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Officials’ Early Life Experience and Policymaking: The Enduring Impact of China's Great Famine on Government Objectives 官员的早期生活经历与政策制定:中国大饥荒对政府目标的持久影响
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-16 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70076
Caiwen Hu, Zhenyu Wang

This study examines how officials’ heterogeneous preferences, particularly shaped by traumatic childhood experiences, impact government policy decisions. Leveraging China's Great Famine as a natural experiment, we apply a cohort difference-in-differences (DID) approach to analyze the effect of officials’ exposure to famine on government objectives in their jurisdictions. Results show that famine-exposed officials, particularly those aged five or older during the crisis (a formative period for value formation), systematically set lower economic growth targets, reflecting trauma-induced risk aversion rather than diminished administrative capacity. Two key findings support this interpretation: (1) Jurisdictions led by famine-exposed officials achieve comparable economic outcomes, and (2) these officials allocate greater resources to social stability expenditures. The evidence highlights how early-life adversity embeds risk-averse heuristics in bureaucratic decision-making, with lasting implications for institutional governance.

本研究考察了官员的异质偏好,尤其是受童年创伤经历影响的偏好,是如何影响政府决策的。利用中国的大饥荒作为自然实验,我们采用了一种队列差异(DID)方法来分析官员在其管辖范围内遭受饥荒对政府目标的影响。结果表明,受饥荒影响的官员,特别是那些在危机期间(价值形成的形成时期)年龄在5岁或以上的官员,系统性地设定了较低的经济增长目标,这反映了创伤引起的风险厌恶,而不是行政能力的下降。两个关键发现支持这一解释:(1)受饥荒影响的官员领导的司法管辖区取得了可比的经济成果;(2)这些官员为社会稳定支出分配了更多的资源。这些证据突出表明,早年生活中的逆境如何将风险厌恶的启发式嵌入到官僚决策中,对机构治理产生持久影响。
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引用次数: 0
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-13 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70079
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引用次数: 0
Notes from the Editor 编辑注释
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-10 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70081
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引用次数: 0
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70073
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引用次数: 0
Broad-Based Categorical Eligibility Policy and SNAP Participation 广泛的分类资格政策和SNAP参与
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-11 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70063
Xingguo Wang, Pourya Valizadeh, Rodolfo M. Nayga Jr., Henry L. Bryant, Bart L. Fischer

The broad-based categorical eligibility (BBCE) policy allows states to bypass federal gross income and asset tests for supplemental nutrition assistance program (SNAP) eligibility. Policymakers often propose limiting BBCE's scope or eliminating it altogether. Yet, our understanding of BBCE's impact on SNAP participation has relied solely on static two-way fixed effects (TWFE) estimators, which have been criticized for assuming no treatment effect heterogeneity across states and over time. In this study, using a heterogeneity-robust difference-in-differences estimator, we provide new estimates of BBCE's impact that are more than twice as large as those derived from the static TWFE models. Importantly, our event-study analysis shows that BBCE's effect has increased uniformly over time across state groups defined by their adoption timing, explaining the smaller effects estimated by the static TWFE model. In addition, we find that although BBCE extended eligibility to higher-income households, most of its impact on participation occurred among households already eligible under federal gross income limits. Our counterfactual simulations further show that between 2000 and 2016, extending eligibility to higher-income households accounted for approximately 11.5% of the increase in participation and 3.8% of the rise in program spending resulting from BBCE, with the remainder driven by already income-eligible households.

广泛的分类资格(BBCE)政策允许各州绕过联邦总收入和资产测试,以获得补充营养援助计划(SNAP)资格。政策制定者经常建议限制bbc的范围或完全取消它。然而,我们对BBCE对SNAP参与的影响的理解仅依赖于静态双向固定效应(TWFE)估计,该估计因假设各州和时间之间没有治疗效果异质性而受到批评。在这项研究中,我们使用异质性稳健性差中差估计器,提供了BBCE影响的新估计,其影响是静态TWFE模型的两倍以上。重要的是,我们的事件研究分析表明,随着时间的推移,BBCE的影响在采用时间定义的州组中一致增加,这解释了静态TWFE模型估计的较小影响。此外,我们发现,尽管BBCE将资格扩展到高收入家庭,但其对参与的大部分影响发生在已经符合联邦总收入限制的家庭中。我们的反事实模拟进一步表明,在2000年至2016年期间,将资格扩大到高收入家庭约占参与率增长的11.5%,占BBCE导致的项目支出增长的3.8%,其余部分由已经符合收入条件的家庭推动。
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引用次数: 0
Housing Quality Improvement and Health Care Utilization: A Regression Discontinuity Study 住房质量改善与医疗保健利用:一个非连续性回归研究
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-11 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70074
Kacie L. Dragan

Low-income housing is often of substandard quality. Health care payers like Medicaid and Medicare are piloting reimbursement for housing quality improvement with the rationale of reducing expenses from acute care use, but little is known about whether housing quality interventions can alter health utilization. I evaluate a large-scale policy mandating remediation of NYC's worst buildings in a regression discontinuity design to estimate the causal effect of housing improvements on health utilization. I do not find evidence of impacts on any metric of short-run acute care use or health expenditures, even among vulnerable subgroups. Exploratory longer-run event studies show some evidence of moderate (10%–15%) reductions in emergency department visits 3–4 years later but no evidence of impacts on expenditures. The policy succeeded at reducing housing violation rates in treated buildings by half. Yet, this only corresponded to a move from the 98th percentile to the 96th percentile of all buildings, underscoring the dire conditions tenants continue to live in—and suggesting one potential explanation for muted findings on health care use. The theory that housing quality interventions can directly translate to reductions in health use and spending may not be borne out empirically, particularly if interventions cannot completely address substandard conditions.

低收入住房的质量往往不达标。医疗补助和医疗保险等医疗保健支付者正在试点住房质量改善的报销,其基本原理是减少急性护理使用的费用,但对住房质量干预是否能改变健康利用知之甚少。我评估了一项大规模政策,该政策要求在回归不连续设计中对纽约市最差的建筑进行修复,以估计住房改善对健康利用的因果影响。我没有发现对短期急症护理使用或卫生支出的任何指标有影响的证据,即使在弱势亚群体中也是如此。探索性长期事件研究显示,3-4年后急诊科就诊人数适度减少(10%-15%),但没有证据表明对支出有影响。该政策成功地将处理过的建筑物的违禁率降低了一半。然而,这只对应于所有建筑物中从第98百分位到第96百分位的变化,强调了租户继续生活的恶劣条件,并为医疗保健使用方面的调查结果不明显提供了一种可能的解释。关于住房质量干预措施可以直接转化为减少保健使用和支出的理论,可能无法从经验上得到证实,特别是如果干预措施不能完全解决不合标准的条件。
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引用次数: 0
Obtaining Comparable Measures of Organizational Performance: An Application to U.S. Federal Agencies, 2002–2024 获得组织绩效的可比度量:在美国联邦机构的应用,2002-2024
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-08 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70064
George A. Krause, David E. Lewis

Evaluating the comparative performance of U.S. federal agencies is difficult, particularly since both tasks and missions vary so dramatically. In addition, forces beyond an agency's control (e.g., COVID, an economic downturn, etc.) can determine outcomes even when agencies are performing at a high level. In this paper, we introduce a new approach to measuring organizational performance, something conceptually distinct from, but correlated with, both organizational inputs and outcomes. This measurement approach focuses on how well the internal machinery of agencies is functioning. We analyze a vast trove of subjective and objective performance information and aggregate it using a Bayesian structural equation measurement (BSEM) model. We isolate organizational performance from inputs and outcomes through careful model specification, information from the BSEM models, and model identification through a careful evaluation of different models and diagnostics. Our analysis yields 2479 organizational performance estimates for 135 U.S. federal departments and agencies spanning 19 years between 2002 and 2024. We explore the validity of these estimates by comparing them with other measures of similar or related concepts. We conclude by discussing the implications of our measurement approach and its usefulness for evaluating organizational performance in diverse and changing contexts.

评估美国联邦机构的相对表现是困难的,特别是因为任务和使命都有很大的不同。此外,即使机构在高水平执行,机构无法控制的力量(例如,COVID,经济衰退等)也可以决定结果。在本文中,我们介绍了一种衡量组织绩效的新方法,这种方法在概念上不同于组织投入和结果,但与之相关。这种衡量方法侧重于各机构内部机制的运作情况。我们分析了大量的主观和客观的性能信息,并使用贝叶斯结构方程测量(BSEM)模型进行汇总。我们通过仔细的模型规范、来自BSEM模型的信息,以及通过仔细评估不同模型和诊断来识别模型,将组织绩效从输入和结果中分离出来。我们的分析得出了135个美国联邦部门和机构在2002年至2024年的19年间的2479个组织绩效评估。我们通过将这些估计与其他类似或相关概念的措施进行比较来探索这些估计的有效性。最后,我们讨论了我们的测量方法的含义及其在不同和不断变化的环境中评估组织绩效的有用性。
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of Amazon Facilities on Local Economies 亚马逊设施对当地经济的影响
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-08 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70065
Vikram Pathania, Serguei Netessine

A number of large companies deploy facilities—factories, warehouses, shopping malls—that employ thousands of people directly and indirectly. Local governments have been enticing these companies with various financial incentives. But how much economic growth do these facilities promote, if any? We study this question using Amazon distribution facilities as the case in point. We show evidence of a positive effect of opening Amazon's distribution facilities on counties' economic outcomes. We focus on midsized counties in which Amazon opened facilities in the years 2014–2017 because we have good controls for these counties. We find a selection effect where Amazon locates its facilities, and we address this issue. Our preferred methodology is Callaway–Sant'Anna difference-in-differences combined with matching. After Amazon's entry, in our preferred specification, we find that the employment-to-population ratio in the treated county increased by 0.0087 (+1.46% at the mean), the poverty rate decreased by 0.36 percentage points (−2.69%), and the median household income increased by $1413 (+2.33%). We present evidence to argue that our findings can likely be interpreted as causal and plausible.

许多大公司部署了工厂、仓库、购物中心等设施,直接或间接地雇用了成千上万的人。地方政府一直在用各种财政激励措施吸引这些公司。但这些设施能促进多少经济增长?我们以亚马逊的配送设施为例来研究这个问题。我们展示了开放亚马逊配送设施对各县经济成果产生积极影响的证据。我们专注于亚马逊在2014-2017年开设设施的中型县,因为我们对这些县有良好的控制。我们发现亚马逊的设施选址存在选择效应,我们解决了这个问题。我们首选的方法是Callaway-Sant 'Anna差中差结合匹配。在亚马逊进入后,在我们的首选规范中,我们发现受亚马逊影响的县的就业人口比增加了0.0087(平均增加了1.46%),贫困率下降了0.36个百分点(- 2.69%),家庭收入中位数增加了1413美元(+2.33%)。我们提出的证据表明,我们的发现可能被解释为因果关系和合理的。
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引用次数: 0
Loopholes and the Incidence of Public Services: Evidence From Funding Career and Technical Education 漏洞和公共服务的发生率:来自职业和技术教育资助的证据
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-08 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70062
Thomas Goldring, Brian A. Jacob, Daniel Kreisman, Michael David Ricks

In 2015, Michigan increased its Career and Technical Education (CTE) funding and changed its funding formula to reimburse programs based on student progression through program curricula. Although this change nearly doubled program completion rates, student enrollment and persistence were unaffected; instead, administrators accelerated student progress by reorganizing course curricula around notches in the new funding formula. As a result of response heterogeneity, 30% of the funding increase was transferred away from high-poverty districts to more affluent ones, underscoring how supply-side responses to loopholes shape the incidence of public services.

2015年,密歇根州增加了职业和技术教育(CTE)的资助,并改变了资助公式,根据学生在项目课程中的进步来偿还项目。虽然这一变化几乎使课程完成率翻了一番,但学生的入学率和持久性没有受到影响;取而代之的是,管理人员通过围绕新的资助公式中的缺口重新组织课程,加快了学生的进步。由于响应的异质性,30%的资金增长从高贫困地区转移到更富裕的地区,这突显了对漏洞的供给侧响应如何影响公共服务的发生率。
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引用次数: 0
Universal School Vouchers and Education Savings Accounts Are Good Policies 普及教育券和教育储蓄账户是好的政策
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-10-28 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70070
Patrick J. Wolf
<p>Private school choice is having a moment. After a slow start, voucher and Education Savings Account (ESA) programs experienced explosive growth in their numbers, geographic scope, and enrollments recently. Vermont and Maine established the first voucher programs in rural areas that lacked public schools in 1869 and 1873, respectively. They were the only private school choice initiatives in the United States until Wisconsin established the first modern voucher program in Milwaukee in 1990 (Witte and Wolf <span>2017</span>). Ohio followed in 1995 with the Cleveland Scholarship and Tutoring Program. Arizona launched the first tax-credit-funded scholarship (voucher) program statewide in 1997 and followed with the first ESA program in 2011. By 2025, 35 states, plus DC and Puerto Rico, operated 70 tuition voucher or ESA programs serving over 1.2 million students.1</p><p>Until 2022, eligibility for private school choice programs was targeted to students disadvantaged by disability, geography, or family income in all states. That year, Arizona expanded eligibility for its pioneering ESA initiative to every K–12 student in the Grand Canyon state. In the three short years since Arizona launched the first universal private school choice program, 16 other states have followed suit, including Idaho, Indiana, New Hampshire, Tennessee, Texas, and Wyoming in 2025 alone.</p><p>On July 4, 2025, President Trump signed the <i>One Big Beautiful Bill Act</i>, which includes a national voucher-type program that states can opt into beginning January 1, 2027. Private school choice programs initially were few, exclusively in the tuition voucher mold, and narrowly targeted. Now, choice programs are common throughout the country, often take the more flexible form of ESAs, and are either building toward or have reached universal eligibility.</p><p>Is universal private school choice good policy? I think so. Levin (<span>2001</span>, 9) argues that private school choice programs should be evaluated based on their effects on four key dimensions: expanding consumer choice, improving the productive efficiency of K–12 education, promoting equity, and advancing social cohesion. Here, I apply Levin's evaluative framework to the existing research on school choice. Although robust evidence on the effects of U.S. universal private school choice programs is just now emerging, we can draw inferences from studies of universal choice programs in other developed countries, evaluations of targeted U.S. programs, and descriptive data from new universal initiatives in the United States. These inferences are provisional, given the inherent uncertainty regarding how such policies will evolve.</p><p>Universal voucher and ESA programs expand consumer choice by allowing more parents to access the schools they prefer for their children. According to Morning Consult's recent polling, 36% of parents of school-age children would prefer a private school placement for their child, and 14% would like t
私立学校的选择正在经历一段时间。在缓慢的开始之后,代金券和教育储蓄账户(ESA)项目在数量、地理范围和入学人数上都经历了爆炸式的增长。佛蒙特州和缅因州分别于1869年和1873年在缺乏公立学校的农村地区建立了第一批代金券计划。这是美国唯一的私立学校选择计划,直到1990年威斯康星州在密尔沃基建立了第一个现代代金券计划(Witte and Wolf 2017)。随后,俄亥俄州在1995年推出了克利夫兰奖学金和辅导计划。亚利桑那州于1997年在全州范围内推出了第一个税收抵免奖学金(代金券)项目,随后在2011年推出了第一个欧空局项目。到2025年,35个州,加上华盛顿特区和波多黎各,运营了70个学费代金券或ESA项目,为120多万名学生提供服务。直到2022年,私立学校选择项目的资格是针对所有州因残疾、地理位置或家庭收入而处于不利地位的学生的。那一年,亚利桑那州将其开创性的ESA计划的资格扩大到大峡谷州的每个K-12学生。自亚利桑那州推出首个普及私立学校选择计划以来的短短三年里,其他16个州也纷纷效仿,其中包括爱达荷州、印第安纳州、新罕布什尔州、田纳西州、德克萨斯州和怀俄明州,仅在2025年这一年。2025年7月4日,特朗普总统签署了《一个大美丽法案》,其中包括一个全国性的代金券类型的项目,各州可以从2027年1月1日开始选择加入。私立学校的选择项目最初很少,完全是学费代金券模式,而且目标范围很窄。现在,选择性课程在全国范围内很普遍,通常采用更灵活的ESAs形式,并且要么朝着普遍资格的方向发展,要么已经达到普遍资格。全民私立学校选择是好政策吗?我想是的。Levin(2001,9)认为,私立学校选择计划应该基于其对四个关键维度的影响来评估:扩大消费者选择,提高K-12教育的生产效率,促进公平,促进社会凝聚力。在这里,我将莱文的评估框架应用于现有的择校研究。尽管关于美国普及私立学校选择计划的影响的有力证据刚刚出现,但我们可以从其他发达国家的普及选择计划的研究、对美国目标计划的评估以及美国新普及计划的描述性数据中得出推论。鉴于这些政策将如何演变的内在不确定性,这些推论是暂时的。通用代金券和ESA计划允许更多的家长为他们的孩子进入他们喜欢的学校,从而扩大了消费者的选择。根据Morning Consult最近的民意调查,36%的学龄儿童家长希望让他们的孩子上私立学校,14%的家长希望让他们在家上学(EdChoice 2025a)。在同样具有代表性的家长样本中,目前只有9%的学生就读于私立学校,只有5%的学生在家接受教育。因此,36%的家长报告说,他们无法为孩子提供他们喜欢的学校选择。在拥有大量择校计划的州,家长的入学决定更符合他们的学校偏好。在2023-2024年,也就是佛罗里达州每个学生都有资格获得私立或在家上学代金券或ESA的第一年,643,022名学生在佛罗里达州私立或在家上学,占阳光之州学龄人口的18.3% (Gibbons 2025)。瑞典在1993年建立了一个普遍的私立学校选择系统,当时新生的私立学校部门招收的学生不到瑞典学生的2%。2022年,瑞典20%的中学生进入私立学校就读(世界银行集团2024年数据)。最后,荷兰在1917年建立了普遍的私立学校选择制度。到2008年,超过70%的荷兰小学生和超过80%的荷兰中学生就读于公立私立学校(Patrinos 2011,57)。参加选择性课程的家长往往对孩子的学校更满意。在对19项关于美国选择项目对家长对学校满意度影响的研究的系统回顾中,Rhinesmith(2019, 114)得出结论:“无论学生是通过抽签进入他们选择的项目,还是自己选择进入他们选择的私立学校……提供教育选择会导致更高水平的家长满意度。”审查中的一项实验研究借鉴了国会最初授权的华盛顿特区教育券计划评估的数据。Kisida和Wolf(2015, 274)报告称,使用平均学校成绩或多项目满意度量表,学券计划对家长满意度的总体积极影响范围为0.34至0.53标准差(SD)。 如果学生在基线上表现较差,在初中或高中,或者从没有失败的公立学校转到这个项目,家长满意度的影响就会更高。孩子的成就影响越大,父母的满意度影响越大,反之亦然。学校代金券和ESA计划在多大程度上提高了K-12教育的生产效率,这是一个激烈的争论。这个问题是多方面的,涉及三个主要考虑因素:(1)选择项目对学生成绩和成就的参与者影响,(2)选择对受影响公立学校表现的竞争影响,以及(3)财政影响。通用代金券和ESA计划能促进公平吗?和什么相比?在出现任何现代私立学校选择计划之前,K-12教育是非常不公平的。能否进入高质量的公立或私立学校在很大程度上取决于家庭财富(Wolf 2005)。有学龄儿童的家庭每月支付数千美元的抵押贷款溢价,住在被划分为高绩效公立学校的住宅区(Barrow 2002)。正如前密尔沃基公立学校负责人霍华德·富勒经常说的那样,“在美国,学校选择很普遍,除非你很穷。”比起缺乏选择,普遍代金券和教育储蓄计划会创造一个更公平的竞争环境吗?全民选择计划在向普遍性迈进的过程中促进了公平。在2022年普及之前,亚利桑那州的ESA项目针对的是低收入学生、印第安人、残疾学生、D级或f级公立学校的学生、严重残疾学生、现役军人的子女和急救人员的子女。在2021-2022学年,12127名弱势学生享有“先行者”的优势。他们比条件好的学生更早进入自己喜欢的学校。大多数通用的ESA项目都采用了类似的资格限制,在阿肯色州的ESA项目中,超过48%的一年级和超过36%的二年级参与者有残疾(Daniels et al. 2025, 9)。通用的ESA项目对残疾学生很有吸引力,因为它们为他们提供了适合他们独特需求的定制教育,而不是公立学校部门主导特殊教育的臭名昭著的程序主义(Wolf and Hassel 2001)。越来越多的弱势学生将有机会通过普及计划选择学校,随着这些计划的扩大,他们将首当其冲。通用代金券和ESA计划通过减少与公立学校住宿分配相关的强制性,以自愿行为取而代之,从而促进了社会凝聚力。美国公立学校制度之父霍勒斯·曼(n.d.)明确指出:“我们从事神圣的教育事业的人有权把所有的父母看作是我们事业的人质。”这可不是社会礼让的愿景!在美国公立学校的整个历史中,强制隔离一直是典型的(Glenn 1988)。从1890年到20世纪60年代,南方的公立学校系统对学生实行严格的种族隔离(Foreman 2005),而北方城市通过将非洲裔美国家庭划分到特定的社区,将他们的孩子集中在种族统一的学校,在公立学校实现了事实上的种族隔离(DeRoche 2020)。实现公立学校内部的凝聚力也是一个挑战,因为政治斗争已经在公立学校的课程、图书馆的书籍、性、种族、宗教、爱国主义和其他有争议的话题上肆虐。相比之下,许多欧洲国家通过建立普遍的私立学校选择制度,实现了高度的社会凝聚力。在比利时、丹麦、瑞典和荷兰,父母可以选择孩子就读的公立或私立学校。公立学校和私立学校从国家获得同等的每名学生资助。Berner(2016)将欧洲的私立学校选择制度描述为“教育多元化”,这种制度也在加拿大和澳大利亚的大部分地区运作。荷兰于1917年将其普遍的择校政策写入宪
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