International Migration最新文献

This study examined the extent to which time spent abroad contributes to human capital, using higher income as an indicator. Utilising Finnish register data, the study focused on returning migrants with higher education (N = 3497), matched with a reference population (N = 30,882). Time abroad was associated with a higher income level upon return amongst men (returnees €63,199, reference €55,982), but not amongst women (returnees €39,316, reference €41,779). In sectors, such as industry, construction, sales and finance, returnees showed particularly significant income differences compared to the reference group. However, even in these sectors, the association between international experience and subsequent income levels appeared to be notably stronger amongst men than women. In these sectors, men's income grew more, with increases of €8678 to €19,363 annually, while women's gains were €1685 to €9582. Overall, while time abroad enhances human capital, the benefits vary substantially by gender and sector. Men experienced clearer income growth compared to their counterparts in the reference group, whereas for women, no similar accumulation of human capital was identified.

By building on the concept of preparedness, I demonstrate that return migration in older age requires a home, meaningful social relationships and pension income. More so, a framework for pension portability and taxation should be interpreted as morally just by returnees. The moral dimension encompasses meanings of fair taxation, the value of an older returnee and intergenerational solidarity within migrant communities and returnees' homes. Morality also interweaves multiple scales from transnational agreements to national return migration ideologies and everyday relationships at the micro scale. Accordingly, based on ethnography (2021–2023) with older returnees in Latvia, this research extends return migration theory and ageing studies through the scalar and moral lenses.

Facial recognition will be integrated into EU biometric border control. In this article, we draw on theoretical insights from Deleuze and Guattari (2005), Browne (2010) and Amaro (2022) to construct a constellation of historical fragments of computing the face. We move away from a mere focus on bias in facial recognition algorithms and shift our attention towards the structural conditions that organise machine learning around the assumption of race. We unravel four fragments: departing from current proposals for the implementation of facial recognition in EU border management, we historicise computing the face through zooming into practices of physical anthropology and anthropometry in both the Belgian colonial context and by Bertillon and Galton where identification and classification intersected, and the technology of vision of early facial recognition systems. With our article, we show how computing the face has historically been intertwined with racialising instruments and effects and how current proposals on using facial recognition in EU border control are underpinned with a colonial epistemic gaze.

Some of the reasons for which political parties develop organizations abroad are to represent the emigrants, to mobilize them electorally and to provide support. So far, we know very little about how migrants think about and interpret these actions. To address this gap in the literature, our article aims to explain what drives migrants' perceptions that party organizations abroad represent their interests in their country of origin. We use individual-level data from an online survey conducted during the summer of 2022 among 1058 Romanian migrants. We find that the perceptions about parties as avenues of representation are a function of both the supply and the demand side. Political parties that are active and instill trust, people's interest in politics and perceived discrimination have strong effects.

The first Donald Trump Presidency created a hostile government context of reception for immigrants with its restrictionist approach to migration policy. Segmented assimilation theory argues that such regimes contribute to reactive ethnicity, which can involve increased identification with the origin culture and adversarial stances towards the receiving society. The current study examines this and other possible responses to Trump's ascent among Latinx immigrants. Using pooled cross-sectional regression, this analysis tracks feelings towards in-groups and out-groups at three time periods—(1) the 2016 campaign, (2) between the election and inauguration and (3) during the early presidency. Results identify spikes in negative attitudes towards White Americans and positive feelings towards immigrants at the onset of his administration, following reactive ethnicity. The findings also identify important nuance in how immigrants react to hostility, including reactive solidarity with non-native out-groups and a pronounced pattern of in-group identification among the most acculturated respondents. This study concludes by interpreting these patterns and offering recommendations for future research, particularly as we begin the second Trump Presidency.

The 2023 World Development Report, titled Migrants, Refugees, and Societies, analyses the state policies, laws, and labour market forces that determine the ability of migrants to improve their social and economic wellbeing. However, in its analysis the report adopts a state-centric view, focusing predominantly on the state as the primary actor in the management of migration, thereby eliding a thorough analysis of how formal and informal institutions at the supranational and subnational levels impact the lives of migrants beyond citizenship. In this response, we instead argue for multi-scalar analysis and evaluation of the policies that affect migrants. We illustrate how citizenship and access to its associated benefits are mediated at these multiple levels and bring compounding factors such as race, class, gender, religion, skill-level, and rural or urban origin, among others, into view. This allows for a fuller analysis of the processes that shape migrant's experiences and lives.

In this article, I engage with the return migration and ageing nexus from an intergenerational vantage point. I build on the analytical power of emotions to argue for paying careful attention to the salient emotional dimensions of migration and what I term the emotional politics of return migration. I discuss the relationality, multiple temporalities and elusiveness of return by drawing on in-depth interviews and ethnographic observations with transnational families: specifically, the adult offspring who have emigrated to the United States – where they experience legal uncertainty – and their ageing parents in Brazil. The article contributes to scholarship on return migration and ageing in two ways. First, by emphasizing a temporal dimension where the emotional politics of return migration take shape through uneven rhythms, frequencies and intensities of contact, and second, by underscoring an intersubjective, familial component, where the return is mediated through bodily interaction, digital technologies and discourses of emotivity.

Migration diplomacy has become a critical element of contemporary geopolitics, yet its complex dimensions remain underexplored. This article introduces a novel three-level game framework to examine how foreign policy strategies leverage cross-border mobility across domestic, bilateral and supranational dimensions. The 2020 Greek–Turkish border crisis serves as a case study to investigate how domestic political imperatives, bilateral disputes and engagement with European institutions shaped the two government' strategies. The study integrates process tracing with diverse multi-source data – including policy documents, media analysis and stakeholder interviews – to demonstrate how migration crises function as instruments of geopolitical contestation. This framework is also applied to cases, such as Morocco–Spain, Tunisia–EU and Belarus–EU, advancing theoretical and empirical understandings of migration diplomacy. The article provides fresh insights into the interplay between domestic politics, bilateral relations and supranational governance, illustrating how migration diplomacy is both a reflection and a driver of contemporary power dynamics in global geopolitics.

The return of Syrian refugees and internally displaced persons is occurring despite the absence of economic, political, social, and security infrastructures necessary for a voluntary, safe, and dignified return. Drawing from desk research and interviews conducted with 87 returnees in 2024, this paper explores the interactions between return processes and the Syrian government's citizenship policies. The evidence suggests that the Syrian regime has strategically promoted the right to return and selective readmission of Syrian refugees to gain international legitimacy and facilitate post-war reconstruction. Empirical findings indicate that returnees have not yet attained all citizenship rights, particularly in ensuring safety, accessing government services, participating in cultural and political life, and fostering a sense of belonging. Furthermore, the lack of conducive conditions for the reintegration of returnees, coupled with the persistent characteristics of the pre-war and conflict-era concentric citizenship regime and a lack of political trust, impedes enjoying the rights and protections that should be afforded to them as citizens. This paper contributes to discussions on the politics of repatriation in origin countries and the diverse, path-dependent factors shaping the reintegration of displaced persons in complex post-conflict situations.

The Bangladeshi-origin community is one of the largest, longest-established and fastest-growing migrant groups in the UK. For the first-generation immigrants, retirement brings a threefold dilemma: stay put for the rest of their lives, surrounded by children and grandchildren; return to Bangladesh to enjoy a peaceful later-life there; or adopt a to-and-fro transnational lifestyle. Interviews were conducted with 32 British Bangladeshis aged 60+, both in London and Sylhet (their main region of origin), with the aim of ascertaining how gender contributes to return migration theory and practice. We find, first, that most British-Bangladeshi elders do not return. Second, return mobilities, for shorter or longer stays, are highly gendered: it is overwhelmingly men who contemplate and actualise return. Return migration is about reclaiming masculinity and meaning in old age in the home area. Some older men return seasonally, to escape the British winter. A major preoccupation of returnees is access to health services, deemed poor and expensive in Bangladesh.