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Size and ethnic homogeneity of extended social networks in the Netherlands: Differences between migrant groups and migrant generations 荷兰扩展社交网络的规模和种族同质性:移民群体和移民世代之间的差异
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13252
Thijmen Jeroense, Bas Hofstra, Niels Spierings, Jochem Tolsma
Extended social networks encompass both weak and strong ties to provide social support and resources. Hence, it is important to study what explains variation in these networks. This paper addresses this and examines the size and ethnic homogeneity of extended social networks, and group differences therein, and it aims to explain these differences based on a preference–opportunities approach through a decomposition analysis. We apply state‐of‐the‐art NSUM methods to measure the extended networks for different ethnic‐majority and minoritized groups, also considering migrant generation differences, in the Netherlands. Results show that group differences in network size reflect first‐generation minority citizens having smaller networks and majority citizens having more ethnically homogeneous networks. More positive out‐group attitudes among the Moroccan– and Turkish–Dutch partly explain why these groups have less homogeneous networks than Dutch majority members. Differences in the ethnic composition of neighbourhoods also contribute to explaining the homogeneity gap between Dutch majority and Turkish‐Dutch.
扩展的社会网络包括提供社会支持和资源的弱联系和强联系。因此,研究如何解释这些网络中的差异非常重要。本文针对这一问题,研究了扩展社交网络的规模和种族同质性,以及其中的群体差异,旨在通过分解分析,基于偏好-机会方法来解释这些差异。我们采用了最先进的 NSUM 方法来测量荷兰不同种族多数群体和少数群体的扩展网络,同时也考虑了移民世代的差异。结果表明,网络规模的群体差异反映出第一代少数民族公民的网络规模较小,而多数民族公民的网络更具种族同质性。摩洛哥裔和土耳其裔荷兰人对外群体的态度更为积极,这在一定程度上解释了为什么这些群体的网络同质性低于荷兰多数群体成员。社区种族构成的差异也有助于解释荷兰多数族裔与土耳其裔荷兰人之间的同质性差距。
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引用次数: 0
Transforming settlement and integration services during a pandemic 大流行病期间的安置和融合服务转型
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13245
Valerie Preston, John Shields, Jayesh D'Souza

Settlement services are key to Canada's success in welcoming and integrating immigrants. Offered mainly in person prior to COVID-19 by non-governmental agencies reliant on and regulated by government funders, services were forced online and delivered by staff working remotely. We document this transition between September 2020 and September 2021 in Ontario, Canada and the conditions that influenced it. Surveys completed by workers and managers at member agencies of the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants reveal how agencies provided services and stabilized organizational resources and capacities. Their success is evident in staff satisfaction with management's responses to the pandemic. While our findings underscore the resilience of the agencies and their workforce, they also challenge many tenets of New Public Management. The survey and discussions with managers suggest that sustained and flexible funding, rapid and respectful communication between agencies and funders and collaborations with other agencies were key to overcoming pandemic challenges.

安置服务是加拿大成功接纳和融合移民的关键。在 COVID-19 之前,这些服务主要由依赖政府资助并受政府监管的非政府机构亲自提供,而在 COVID-19 之后,这些服务被迫在线提供,并由工作人员远程提供。我们记录了 2020 年 9 月至 2021 年 9 月期间加拿大安大略省的这一转变,以及影响这一转变的条件。安大略省移民服务机构理事会成员机构的工作人员和管理人员完成的调查揭示了各机构如何提供服务并稳定组织资源和能力。他们的成功体现在员工对管理层应对大流行病的措施表示满意。虽然我们的调查结果强调了这些机构及其工作人员的应变能力,但也对新公共管理的许多原则提出了挑战。调查和与管理人员的讨论表明,持续和灵活的资助、机构与资助者之间快速和相互尊重的沟通以及与其他机构的合作是克服大流行病挑战的关键。
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引用次数: 0
Unpacking “the system”: Multi-level governance gaps in the labour market integration of highly skilled refugees 解读 "制度":高技能难民融入劳动力市场的多层次治理差距
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-03-07 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13246
Micheline van Riemsdijk

A plethora of government- and non-government actors are involved in the labour market integration of highly skilled refugees, forming a complex “system” that is difficult to navigate for integration actors and refugees. Based on interviews with 32 labour market integration actors in Sweden, this article examines multi-level governance gaps in the wake of the simultaneous centralization and decentralization of labour market preparation services. It examines various “steps” in the labour market integration process to gain a more holistic perspective of “the system”, and identifies governance gaps in each step. The article finds that the devolution of services has opened up participatory spaces for non-government actors, but narrowly defined mandates and short-term funding mechanisms hamper cooperation within and between territorial levels of policy implementation.

大量政府和非政府行为者参与了高技能难民的劳动力市场融入工作,形成了一个复杂的 "系统",难以为融入者和难民所用。本文基于对瑞典 32 名劳动力市场融入参与者的访谈,研究了劳动力市场准备服务同时集中化和分散化之后的多层次治理差距。文章研究了劳动力市场一体化过程中的各个 "步骤",以获得对 "系统 "的更全面的视角,并确定了每个步骤中的治理差距。文章认为,服务下放为非政府行为者开辟了参与空间,但狭隘的任务规定和短期供资机制阻碍了政策实施地区内部和地区之间的合作。
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引用次数: 0
How framing impacts attitudes about electoral rights for non‐resident citizens 框架如何影响对非居民公民选举权的态度
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13243
Staffan Himmelroos, Jean‐Michel Lafleur, Magdalena Lesinska, Marco Liesi, Johanna Peltoniemi, Theresa Reidy, Daniela Vintila, Åsa von Schoultz
Widespread adoption of policies granting electoral rights to citizens living abroad has spurred vivid scholarly debates regarding the drivers and consequences of extra‐territorial enfranchisement. But, little is known about the views of resident citizens in origin countries on the matter. We address this research gap and investigate how resident citizens' attitudes to external voting rights are affected by different arguments usually salient in homeland political debates. The study draws on an original survey experiment conducted across five countries (Belgium, Finland, Poland, Portugal and Ireland) with different external voting regulations. Our results show that utilitarian arguments on the costs and benefits of extra‐territorial enfranchisement are persuasively shaping public support for the voting rights of nationals living abroad. They further suggest that resident citizens in origin countries that already grant extensive political rights to non‐resident nationals are more receptive to moral arguments of democratic inclusion regarding the recognition of such entitlements.
赋予居住在国外的公民选举权的政策被广泛采纳,引发了学术界对域外选举权的动因和后果的热烈讨论。但是,人们对居住在原籍国的公民对这一问题的看法却知之甚少。我们针对这一研究空白,调查了居住在本国的公民对外部投票权的态度如何受到本国政治辩论中通常突出的不同论点的影响。本研究借鉴了在五个国家(比利时、芬兰、波兰、葡萄牙和爱尔兰)进行的原创调查实验,这五个国家都有不同的外部投票法规。我们的研究结果表明,关于域外选举权的成本与收益的功利主义论点正在说服公众支持海外侨民的选举权。这些结果还表明,在已经给予非居民国民广泛政治权利的原籍国,居民公民更容易接受有关承认这些权利的民主包容的道德论点。
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引用次数: 0
Immobility in Moldova: Beyond the migration paradigm 摩尔多瓦的不流动性:超越移民范式
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-02-22 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13241
Ludmila Bogdan

This paper explores the motivations and barriers behind the decision of economically disadvantaged Moldovans to refrain from migrating for better economic prospects. Drawing on 30 qualitative interviews with voluntary stayers, it uncovers a range of individual-level characteristics that impede migration aspirations. These findings highlight the heightened sensitivity of lower-wage stayers to their perceived social status abroad, their limited adaptability to new cultures and environments and their lower willpower to endure the challenges of long-term gains. Moreover, this paper sheds light on their contentment with modest material gains and their aversion to migration risks. At the structural level, it emphasizes how social inequalities act as barriers for specific social groups, particularly the economically disadvantaged. These empirical insights challenge prevailing assumptions about the dominance of economic costs and network abroad in migration decision-making, offering a fresh perspective on the social factors and costs shaping stayers' choices.

本文探讨了经济上处于不利地位的摩尔多瓦人决定不为更好的经济前景而移民的动机和障碍。通过对自愿留在摩尔多瓦的人进行 30 次定性访谈,本文发现了一系列阻碍移民愿望的个人特征。这些发现突出表明,工资较低的滞留者对其在国外的社会地位更为敏感,他们对新文化和新环境的适应能力有限,忍受长期收益挑战的意志力较低。此外,本文还揭示了他们对微薄物质利益的满足感以及对移民风险的厌恶感。在结构层面,本文强调了社会不平等如何成为特定社会群体,尤其是经济弱势群体的障碍。这些经验性见解挑战了关于经济成本和国外网络在移民决策中占主导地位的普遍假设,为影响留守者选择的社会因素和成本提供了一个全新的视角。
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引用次数: 0
From smuggled migrants to ‘alleged smugglers’: Empirical evidence and policy perspectives on the criminalization of people on the move in Italy 从被偷运移民到 "涉嫌偷运者":意大利对流动人口定罪的经验证据和政策视角
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-02-22 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13242
Federico Alagna

Since 2014, numerous people on the move have been accused of migrant smuggling in Italian courts for steering makeshift vessels or for assisting in navigation across the Mediterranean Sea. This is the case regardless of the fact that such behaviour was the result of coercion or threats. In this contribution, drawing upon extensive empirical research and following a socio-legal paradigm, I first explore the criminalization of people on the move in relation to migrant smuggling charges in the years following the so-called 2014–2015 refugee crisis and discuss the impact on their rights. Second, I tackle the issue from a policy perspective, considering three potential EU/national policy reforms and the ways in which they could successfully address an existing policy problem. Such reforms vary in scope, from a damage limitation logic to a fully fledged change of paradigm, and the three can be described as follows: alignment of EU and national frameworks with the United Nations Protocol against migrant smuggling; a more significant differentiation between migrant smuggling and the facilitation of undocumented migration; and an explicit exoneration from criminal liability for people on the move accused of migrant smuggling. This article presents innovative insights, providing on the one hand an up-to-date empirical understanding of this form of criminalization of people on the move and, on the other, extensive reflections on the way in which policy reforms could prevent it.

自2014年以来,在意大利法院,许多流动人口因驾驶临时船只或协助航行穿越地中海而被指控偷运移民。无论这种行为是否是胁迫或威胁的结果,情况都是如此。在这篇论文中,我利用广泛的实证研究并遵循社会法律范式,首先探讨了在所谓的2014-2015年难民危机之后的几年中,因偷运移民指控而对流动人口进行刑事定罪的情况,并讨论了对其权利的影响。其次,我从政策的角度来解决这一问题,考虑了三种潜在的欧盟/国家政策改革,以及它们成功解决现有政策问题的方式。这些改革的范围各不相同,有的是限制损害的逻辑,有的则是范式的全面改变,这三种改革可描述如下:欧盟和国家框架与联合国打击偷运移民议定书保持一致;对偷运移民和为无证移民提供便利进行更显著的区分;明确免除被控偷运移民的流动人口的刑事责任。本文提出了创新性的见解,一方面对这种对流动人口的刑事定罪形式提供了最新的经验性理解,另一方面对政策改革如何防止这种形式进行了广泛的思考。
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引用次数: 0
Refugees as perceived threat: College students' attitudes towards refugees in South Korea 将难民视为威胁:韩国大学生对难民的态度
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-02-16 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13238
Joowon Yuk, Hyoung-jin Shin

In 2018, the influx of Yemeni asylum seekers generated the unprecedented politicization of the refugee issue in South Korea. This paper explored South Korean attitudes towards refugees by collecting data from Korean college students. In doing so, we looked into what led to negative attitudes towards refugees and the role perceived threats play as a mediator. Following previous studies on intergroup threat theory, we noted that threat perception was a useful tool in understanding intergroup prejudice and anxiety as perceived threats and their antecedents were found to explain a significant amount of the attitudes towards refugees. We also found strong interconnections between prejudices towards different minority groups, including Islamophobia, homophobia and anti-refugee attitudes. This finding supported the idea that such prejudices are part of a larger intolerant belief system towards minority groups in general.

2018年,也门寻求庇护者的涌入在韩国引发了前所未有的难民问题政治化。本文通过收集韩国大学生的数据,探讨了韩国人对难民的态度。在此过程中,我们探究了导致对难民的负面态度的原因,以及感知到的威胁作为中介所发挥的作用。根据以往对群体间威胁理论的研究,我们注意到威胁感是理解群体间偏见和焦虑的有用工具,因为我们发现感知到的威胁及其前因在很大程度上解释了对难民的态度。我们还发现,对不同少数群体的偏见,包括仇视伊斯兰教、仇视同性恋和反难民态度之间存在着紧密的联系。这一发现支持了这样一种观点,即这些偏见是针对少数群体的更广泛的不宽容信仰体系的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
A relational analysis of migration in old age: How transnational ties affect migration decisions 老年移民的关系分析:跨国联系如何影响移民决定
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-02-16 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13237
Livia Tomás, José Luis Molina

Recently, the role of personal ties in migration decisions has received considerable attention. However, this aspect has seldom been studied in the context of retirement. This paper addresses this gap by shedding light on the composition of personal networks, types of mobility patterns and retirement locations for four groups of older adults. To this end, two methodological approaches are employed: (1) a qualitative Social Network Analysis to examine the composition of older adults' personal networks and (2) thematic coding to analyse the relational aspects of migration decisions. This paper draws on 29 semi-structured interviews conducted in Spain and Switzerland in 2020 and 2021. The findings demonstrate that pre-retirement migration trajectories shape personal network composition. Moreover, personal ties play a critical role in older adults' mobility patterns and choices of retirement location. Overall, this study provides valuable insights into the impact of personal networks on migration decisions of older adults.

最近,个人关系在移民决策中的作用受到了广泛关注。然而,很少有人以退休为背景研究这方面的问题。本文通过揭示四组老年人的个人网络构成、流动模式类型和退休地点,填补了这一空白。为此,本文采用了两种方法:(1) 社会网络定性分析,研究老年人个人网络的构成;(2) 主题编码,分析迁移决定的关系方面。本文参考了 2020 年和 2021 年在西班牙和瑞士进行的 29 次半结构式访谈。研究结果表明,退休前的移民轨迹决定了个人网络的构成。此外,个人关系在老年人的流动模式和退休地点选择中起着至关重要的作用。总之,本研究为了解个人网络对老年人移徙决定的影响提供了宝贵的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Cross-border mobility, inequality and migration intermediaries: Labour migration from Nepal to Malaysia 跨境流动、不平等和移民中介:从尼泊尔到马来西亚的劳动力迁移
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-02-09 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13232
Heila Sha, Saheira Haliel, Yvonne Khor

This article aims to contribute to labour recruitment policy by demonstrating the relations between cross-border mobility and inequality through the lens of migration intermediaries. Drawing on thematic analysis of the MIDEQ project's in-depth interviews with Nepalese labour migrants (n = 20) in Malaysia, this research reveals the range of migration intermediaries along the recruitment chain, and shows contradictory roles played by migration intermediaries: they help migrant workers access employment and other opportunities thus overcoming inequality in mobility, whilst simultaneously reproducing socio-economic inequalities and the unequal power relations experienced by migrants. Hence, we identify a “middle space effect” that links migration processes with migration outcomes, reconstructing socio-economic inequalities in mediated migration. We highlight the role of state policies regarding migration and labour in co-producing such inequalities, and the embeddedness of middle space intermediaries in unequal global power dynamics, and we offer policy suggestions on regulation of labour recruitment and employment.

本文旨在通过移民中介的视角,展示跨境流动与不平等之间的关系,从而为劳动力招聘政策做出贡献。通过对 MIDEQ 项目在马来西亚对尼泊尔劳工移民(n = 20)进行的深入访谈进行专题分析,本研究揭示了招聘链上的一系列移民中介,并显示了移民中介所扮演的矛盾角色:他们帮助移民工人获得就业和其他机会,从而克服了流动中的不平等,同时也再现了移民所经历的社会经济不平等和不平等的权力关系。因此,我们发现了一种 "中间空间效应",它将移民过程与移民结果联系起来,在中介移民中重构了社会经济不平等。我们强调了有关移民和劳动力的国家政策在共同产生这种不平等现象中的作用,以及中间空间中介在不平等的全球权力动态中的嵌入性,并就劳动力招聘和就业监管提出了政策建议。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the asylum-applications growth. The limits of the Spanish refugee reception program 庇护申请增长之外。西班牙难民接待计划的局限性
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-02-09 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13235
Juan Iglesias, Rut Bermejo, Isabel Bazaga

Based on two extended qualitative research projects conducted between 2017 and 2022, this paper analyses the refugee reception programme (RP) in Spain, which is managed both by the central state and some specialised social organisations. This cross-sectoral RP presents notable and enduring problems, which have deepened since the increase in asylum applications during the so-called European refugee crisis in 2015. This paper affirms that, although this increase in asylum seekers represents a serious challenge, the persistent shortcomings of the RP are better explained by a set of structural factors related to (1) the restrictive institutional model of asylum and immigration policy, (2) the lack of development of the RP, its dispersal policy and its social intervention design, (3) the lack of multilevel governance between the State and the municipalities and regional administration and (4) the current neoliberal and nativist policies.

本文基于2017年至2022年间开展的两个扩展定性研究项目,分析了西班牙的难民接待计划(RP),该计划由中央政府和一些专业社会组织共同管理。这一跨部门的难民接待计划存在显著而持久的问题,自2015年所谓的欧洲难民危机期间庇护申请增加以来,这些问题不断加深。本文认为,虽然寻求庇护者的增加是一个严峻的挑战,但区域方案持续存在的缺陷更能解释一系列结构性因素:(1)庇护和移民政策的限制性制度模式;(2)区域方案、其分散政策和社会干预设计缺乏发展;(3)国家与市政当局和地区行政部门之间缺乏多层次治理;(4)当前的新自由主义和本土主义政策。
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引用次数: 0
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International Migration
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