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Citizenship question effects on household survey response
IF 3.8 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-20 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70004
J. David Brown, Misty L. Heggeness
Differential coverage across demographic groups in a census or survey can reduce the accuracy and representativeness of the resulting statistics. Researchers traditionally have used community-level measures to study response behavior and coverage, which can obscure patterns for small population groups. We illustrate this using household-level citizenship and immigration status. We construct household-level characteristics using administrative records for each address in a randomized control trial (RCT) survey that measured the effects of including a citizenship question on a decennial census questionnaire. Our results show that the self-response rate to the questionnaire without the citizenship question ranges from 70.4% in households with only U.S.-born non-Hispanic Whites to 27.5% in those with at least one likely undocumented person (a 42.9 percentage point gap). Including the citizenship question widens the gap by a statistically significant 2.4 percentage points. Compared to households with all U.S.-born non-Hispanic Whites, the household roster omission rate in households with at least one likely undocumented member is 6.0 times higher without the citizenship question and 10.4 times higher with the question. These patterns help explain why administrative record-based population data include more non-citizens than survey-based official statistics.
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引用次数: 0
Green Gentrification and Environmental Injustice: A Complexity Approach to Policy by Heather E.Campbell, AdamEckerd, and YushimKim. Springer Cham, 2024, 202 pp., $179.99 (hardcover).
IF 3.8 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-20 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70006
Shanti Gamper‐Rabindran
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引用次数: 0
Erasing History: How Fascists Rewrite the Past to Control the Future by Jason Stanley. Simon & Schuster, 2024, 256 pp.
IF 3.8 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-17 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70008
Valeria Umanets
Click on the article title to read more.
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引用次数: 0
Practical issues in conducting distributional weighting in benefit‐cost analysis
IF 3.8 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-12 DOI: 10.1002/pam.22669
Daniel Acland, David Greenberg
A commonly expressed concern about distributional weighting in benefit‐cost analysis is that the informational burden is too high and the practical challenges insurmountable. In this paper, we address this concern by conducting distributional weighting on a number of real‐world examples, covering a range of different types of policy impacts. We uncover and explore a number of methodological issues that arise in the process of distributional weighting and provide a simplified set of steps that we believe can be implemented by practitioners with a wide range of expertise. We conduct sensitivity analysis and Monte Carlo simulation to test the robustness of our estimates of weighted net benefits to the various assumptions we make, and find that, in general, distributional weighting is no more vulnerable to modeling assumptions and parameter selection than unweighted benefit‐cost analysis itself. We conclude that the concern about the practicability of distributional weighting is, at least in a range of important cases, unfounded.
对于收益-成本分析中的分配加权,人们普遍表达的担忧是信息负担过重,实际挑战难以克服。在本文中,我们通过对一些实际案例进行分配加权来解决这一问题,这些案例涵盖了一系列不同类型的政策影响。我们揭示并探讨了在分配加权过程中出现的一些方法问题,并提供了一套简化步骤,我们相信具有各种专业知识的从业人员都可以实施这些步骤。我们进行了敏感性分析和蒙特卡罗模拟,以测试我们的加权净效益估算对各种假设的稳健性,结果发现,总体而言,分配加权并不比非加权效益成本分析本身更容易受到建模假设和参数选择的影响。我们的结论是,至少在一系列重要情况下,对分配加权的实用性的担忧是没有根据的。
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引用次数: 0
Racism and racial disparities in Child Protective Services involvement: How can government respond?
IF 3.8 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-04 DOI: 10.1002/pam.22679
Lawrence M. Berger, Brenda Jones Harden
<p>Frank Edwards has written an exceptional essay focused on reconciling critical and quantitative approaches to understanding the role of historic and contemporary racism as drivers of racial disparities in Child Protective Services (CPS) involvement in the United States. Moreover, he proposes an innovative theoretical framework with explicit empirical applications for estimating the magnitude of the effects of racism in producing these disparities. This approach, which we look forward to seeing implemented in future empirical work, holds considerable promise for increasing our understanding of the extent to which racist processes have resulted in and continue to result in Black and Native American/American Indian populations being disproportionately represented in CPS systems.</p><p>We commend Edwards on this endeavor and, on the whole, see no major areas of disagreement between his perspective and ours. We fully agree that historical and contemporary racist processes—that is, the pervasive influence of structural racism in U.S. society, including in its social and governmental institutions and their policies and practices—have ultimately resulted in racial disparities in CPS involvement in the United States, that the magnitude of the effect of racism on these disparities has not been estimated, and that estimating its magnitude will contribute to fully contextualizing the etiology, evolution, and persistence of racial disparities in CPS involvement and informing research, policies, and programs to address them. We also concur with Edwards's assessment that two particularly rigorous quantitative studies (Baron et al., <span>2024a, 2024b</span>) have found convincing evidence of caseworker bias <i>within CPS</i>, specifically with respect to foster care placement. We underscore, however, that these findings indicate that caseworkers are more likely to leave White children than Black children in homes in which they are at especially high risk of being abused or neglected. This evidence suggests that, to the extent that foster care placement of children who are at greatest risk of maltreatment in their home serves to protect those children from abuse and neglect—to promote their safety—<i>CPS may be better serving (protecting) Black children than White children</i>.</p><p>Like that of Edwards, our thinking is “informed by critical race and feminist theories of the welfare state, [which] argue that racial inequalities in CPS exposure are caused by deep structural and institutional processes.” In our view, by limiting the opportunities and resources available to Black and Native American/American Indian populations both throughout our nation's history and in the present, these processes have directly resulted in the social and economic marginalization of these populations. They have also shaped the economic and social contexts in which these populations live, leaving them disproportionately at risk of a wide range of environmental- and individual-
爱德华兹没有直接论述这些个人和机构在根据具体儿童和家庭的现状做出决定时应如何考虑历史和当代的种族主义,也没有论述这样做如何与 CPS 的主要任务相衔接,即应对当前的虐待和忽视儿童指控并采取相应行动以保护和促进儿童安全,而不管其背后的社会原因是什么。我们对现有证据的审查表明,美国社会的结构,包括持续存在的种族主义,导致黑人遭受虐待的风险本身以及参与 CPS 的风险都高于白人(我们的文章没有直接考虑美国原住民/美洲印第安人)。我们进一步得出结论,与潜在报告人、儿童保护机构个案工作者和儿童保护机构对不同种族家庭采取的不同行动相比,这种风险差异是导致儿童保护机构介入的种族差异的更大决定因素。也就是说,根据我们的评估,社会种族主义对导致边缘化人群过多地参与 CPS 的环境和行为的影响,是导致参与 CPS 的种族差异的更大驱动力,而不是在做出报告和案件决定时机构和个人程序中的种族差异。因此,这些决定在很大程度上反映了在做出此类决定时所掌握的有关儿童安全面临迫在眉睫风险的近似信息。简而言之,尽管在报告和案件决定中可能不乏明显带有种族偏见的决策,但现有的最佳证据表明,在作出报告和案件决定时,黑人家庭中更大的虐待风险(由历史和当代种族主义造成)--而不是当时明显带有种族偏见的报告和案件决定--构成了将种族主义与当代 CPS 参与中的差异联系起来的主要近似机制:它们因未能保护随后被虐待、忽视或杀害的儿童而饱受批评,与此同时,它们又因过于愿意干预家庭--特别是黑人和美洲原住民/美洲印第安人家庭--并将儿童--特别是黑人和美洲原住民/美洲印第安人儿童从家中带走而饱受批评。此外,虽然儿童保护委员会经常被谴责导致其关注的家庭中存在种族差异,但该委员会的任务并不是解决导致虐待和忽视儿童的社会因素,而是对相关指控做出回应。那么,政府可以做些什么来减少儿童虐待、CPS 的介入以及其中的种族差异呢?一个潜在的解决方案是废除 CPS(参见 Dettlaff 等人,2020 年)。这样做肯定会消除参与 CPS 的种族差异。然而,单凭这一点并不能消除在儿童安全方面可能存在的种族差异,也不能消除儿童所面临的造成不安全状况的结构性差异。此外,即使建立或加强了其他系统,以更好地支持家庭和促进儿童安全(参见 Feely 等人,2020 年;Waldfogel,1998 年),仍有一部分儿童无疑会遭受虐待和忽视,而现有证据表明,来自边缘化种族群体的儿童在这部分儿童中所占比例过高。因此,我们认为,保留一个负责对虐待和忽视指控做出反应并以确保儿童安全为目标进行干预的系统(尽管不一定要采取目前的 CPS 形式)对社会有既得利益。虽然这肯定会减少整个系统的参与,但目前还不清楚这是否或如何影响其中的种族差异。此外,这可能会推迟对处于早期挑战或危机阶段的家庭的识别和可能的服务提供,直到他们的情况恶化到发生严重虐待的地步,从而使更多的儿童--可能是来自边缘化种族群体的不成比例的儿童--处于危及其安全的环境中。这种方法可能会有效减少系统参与方面的种族差异,但同样不太可能减少儿童安全方面的种族差异。
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引用次数: 0
Strengthening police oversight: The impacts of misconduct investigators on police officer behavior
IF 3.8 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-03 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70002
Andrew Jordan, Taeho Kim
We study how civilian complaint investigators affect officer behavior in Chicago. We exploit quasi-random assignment of complaints to supervising investigators and use variation in whether supervisors tend to acquire sworn affidavits that substantiate the complaints. When the assigned investigator opens more investigations through obtaining affidavits, accused officers accumulate fewer complaints in the first three months of the investigation. We find that, prior to a scandal, assignment to high-investigation supervisors causes officers to make more arrests. However, this reverses after the scandal. Our findings suggest that police watchdogs can improve officer behavior in ordinary oversight environments but may backfire in heightened oversight environments.
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引用次数: 0
Bias, risk, racism: Reconciling critical and quantitative approaches to understanding racial inequality in child welfare system outcomes 偏见、风险、种族主义:调和批判性方法与定量方法,了解儿童福利制度结果中的种族不平等现象
IF 3.8 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-28 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70001
Frank Edwards
In this essay, I seek to reconcile critical and econometric approaches to diagnosing the causes of deep racial inequalities in child welfare system outcomes. Using a series of causal diagrams and critical engagement with the counterfactual causal model, I suggest policy analysts embrace a theoretical framework for quantitative inference that recognizes the complex ways that racism impacts families, places, and policy systems. Common approaches that partition inequalities into risk and bias components normatively imply that some inequalities are legitimate and some illegitimate. As we push toward foundational reform in how policy systems work with children and families, we must embrace analytic approaches that 1) map more convincingly onto real-world processes and 2) take questions of equity and harm as central ethical concerns.
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引用次数: 0
Towards a shared understanding of the causes, consequences, and policy implications of racial disparities in child welfare involvement 就儿童福利方面种族差异的原因、后果和政策影响达成共识
IF 3.8 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-28 DOI: 10.1002/pam.22675
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引用次数: 0
Incorporating a more expansive theory of racism into child and family policy systems 在儿童和家庭政策体系中纳入更广泛的种族主义理论
IF 3.8 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-28 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70000
Frank Edwards
<h2> ON RACE AS A CAUSE OF CPS INTERVENTION</h2><p>Berger and Harden have offered a comprehensive and compelling overview of the state of empirical research on racial inequalities in child welfare system outcomes. They show that Black children and families experience CPS intervention across a range of outcomes more frequently than White peers. They suggest four causal pathways that could account for these inequalities: 1) differential surveillance; 2) decision-maker bias within CPS; 3) differential risk of child maltreatment; and 4) structural racism. They suggest that evidence for differential surveillance and within-CPS bias are likely small (or negligible) contributors to Black/White inequalities in child welfare outcomes; instead, current evidence strongly points to differential risk of maltreatment and structural racism as key drivers of differential Black child and family exposure to child welfare systems.</p><p>While Berger and Harden's set of four causal pathways do adequately capture those proposed in most research literature, this framework misses a subtle vector for how racism impacts the CPS policy process. As I attempt to illustrate in Figure 5 of my first essay, historical and contemporary racism have impacted the policy field itself. The quantity and quality of interventions available to front-line social workers to respond to children and families in crisis are themselves products of racist social processes. The narrow focus on marginal effects of race on CPS outcomes common in econometric analyses implicitly naturalizes these arrangements. From a critical perspective, the common counterfactual question may be more accurately stated as: “within a policy system known to have racist design features and policy goals, and in a context of deep structural inequality, do otherwise comparable Black and White children experience different outcomes?”</p><p>If we bracket our definition of the concept of racial discrimination to merely the marginal impact of the perception of skin color on a discrete outcome of a policy process we can obtain an answer to this question. However, these approaches reduce the complex social stratification system of race to the perception of phenotypical differences (Kohler-Hausmann, <span>2018</span>), obscuring the structural and institutional causal pathways that produce race as a system of social and family stratification salient for CPS processes (Feely & Bosk, <span>2021</span>). For example, in recent work, Baron and colleagues (<span>2024</span>) found evidence of differential treatment of Black children by CPS agency workers in Michigan but paradoxically argued that evidence points to an “under-protection” of White children compared to Black children through their assessment of the probability of intervention conditional on their measurement of maltreatment risk. While I disagree with their interpretation of this evidence, this finding does present an interesting and useful counterfactual that dese
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Announcements from APPAM
IF 3.8 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-25 DOI: 10.1002/pam.22672
Click on the article title to read more.
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Journal of Policy Analysis and Management
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