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Fengqiao-Style Policing: A Grassroots Model for Public Security Governance 冯桥式治安:基层治安治理模式
IF 2.6 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-05-09 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70025
Haoran Xu, Sui Yifeng, Wu Zhanhong, Zan Shi

Public security governance faces significant challenges in an era of urbanization and social complexity. China's Fengqiao-style policing, rooted in the 1960s “Fengqiao Experience,” offers a grassroots model that emphasizes early conflict resolution, community participation, and cost-effective governance. This study explores the evolution of Fengqiao-style policing, highlighting its integration of modern technology and institutional reforms. Using empirical data, the research examines its mechanisms, localized conflict resolution, multi-stakeholder engagement, and data-driven decision-making—and evaluates its applicability beyond China. The findings suggest that this model has significant potential for addressing global public security issues and offers insights into enhancing trust, collaboration, and efficiency in community policing.

在城市化和社会复杂化的时代,公共安全治理面临着重大挑战。中国的凤桥式治安源于20世纪60年代的“凤桥经验”,它提供了一种强调早期冲突解决、社区参与和成本效益治理的基层模式。本文探讨了凤桥式警务的演变,突出了其与现代技术和制度改革的融合。利用实证数据,研究了其机制、局部冲突解决、多方利益相关者参与和数据驱动决策,并评估了其在中国以外的适用性。研究结果表明,该模型在解决全球公共安全问题方面具有重大潜力,并为加强社区警务的信任、合作和效率提供了见解。
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引用次数: 0
The Power of Ideational Reach: A New Approach to State Capacity 观念范围的力量:一种研究国家能力的新方法
IF 2.6 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-05-08 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70020
Anna Persson, Frida Boräng, Ruth Carlitz

State capacity is widely recognized as a prerequisite for the successful fostering of economic and political development and is considered key to understanding change and enduring differences in development across countries. Yet, despite its influence, there are several aspects of the exercise of state power that are still in need of explanation. Such aspects typically relate to unexpected variation in outcomes within and/or across polities and policies. To better understand these outcomes, this paper argues that we must recognize the ways in which the modern state is not only a physical and organizational entity but also a politically constructed—and highly contested— idea of how political order should be organized. Against this backdrop, the paper introduces a new dimension of state capacity: ideational reach—defined as the ability to engender loyalty to the idea of the state as the primary source of authority among the population.

国家能力被广泛认为是成功促进经济和政治发展的先决条件,被认为是理解各国发展变化和持久差异的关键。然而,尽管有其影响,国家权力的行使仍有几个方面需要解释。这些方面通常涉及政策和政策内部和/或政策之间结果的意外变化。为了更好地理解这些结果,本文认为,我们必须认识到,现代国家不仅是一个物理和组织实体,而且是一个政治建构的——以及高度争议的——政治秩序应该如何组织的理念。在此背景下,本文引入了国家能力的一个新维度:观念延伸——定义为使民众对国家作为权威的主要来源这一观念产生忠诚的能力。
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引用次数: 0
Boosting Public Confidence in U.S. Agency Policymaking 提高公众对美国机构决策的信心
IF 2.6 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-05-06 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70021
Natalie L. Smith, Susan Webb Yackee

Scholars have documented a steep decline in Americans' trust in the bureaucracy. This trend is problematic because it threatens the legitimacy of democratic policymaking by public sector agencies. We hypothesize that the participation of the bureaucracy's elected political principals in agency policy decision-making increases public confidence in the regulatory process. To test this argument, we implement a vignette-based survey experiment with roughly 1350 people in a politically divided U.S. state. The experimental evidence demonstrates that, even when controlling for partisanship, public confidence in state agency policymaking increases when legislators and the governor are actively engaged in the process. To some, these results may be surprising: how could the participation of elected government actors—who, themselves, are often held in such low esteem—boost public confidence? Others may view the findings as a normative rationale for further structural design reforms that encourage the involvement of elected representatives in agency rulemaking.

学者们记录了美国人对官僚机构信任度的急剧下降。这种趋势是有问题的,因为它威胁到公共部门机构民主决策的合法性。我们假设,官僚机构选出的政治负责人参与机构政策决策可以增加公众对监管过程的信心。为了验证这一论点,我们在美国一个政治分裂的州对大约1350人进行了一项基于图片的调查实验。实验证据表明,即使在控制党派之争的情况下,当立法者和州长积极参与决策过程时,公众对国家机构决策的信心也会增加。对一些人来说,这些结果可能会令人惊讶:选举产生的政府官员——他们自己通常都不太受人尊敬——怎么可能参与进来提升公众的信心呢?另一些人可能认为这些调查结果是进一步进行结构设计改革的规范依据,鼓励选举产生的代表参与机构规则制定。
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引用次数: 0
Informal Taxation, Co-Production and Political Gender Bias: A Theory of Voter Bias Against Women Village Leaders 非正式税收、合作生产与政治性别偏见:选民对村长女性的偏见理论
IF 2.6 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-05-06 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70023
Paul Schuler, Xiao Ding

Are voters particularly biased against women holding village leadership positions? We initially theorize that traditional ceremonial roles drive anti-woman bias for rural village leadership positions. Our results partially align with expectations. While we find that voters in rural areas are more biased against women as village leaders than for other positions, our results and follow-up interviews suggest a different mechanism. We find that women face heightened voter bias because village leadership positions require personal authority, stereotypically seen as a male trait necessary to mobilize co-production. Support for this explanation comes from three waves of a massive, nationally representative survey in Vietnam. The findings demonstrate that women face high levels of bias against becoming village leaders in rural areas, where personal authority is important. This suggests that bias against women village leaders is rooted in the need for informal taxation, distinguishing it from biases against women in other positions.

选民是否对担任村领导职务的妇女特别有偏见?我们最初的理论是,传统的礼仪角色导致了对农村领导职位的反女性偏见。我们的结果部分符合预期。虽然我们发现农村地区的选民对女性担任村长比其他职位更有偏见,但我们的结果和后续访谈表明了一种不同的机制。我们发现,女性面临着更严重的选民偏见,因为村领导职位需要个人权威,而这种权威通常被视为动员合作生产所必需的男性特质。支持这一解释的是在越南进行的三波大规模、具有全国代表性的调查。研究结果表明,在个人权威很重要的农村地区,女性在成为村长方面面临着高度的偏见。这表明,对妇女村长的偏见根源于对非正式税收的需要,这与对其他职位妇女的偏见有所区别。
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引用次数: 0
Politically Connected Firms: Trade, Competition and Rent-Seeking 政治关联企业:贸易、竞争和寻租
IF 2.6 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-05-03 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70024
David Coen, Matia Vannoni

This paper examines how companies respond to global economic shocks by seeking political connections. Using company-level data, the study explores how exposure to increased trade competition—specifically, rising Chinese imports—affects U.S. firms' lobbying strategies. The findings reveal that companies facing greater economic pressures are more likely to hire politically connected lobbyists, particularly in industries more exposed to trade. These findings indicate that, during periods of economic instability, firms actively pursue political influence as a strategy to manage uncertainty and safeguard their interests.

本文考察了企业如何通过寻求政治关系来应对全球经济冲击。该研究利用公司层面的数据,探讨了贸易竞争加剧(特别是中国进口增加)对美国公司游说策略的影响。调查结果显示,面临更大经济压力的公司更有可能雇佣有政治关系的游说者,尤其是在受贸易影响更大的行业。这些发现表明,在经济不稳定时期,企业积极寻求政治影响力,作为管理不确定性和维护其利益的一种战略。
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引用次数: 0
High-Profile Corruption Convictions, Government Reactions, and Public Approval: A Comparative Analysis Across Levels of Democracy 高调的腐败定罪、政府反应和公众认可:跨民主水平的比较分析
IF 2.6 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-04-30 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70019
Manoel Gehrke, Feng Yang

This study investigates the political effects of corruption convictions involving former heads of government. Drawing on an original dataset of convictions and annual, nationally representative surveys covering over 130 countries from 2006 to 2019, we employ a difference-in-differences approach to analyze how these events shape government approval. Our findings indicate a notable contrast: in less democratic countries, convictions boost support for the government, whereas their effect is negligible in more democratic contexts. We reveal a key mechanism behind this divergence by showing how incumbent governments respond differently to the convictions. In less democratic settings, governments exploit corruption convictions by emphasizing the personal virtues of their leaders. Beyond identifying this critical condition that prompts political elites to adopt personalistic appeals, we also demonstrate how these appeals resonate with the public. These findings have implications for debates on the consequences of anti-corruption efforts and their relationship with populism.

本研究调查了涉及前政府首脑的腐败定罪的政治影响。根据2006年至2019年覆盖130多个国家的定罪和年度全国代表性调查的原始数据集,我们采用差异中的差异方法来分析这些事件如何影响政府批准。我们的研究结果表明了一个显著的对比:在不太民主的国家,信念会提高对政府的支持,而在更民主的环境中,信念的影响可以忽略不计。我们通过展示现任政府如何对这些信念做出不同的反应,揭示了这种分歧背后的关键机制。在不那么民主的环境中,政府通过强调其领导人的个人美德来利用腐败定罪。除了确定促使政治精英采取个人主义诉求的关键条件之外,我们还展示了这些诉求如何与公众产生共鸣。这些发现对关于反腐败努力的后果及其与民粹主义的关系的辩论具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 0
Gender and the Collegial Face of Executive Politics: Priorities, Presence, and Power 性别和行政政治的学院面孔:优先权,存在和权力
IF 2.6 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-04-29 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70022
Nicholas Allen, Kenny William Ie, Nora Siklodi

This article shows, for the first time, gendered patterns in the organization and composition of collegial executive institutions below the level of the cabinet. Drawing on an original dataset of ministerial cabinet committees since the 1990s, we investigate how ministerial supply, gendered norms, and ideology affect committee priorities, women's presence, and access to power in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom. Committee priorities remain predominantly masculine, despite the increasing supply of women in all cases, but women's presence strengthens with increasing ministerial supply. However, women are regularly excluded from masculine committees and influential chairing positions on such committees. Ideology indirectly affects gendered priorities, presence and power through its effect on supply. These findings demonstrate the persistence and strength of gender as an entrenched feature of institutional design in executive politics and provide a basis for further research into how gender impacts collegiality and collective decision-making.

本文首次显示了内阁以下的合议制行政机构的组织和组成中的性别格局。利用20世纪90年代以来部长级内阁委员会的原始数据集,我们研究了部长供应、性别规范和意识形态如何影响澳大利亚、加拿大、新西兰和英国的委员会优先事项、女性的存在和权力获取。尽管在所有情况下妇女人数都在增加,但委员会的优先事项仍然主要是男性,但随着部长人数的增加,妇女人数也在增加。然而,妇女经常被排除在男性委员会和有影响力的委员会主席职位之外。意识形态通过对供给的影响间接影响性别优先级、存在和权力。这些发现表明,性别作为行政政治制度设计中根深蒂固的特征的持久性和力量,为进一步研究性别如何影响同僚关系和集体决策提供了基础。
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引用次数: 0
Checks and Balances and Institutional Gridlock: Implications for Authoritarianism 制衡与体制僵局:对专制主义的影响
IF 2.6 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-04-14 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70017
Fatih Serkant Adiguzel

Recently, the world saw a wave of elected leaders attack democracy. Why do people support leaders who remove checks and balances? I argue that aspiring autocrats gain more popular support when they present these institutions as obstacles to getting things done. In doing so, they exploit a critical tension between the possibility of gridlock and the abuse of power, which is inherent in democratic institutions. Using cross-national data and leveraging an original survey experiment from Turkey, I show that effective checks and balances decrease democracy satisfaction and that aspiring autocrats gain more popular support when they present these institutions as obstacles. More interestingly, respondents perceive the aspiring autocrats' gridlock justification to dismantle checks and balances as a pro-democratic attempt to remove the obstacles to a policy-responsive regime. These results show that aspiring autocrats exploit the tension in democracies, making it harder for citizens to perceive the threat they face.

最近,世界上出现了一波民选领导人攻击民主的浪潮。为什么人们支持取消权力制衡的领导人?我认为,当有抱负的独裁者将这些制度视为完成任务的障碍时,他们会获得更多民众的支持。在这样做的过程中,他们利用了民主体制中固有的僵局可能性与滥用权力之间的一种关键紧张关系。利用跨国数据并利用土耳其的一项原始调查实验,我表明,有效的制衡会降低对民主的满意度,而有抱负的独裁者在将这些制度视为障碍时,会获得更多民众的支持。更有趣的是,受访者认为,有抱负的独裁者为取消制衡提供了理由,这是一种亲民主的尝试,旨在消除一个对政策敏感的政权的障碍。这些结果表明,有抱负的独裁者利用民主国家的紧张局势,使公民更难察觉他们所面临的威胁。
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引用次数: 0
Environmental Governance in Malta: A Trajectory and Reflections on Shaping Institutions for Policy Learning 马耳他的环境治理:形成政策学习制度的轨迹与思考
IF 2.6 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-04-09 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70015
Marguerite Camilleri

This paper begins by charting the trajectory of Malta's political, policy and institutional innovation in relation to environmental issues since the Islands gained independence in 1964. It examines the growth of the Maltese environmental movement post-independence and the creation of governing institutions in response to public concern and international momentum. It then provides an analysis of the current situation in terms of issues, attitudes and narratives, particularly in relation to the construction and transport sectors. The paper reviews international practices and challenges in terms of environmental policy integration and democratic innovations, as well as positive experiences from the Maltese context. It concludes with some reflections, drawing on the roles of knowledge, public reason and social trust in environmental governance. This paper may be especially relevant to the study of governing institutions operating under conditions of intense pressure and the clientelist politics typical of small, densely-populated jurisdictions.

本文首先描绘了马耳他自 1964 年独立以来在环境问题上的政治、政策和制度创新轨迹。它考察了马耳他独立后环境运动的发展,以及为回应公众关切和国际势头而建立的管理机构。然后从问题、态度和叙述等方面分析了当前形势,特别是与建筑和运输部门有关的问题。本文回顾了在环境政策整合和民主创新方面的国际做法和挑战,以及马耳他的积极经验。最后,本文对知识、公众理性和社会信任在环境治理中的作用进行了反思。本文对于研究在巨大压力条件下运作的治理机构以及人口稠密的小辖区典型的客户政治可能特别有意义。
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引用次数: 0
Charities and Politics: A Principled Approach. By Matthew Harding, Clayton: Monash University Publishing, 2024. 96 pp. $19.95 (paperback). ISBN: 9781923192003 慈善和政治:一个有原则的方法。马修·哈丁著,克莱顿:莫纳什大学出版社,2024年。96页,19.95美元(平装本)。ISBN: 9781923192003
IF 2.6 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-04-05 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70016
B. V. E. Hyde
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Governance-An International Journal of Policy Administration and Institutions
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