campaigns (MICs) advocate a sedentary bias that positions Gambian migrants with the injustice of migration departheid, whereby Western states intentionally implement a racialized mobility regime. I present the results of ethnographic field work undertaken in The Gambia, West Africa during the period 2018 through 2022. Border externalisation measures in all their forms are having dire consequences for the youth of the Gambia. So-called development is cloaked in containment development initiatives, which are benefiting few and damaging to many. MICs have been documented to be ineffective, and the respondents in this study say the same. Expanding beyond their ineffectiveness, however, is the perpetuation of global mobility injustice, which hasn't clearly been articulated in the literature. Against the backdrop of Gambians pleading for more open visa acquisition, the EU is far more likely to spend their time and money working on campaigns to do just the opposite: keep Gambians at home. Gambian youth are making choices to take dangerous routes to Europe and other international destinations because visas are elusive and their economic prospects at home remain bleak. The discrepancy between MICs and the wishes of Gambian youth to migrate and the associated injustice they feel is presented. This work therefore contributes to the recent and growing literature on migration departheid and mobility justice.

本文从非自愿的不流动和遏制发展的角度来看待移民管理运动,其目的是将冈比亚人的愿望和想象在地理上本地化,以至于他们受到边境管制,歧视和非人化非正规移民。移民信息运动(MICs)倡导一种定居偏见,将冈比亚移民置于移民分离的不公正地位,西方国家故意实施种族化的流动制度。我将介绍2018年至2022年期间在西非冈比亚进行的民族志实地工作的结果。各种形式的边界外部化措施对冈比亚青年造成了可怕的后果。所谓的发展是在遏制发展倡议的掩护下进行的,这使少数人受益,对许多人造成损害。MICs已经被证明是无效的,本研究中的受访者也这么说。然而,除了它们的无效之外,全球流动性不公平的延续也在扩大,这一点在文献中没有得到明确阐述。在冈比亚人要求更开放签证的背景下,欧盟更有可能把时间和金钱花在相反的活动上:让冈比亚人留在家里。冈比亚年轻人选择冒险前往欧洲和其他国际目的地,因为签证难以捉摸,而他们在国内的经济前景仍然黯淡。中等收入国家与冈比亚青年移民意愿之间的差异,以及他们感受到的相关不公正。因此,这项工作有助于最近和越来越多的关于移民分离和流动正义的文献。
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引用次数: 0
Diplomatic Disparities and Mobility Bias: Structural Inequalities in the Migration-Development Nexus 外交差异和流动偏见:移民-发展关系中的结构性不平等
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-01-22 DOI: 10.1111/imig.70132
Emmanuel Quarshie, James Teye Baduor, Joseph Mensah, Kingsley Laar

This paper interrogates the structural inequalities underpinning global mobility by introducing the concept of mobility bias, the systemic privileging of Global North citizens and diplomatic infrastructures in transnational movement. Drawing on Doreen Massey's Power Geometry and informed by the works of Foucault, Mbembe and Cortina, the study positions mobility as a spatially governed hierarchy shaped by geopolitical power, economic status and institutional capacity. While migration studies have largely focused on individual migrant outcomes, this paper shifts attention to diplomatic disparities that reinforce immobility for Global South nations and their citizens. Through comparative desk-based analysis of passport indices, visa policies, foreign ministry budgets and regional frameworks, the paper examines four intersecting dimensions of inequality: passport stratification, consular burden, resource asymmetry and perception bias. These disparities are not merely bureaucratic but constitute enduring architectures of exclusion within the migration-development nexus. Findings reveal that Global South missions are structurally constrained, underfunded, reactive and burdened by managing the fallout of restrictive regimes, while Global North missions advance strategic interests through expansive mobility diplomacy. Regional fragmentation and weak multilateral leverage further limit Global South agency in shaping mobility governance. The paper concludes that mobility bias is not a peripheral issue but a reproductive mechanism of global inequality. It calls for a multi-scalar reform agenda, including visa policy restructuring, diplomatic capacity-building and regional harmonisation, to advance a more just, inclusive and developmentally transformative mobility regime.

本文通过引入流动性偏见的概念、全球北方公民的系统性特权和跨国流动中的外交基础设施,来质疑支撑全球流动性的结构性不平等。该研究借鉴了多琳·梅西的《权力几何》,并借鉴了福柯、姆本贝和科尔蒂纳的著作,将流动性定位为一种由地缘政治力量、经济地位和制度能力形成的空间支配等级。虽然移民研究主要集中在个人移民结果上,但本文将注意力转移到外交差异上,这种差异加剧了全球南方国家及其公民的不流动性。通过对护照指数、签证政策、外交部预算和地区框架的比较桌面分析,本文考察了不平等的四个交叉维度:护照分层、领事负担、资源不对称和感知偏见。这些差异不仅是官僚主义的,而且构成了移民与发展关系中持久的排斥结构。研究结果显示,全球南方特派团在结构上受到限制,资金不足,被动反应,并因管理限制性制度的后果而负担沉重,而全球北方特派团则通过广泛的流动外交推进战略利益。区域分裂和多边杠杆作用薄弱进一步限制了全球南方机构在形成流动治理方面的作用。本文的结论是,流动性偏差不是一个外围问题,而是全球不平等的再生产机制。报告呼吁制定多方面的改革议程,包括签证政策重组、外交能力建设和区域协调,以推进更加公正、包容和发展变革的流动机制。
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引用次数: 0
Stuck at Home: Pandemic Immobilities in the Nation of Emigration. By Y. Y. Ortiga, Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2025. 202 pp. $26.00 (paperback). ISBN: 978-1-50-364281-2 困在家里:移民国家的流行病不动。Y. Y. ortiga著,斯坦福,加州:斯坦福大学出版社,2025年。202页,26.00美元(平装本)。ISBN: 978量量50 364281量2
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-01-20 DOI: 10.1111/imig.70134
Exequiel Cabanda
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引用次数: 0
Securitised Exit and Passport Regimes in South Korea: Law, Politics and Jurisdiction 韩国的证券化出境和护照制度:法律、政治和管辖权
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-01-20 DOI: 10.1111/imig.70100
Jeewon Min

By tracing the development of South Korea's legal-passport regimes within the historical and geopolitical settings, this paper examines how exit restrictions have been securitised through their interplay with inter-Korean dynamics and state relations. The demarcation of the 38th parallel between the two Koreas not only reshaped geographical accessibility in the region by transforming what was once internal migration to emigration, but also the regulatory mechanism for containment within the Korean peninsula. The securitisation of departure was institutionalised and operationalised through administrative discretion, exercised under authoritarian governance and legitimised by delegated legislation, thereby hollowing out the constitutional essence of the right to freedom of movement. As a space of contested jurisdiction, departure served as a critical site of state power, a foundation of state identity and a battleground between law and politics.

通过追溯韩国法律护照制度在历史和地缘政治背景下的发展,本文考察了出境限制是如何通过与朝韩动态和国家关系的相互作用而被证券化的。朝韩之间三八线的划分不仅通过将曾经的内部移民转变为移民,重塑了该地区的地理可达性,而且还改变了朝鲜半岛内部遏制的监管机制。出境证券化通过行政自由裁量权制度化和操作化,在威权治理下行使,并通过授权立法合法化,从而掏空了行动自由权的宪法本质。作为一个管辖权争议的空间,离境是国家权力的关键场所,是国家认同的基础,也是法律与政治之间的战场。
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引用次数: 0
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International Migration
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