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Political groups over national parties: Measuring the Europeanization of the political arena through MEPs Twitter interactions 政治团体战胜国家政党:通过欧洲议会议员推特互动衡量政治舞台的欧洲化
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-18 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231158486
Livia van Vliet, Juliana Chueri, Petter Törnberg, J. Uitermark
The question of the democratic character of the European Union (EU) has been a center-point of decades of political research. An important critique suggests that the development of the European political arena is still incomplete, with European parliamentarians primarily orienting themselves to national issues and politicians, implying a problematic mismatch between the political arena and their policy jurisdiction. Research has however been limited by methodological difficulties of capturing the level of Europeanization of the political arena. This paper contributes a novel method for measuring Europeanization by studying interactions from the European parliament to their national parliamentarians on Twitter in 15 EU countries. Contrary to expectations in the literature, we find substantial Europeanization of the political arena. The level of Europeanization furthermore varies greatly across countries and political groups. This has important implications on the debate on EU’s democratic deficit, as communication across different levels of parliament indicates democratic debate.
几十年来,欧盟的民主性质问题一直是政治研究的中心问题。一项重要的批评表明,欧洲政治舞台的发展仍然不完整,欧洲议员主要将自己定位于国家问题和政治家,这意味着政治舞台与其政策管辖权之间存在问题不匹配。然而,由于在方法上难以把握政治舞台的欧洲化程度,研究受到了限制。本文通过研究15个欧盟国家中欧洲议会与本国议员在Twitter上的互动,提出了一种衡量欧洲化的新方法。与文献中的预期相反,我们发现政治舞台的实质性欧洲化。此外,不同国家和政治团体的欧洲化程度差别很大。这对欧盟民主赤字的辩论有着重要的影响,因为不同级别的议会之间的沟通表明了民主辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Parties, preferences and influence in legislative decision-making 立法决策中的政党、偏好和影响
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-15 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231169394
Jennifer Hayes Clark
Political scientists have a long-standing interest in the acquisition and exercise of power in democratic institutions. Although considerable attention has been devoted to understanding the role of political parties in legislative decision-making, empirical studies relying upon observational data, such as roll call voting, have faced difficulty in disentangling the effects of party and preferences on legislative behavior This research uses new measures on individual roll rates of state legislators in the nonpartisan Nebraska legislature and a sample of partisan state legislatures to provide unambiguous evidence of causal effects of party influence in legislative decision-making. The results demonstrate that preferences provide the most consistent prediction of individuals’ roll rates.
政治学家对民主制度中权力的获取和行使有着长期的兴趣。尽管人们对理解政党在立法决策中的作用已经投入了相当大的注意力,但依靠观察数据(如唱名投票)的实证研究,本研究采用了对无党派的内布拉斯加州立法机构的州议员个人登记率的新测量方法,并以无党派的州立法机构为样本,为党派影响在立法决策中的因果效应提供了明确的证据。结果表明,偏好提供了最一致的个人学名率预测。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Radical Left Voters in Western Europe 书评:西欧激进左翼选民
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-14 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231169859
Sarah Wagner
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引用次数: 0
Prime ministers in waiting? Women leaders of the opposition in Westminster systems 候任首相?威斯敏斯特体系中反对党的女性领导人
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-11 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231166873
L. Helms
One of the key defining features of Westminster-type democracies is the acknowledgement of an official Opposition and a Leader of the Opposition typically referred to as a ‘prime minister in waiting’. This article focuses on this crucial element of Westminster democracy and applies a gender perspective, looking into women Leaders of the Opposition in the UK, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia (1975–2022). As this inquiry reveals, there have been few and mostly short-lived women Leaders of the Opposition. Further, contrary to plausible assumptions, there have been more women Leaders of the Opposition from conservative than from left-wing parties. In particular, however, the office of Leader of the Opposition has, with few exceptions, not proven as a springboard to the premiership. In fact, a majority of women prime ministers were ‘takeover prime ministers’, inheriting the office from a predecessor from their own party, rather than former Leaders of the Opposition, while many women Leaders of the Opposition were not even given the opportunity to lead their party into a national election campaign. The article discusses possible explanations for these patterns observed.
威斯敏斯特式民主的一个关键特征是承认一个正式的反对党和一个反对党领袖,通常被称为“候任首相”。本文关注威斯敏斯特民主的这一关键因素,并运用性别视角,研究英国、加拿大、新西兰和澳大利亚的女性反对派领导人(1975-2022)。正如这项调查所揭示的那样,反对派的女性领导人很少,而且大多是短命的。此外,与看似合理的假设相反,来自保守派政党的女性反对派领导人比来自左翼政党的女性领导人更多。然而,除了少数例外,反对党领袖的职位并没有被证明是通往首相职位的跳板。事实上,大多数女总理都是“接管总理”,从自己政党的前任那里继承职位,而不是前反对党领导人,而许多反对党女性领导人甚至没有机会领导自己的政党参加全国竞选活动。本文讨论了对观察到的这些模式的可能解释。
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引用次数: 0
Be careful what you wish for: Portfolio allocation, presidential popularity, and electoral payoffs to parties in multiparty presidentialism 小心你的愿望:投资组合分配、总统受欢迎程度和多党总统制政党的选举回报
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-06 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231168603
Mariana Batista, Timothy J Power, Cesar Zucco
We know little about how coalitional strategy affects the electoral fates of political parties in presidential democracy. The literature on coalitions in parliamentary systems shows a negative impact of entering government, while the coattail effects literature on presidential systems suggests some benefits. Combining elements from both approaches, we argue that there is a conditional electoral effect of joining the cabinet under coalitional presidentialism. Even considering presidentialism’s heightened attribution of responsibility to a unipersonal executive, we find that coalition parties do indeed place a meaningful electoral wager whenever they choose to enter the president’s cabinet as identifiable allies. Leveraging data on Brazilian elections held at national and local levels over 24 years and employing an innovative measure of portfolio salience, we show that the payoff of this wager is contingent on control of the most highly-valued cabinet positions and on the popular approval of the president.
我们对联盟战略如何影响总统民主中政党的选举命运知之甚少。关于议会制度中的联盟的文献显示了进入政府的负面影响,而关于总统制度的长尾效应文献则表明了一些好处。结合这两种方法的要素,我们认为,在联合总统制下加入内阁具有有条件的选举效果。即使考虑到总统主义将责任高度归因于一位个人行政人员,我们也发现,无论何时联盟政党选择作为可识别的盟友进入总统内阁,他们都确实会在选举中下有意义的赌注。利用巴西24年来在国家和地方各级举行的选举的数据,并采用创新的投资组合显著性衡量标准,我们表明,这一赌注的回报取决于对最有价值的内阁职位的控制和总统的普遍认可。
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引用次数: 0
Ethnic political socialization and university elections 民族政治社会化与大学选举
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231166088
Christiana Parreira, Daniel L. Tavana, Charles Harb
Foundational studies of political behavior find that university education facilitates the development of political attitudes and shapes socialization outcomes. But in unconsolidated democracies where identity is politically salient and ethnic political parties dominate, education may play a different role in shaping mass politics. In this paper, we develop a framework for understanding the consequences of political party intervention in annual university elections, a common feature of university life in the Middle East and the Global South. We draw on pre- and post-election surveys at the American University of Beirut in Lebanon to argue that ethnic political parties rely on partisan students to act as “party agents” who mobilize unaffiliated students through intensive peer-to-peer contact. Using a conjoint experiment embedded in both survey waves, we show that the university elections increase support in hypothetical national elections for in-group political elites and, to a lesser extent, ethnic political parties. By locating the university as an understudied site of competitive and contentious politics, our findings contribute new insights regarding the role of education in shaping political attitudes. We show that the persistence of ethnic political power can be attributed in part to party activity in less obviously political arenas that have not been systematically studied.
对政治行为的基础研究发现,大学教育促进了政治态度的发展,并形成了社会化的结果。但在身份认同在政治上突出、种族政党占主导地位的松散民主国家,教育可能在塑造大众政治方面发挥不同的作用。在这篇论文中,我们制定了一个框架来理解政党干预年度大学选举的后果,这是中东和全球南方大学生活的一个共同特征。我们利用黎巴嫩贝鲁特美国大学选举前和选举后的调查,认为少数民族政党依靠党派学生充当“政党代理人”,通过密切的对等联系动员无党派学生。使用嵌入两次调查浪潮中的联合实验,我们发现大学选举在假设的全国选举中增加了对集团内政治精英的支持,在较小程度上增加了对少数民族政党的支持。通过将该大学定位为竞争和争议政治研究不足的地方,我们的研究结果为教育在塑造政治态度中的作用提供了新的见解。我们表明,民族政治权力的持续存在在一定程度上可以归因于政党在未经系统研究的不太明显的政治领域的活动。
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引用次数: 1
Book review: Party Politics in Russia and Ukraine: Electoral System Change in Diverging Regimes 书评:《俄罗斯和乌克兰的政党政治:分裂政权中的选举制度变革》
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231168604
G. Golosov
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Envisioning America and the American self: Republican and democratic platforms 书评:展望美国和美国自我:共和党和民主党的纲领
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-22 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231166072
K. Janda
presidency. As much as anything, the volume’s approach embracing the uniqueness of Presidents, parties, and events in dictating midterm outcomes is validated by the most recent 2022 contests, in which Democrats managed something of a stalemate in a year when President Joe Biden’s approval should have dictated a bloodbath by the standards of conventional wisdom. The authors of both the initial analyses in Part 1, and of the case studies in Parts 2 and 3, offer a well-balanced acknowledgement of the power of thermostatic politics and voters’ tendency to rebel against the President’s party on the one hand, and the exigencies and complications of intervening events on the other. In total, the effort put forth inMidterms and Mandates is a worthy analytical response to the navel-gazing tendencies of modern political media and popular commentary, who with each passing election cycle seem increasingly desperate to tell a unifying, oversimplified, and often-biased “story” about midterm elections. Instead, by diving mindfully into past midterms, the analyses and case studies offered byMidterms and Mandates give us a clear roadmap for how to consider midterms of the future.
总统。最重要的是,这本书采用了总统、政党和事件在决定中期结果方面的独特性,这一点在最近的2022年竞选中得到了验证。在这一年里,民主党人成功地陷入了僵局,而按照传统智慧的标准,乔·拜登(Joe Biden)总统的批准本应导致一场大屠杀。第1部分的初步分析,以及第2部分和第3部分的案例研究的作者,一方面对恒温政治的力量和选民对总统政党的反叛倾向,以及干预事件的紧迫性和复杂性,提供了一个很好的平衡承认。总而言之,《中期选举与授权》一书的努力是对现代政治媒体和大众评论的狭隘倾向的一种值得分析的回应。随着每一个选举周期的过去,这些媒体和大众评论似乎越来越不顾一切地讲述一个关于中期选举的统一的、过于简化的、往往带有偏见的“故事”。相反,通过仔细研究过去的中期选举,《中期选举与授权》提供的分析和案例研究为我们如何考虑未来的中期选举提供了清晰的路线图。
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引用次数: 0
Activating Self-Interest: The Role of Party Polarization in Preferences for Redistribution 激活自利:政党极化在再分配偏好中的作用
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231161772
Marco Pastor Mayo
Although extensive research has analyzed the factors that moderate economic self-interest—the relationship between individuals’ income position and their preferences for redistribution—there is little crossnational research that analyzes the role of political parties. This article argues that political parties play a considerable moderating role in (de-)activating economic self-interest based on the polarization they display in their economic and cultural positions. By combining the World/European Values Survey, the World Income Inequality Database, and the Comparative Manifesto Project datasets, the analyses estimate the moderating effect of party polarization on economic self-interest. The results suggest that economic polarization enhances self-interest for the poor (respondents below the mean income), even when controlling for income inequality, but not for the rich. Moreover, cultural polarization also appears to reinforce self-interest for the poor, rather than supplanting it. The findings have important implications regarding ability for political parties to activate issues among the public.
尽管广泛的研究分析了调节经济私利的因素——个人收入状况和再分配偏好之间的关系——但很少有跨国家的研究分析政党的作用。本文认为,基于政党在经济和文化立场上表现出的两极分化,政党在(去)激活经济私利方面发挥着相当大的调节作用。通过结合世界/欧洲价值观调查、世界收入不平等数据库和比较宣言项目数据集,分析估计了政党两极分化对经济自身利益的调节作用。研究结果表明,即使在控制收入不平等的情况下,经济两极分化也会增强穷人(低于平均收入的受访者)的自身利益,但对富人来说却不是。此外,文化两极分化似乎也强化了穷人的自身利益,而不是取代它。研究结果对政党在公众中激活问题的能力具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Being European, the nationalist way: Europe in the discourse of radical right parties 身为欧洲人,民族主义道路:激进右翼政党话语中的欧洲
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231161209
Laurie Beaudonnet, Henio Hoyo Prohuber
European radical right parties (RRPs) have recently experienced strong electoral success and have strengthened their positions within the European Parliament. While their Eurosceptic positions are well documented in the literature, the fact that most RRPs refer not only to their nations but to Europe in general, as a collective, in order to ground their nationalist visions remains understudied. We investigate this issue by analyzing the discourses of MEPs from 24 radical right parties in the 8th legislature of the European Parliament (2014–2019). Relying on a vast corpus (36,413 speeches) and using quantitative text analysis, this research sheds light on the various notions of Europe that are used by radical right MEPs. We find evidence of three visions of Europe: as a civilization; as an ethno-religious community; and as a liberal society. The use and preferences for each visions vary according to ideological positions, strategies and national contexts.
欧洲激进右翼政党(rrp)最近在选举中取得了巨大的成功,并加强了他们在欧洲议会中的地位。虽然他们的欧洲怀疑主义立场在文献中有很好的记载,但大多数rrp不仅将他们的国家,而且将整个欧洲作为一个集体,以奠定他们的民族主义愿景,这一事实仍未得到充分研究。我们通过分析欧洲议会第八届立法机构(2014-2019)中来自24个极右翼政党的欧洲议会议员的话语来研究这一问题。依靠庞大的语料库(36,413篇演讲)并使用定量文本分析,这项研究揭示了激进右翼欧洲议会议员使用的各种欧洲概念。我们发现了对欧洲的三种看法的证据:作为一个文明;作为一个民族-宗教共同体;作为一个自由的社会。每种愿景的使用和偏好因意识形态立场、战略和国家背景而异。
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引用次数: 0
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Party Politics
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