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Walking the Talk: How to Identify Anti-Pluralist Parties 言行一致:如何识别反多元主义政党
2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-17 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231153092
Juraj Medzihorsky, Staffan I. Lindberg
The recent increase of democratic declines around the world – “the third wave of autocratization” – has sparked a new generation of studies on the topic. Scholars tend to agree that the main threat to contemporary democracy arises from democratically elected rulers who gradually erode democratic norms. Is it possible to identify future autocratizers before they win power in elections? Linz (1978) and Levitsky and Ziblatt (2018) suggest that a lacking commitment to democratic norms reveals would-be autocratizers before they reach office. This article argues that the concept of anti-pluralism rather than populism or extreme ideology captures this. We use a new expert-coded data set on virtually all relevant political parties worldwide from 1970 to 2019 (V-Party) to create a new Anti-Pluralism Index (API) to provide the first systematic empirical test of this argument. We find substantial evidence validating that the API and Linz’s litmus-test indicators signal leaders and parties that will derail democracy if and when they come into power.
最近世界各地民主衰落的加剧——“第三次独裁浪潮”——引发了对这一主题的新一代研究。学者们倾向于认为,当代民主的主要威胁来自民主选举产生的统治者,他们逐渐侵蚀民主规范。有可能在未来的独裁者在选举中赢得权力之前识别他们吗?Linz(1978)和Levitsky和Ziblatt(2018)认为,缺乏对民主规范的承诺在他们上任之前就会暴露出潜在的独裁者。本文认为,反多元主义的概念而不是民粹主义或极端意识形态抓住了这一点。我们使用了一个新的专家编码数据集,涵盖了1970年至2019年全球几乎所有相关政党(V-Party),创建了一个新的反多元主义指数(API),为这一论点提供了第一个系统的实证检验。我们发现大量证据证实,API和林茨的石蕊测试指标表明,如果领导人和政党上台,他们将破坏民主。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Review of party politics and the implementation of gender quotas: Resisting Institutions 书评:《政党政治与性别配额的实施:抗拒制度》
2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231176974
Yongjin Wang
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引用次数: 3
Multi-level political change: Assessing electoral volatility in 58 European regions (1993-2022) 多层面政治变革:评估58个欧洲地区的选举波动性(1993-2022年)
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231176052
D. Vampa
In recent years, increasing attention has been devoted to electoral turmoil associated with the emergence of new political actors or the crisis of established parties at national level. However, in multi-level systems, transformations have also affected sub-national politics. This article seeks to understand some hitherto unexplored aspects of political change in regional party systems. Change is linked to the concept of instability and operationalized in terms of electoral volatility. To account for the fact that instability may be driven by distinct regional and national pressures coexisting in regional elections, a new measure of volatility has been developed. It is disaggregated into two territorial components: ‘Region-specific volatility’ (RSV) and ‘Region-transcending volatility’ (RTV). RSV refers to changes in electoral support for political parties competing exclusively in one region, while RTV is calculated for parties that ‘transcend’ regional boundaries – i.e. they are electorally active in several/all regions of a country or are part of institutionalized inter-regional networks. By applying this new measure to 385 elections in 58 European regions, this article shows that levels and types of instability have varied significantly over time, across regions and across countries. This may also account for different developments in territorial politics observed in Western Europe.
近年来,人们越来越关注与新的政治行为者的出现或国家一级老牌政党的危机有关的选举动荡。然而,在多层次体系中,转型也影响了次国家政治。本文试图了解地区政党制度中政治变革的一些迄今尚未探索的方面。变革与不稳定的概念有关,并在选举波动方面发挥作用。鉴于不稳定可能是由区域选举中共存的不同区域和国家压力造成的,因此制定了一种新的波动性衡量标准。它分为两个地区组成部分:“特定地区的波动性”(RSV)和“超越地区的波动”(RTV)。RSV是指只在一个地区竞争的政党的选举支持率的变化,而RTV是为“超越”地区边界的政党计算的,即他们在一个国家的几个/所有地区都有选举活动,或者是制度化的地区间网络的一部分。通过将这一新措施应用于58个欧洲地区的385次选举,本文表明,随着时间的推移,不同地区和国家的不稳定程度和类型有很大差异。这也可能解释了西欧领土政治的不同发展。
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引用次数: 0
It’s not only about the leader. Oligarchized personalization and preference voting in Belgium 这不仅仅关乎领导者。比利时寡头化的个性化和偏好投票
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231172339
Jérémy Dodeigne, J. Pilet
Research on the electoral personalization of politics has stressed a trend towards a greater role of top prominent political figures (party leaders and ministers). This trend was described as centralized electoral personalization. Yet, this trend is merely one side of a more complex story. No leader attracts all voters’ support, and other candidates manage to stand out despite lower resources and visibility. Using a unique dataset of 47,239 actual ballot papers cast for the 2018 Belgian local elections, we show that candidates-level, lists-level and districts-level factors result in distinct preference voting behaviour. While these factors lead to unmistakable forms of (de-)centralized personalized forms of elections, we, furthermore, show that intermediary situations distinctively emerge. A significant number of ‘subtop’ candidates stand out among candidates, by attracting support from voters who do not support the mere leader of the list. This ‘oligarchized personalization’ would deserve greater attention in the literature.
对政治选举个性化的研究强调了最高知名政治人物(政党领导人和部长)发挥更大作用的趋势。这种趋势被描述为集中的选举个性化。然而,这一趋势只是一个更为复杂的故事的一个侧面。没有一位领导人能吸引所有选民的支持,尽管资源和知名度较低,但其他候选人仍能脱颖而出。使用一个由47239张2018年比利时地方选举实际选票组成的独特数据集,我们发现候选人级别、名单级别和地区级别的因素会导致不同的偏好投票行为。虽然这些因素导致了明确无误的(去)集中的个性化选举形式,但我们进一步表明,中介情况明显出现。有相当多的“小标题”候选人在候选人中脱颖而出,因为他们吸引了不支持名单中唯一领导人的选民的支持。这种“寡头化的个性化”值得在文学中给予更多关注。
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引用次数: 0
The informal rules of candidate selection and their impact on intra-party competition 候选人选择的非正式规则及其对党内竞争的影响
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231172336
M. Reiser
While the literature highlights the relevance of informal rules for candidate selection, empirical research has mainly focused on formal rules and procedures. This article contributes to our understanding by investigating how the informal rules employed by political parties impact on intra-party competition. Using the example of district nominations in Germany, and based on a longitudinal mixed methods design, the inductive analysis reveals five central informal rules: the Incumbency Rule, the Information Rule, the House Power Rule, Fairness Rules and Power-sharing Rules. These rules shape the expectations and behavior of those involved in candidate selection and have a significant impact on various aspects of intra-party competition. They decrease the number of aspirants, reduce intra-party conflict and emphasize the role of local party leaders in organizing and controlling intra-party competition.
虽然文献强调了非正式规则与候选人选择的相关性,但实证研究主要集中在正式规则和程序上。本文通过调查政党所采用的非正式规则对党内竞争的影响,有助于我们的理解。以德国地区提名为例,基于纵向混合方法设计,归纳分析揭示了五个核心非正式规则:现任规则、信息规则、众议院权力规则、公平规则和权力分享规则。这些规则塑造了参与候选人选择的人的期望和行为,并对党内竞争的各个方面产生重大影响。他们减少了有志者的数量,减少了党内冲突,并强调了地方政党领导人在组织和控制党内竞争中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Class voting for radical-left parties in Western Europe: The libertarian versus authoritarian class trade-off 西欧激进左翼政党的阶级投票:自由主义与威权主义的阶级权衡
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231174798
Nils D. Steiner, Lucca Hoffeller, Yanick Gutheil, Tobias Wiesenfeldt
Which classes vote for radical-left parties (RLPs) in Western Europe? Previous research indicates that RLPs are strong among production workers and socio-cultural professionals, though not necessarily among both at the same time. Starting from the observation that these two classes take opposite stances on cultural issues, we trace variation in class voting back to RLPs’ positions on the cultural dimension. Combining voter-level data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018) with information on the positions of 23 RLPs from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, we report robust evidence of a libertarian versus authoritarian class trade-off: RLPs with less libertarian positions receive relatively less support from socio-cultural professionals and relatively more support from production workers. These findings add to evidence that class voting varies with party positions. Ours is the first study to demonstrate this for RLPs, showing how, in the early 21st century, cultural positions matter for class voting.
在西欧,哪些阶层会投票给激进左翼政党?先前的研究表明,rlp在生产工人和社会文化专业人员中表现强烈,尽管两者不一定同时存在。从观察到这两个阶级在文化问题上采取相反的立场开始,我们将阶级投票的变化追溯到rlp在文化维度上的立场。结合欧洲社会调查(2002-2018)的选民层面数据和教堂山专家调查中23名rlp的立场信息,我们报告了自由主义与威权主义阶级权衡的有力证据:自由主义立场较少的rlp得到的社会文化专业人士的支持相对较少,而生产工人的支持相对较多。这些发现进一步证明,阶级投票随政党立场的不同而不同。我们的研究是第一个为rlp证明这一点的研究,显示了在21世纪初,文化立场如何影响阶级投票。
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引用次数: 0
The road to European parliament mandate for populist radical-right parties: Selecting the ‘perfect’ AfD candidate 民粹主义极右翼政党通往欧洲议会授权之路:选择“完美的”另类选择党候选人
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-03 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231173804
Valeriya Kamenova
With growing public distrust toward European institutions, Eurosceptic populist radical-right parties make up almost a third of MEPs in the current European Parliament. As part of the larger scholarly debate on populist parties’ success, this article examines intra-party selection logic for the ‘perfect’ populist radical-right MEP candidate. Using original data from participant observation and interviews with Alternative for Germany delegates during the 2018/2019 European Election Assembly, this study suggests that party members were more likely to be selected as candidates if they (1) possessed extensive network with right-wing social movements to strengthen their electoral mobilization; (2) and showed strong commitment to party cohesion and good reputation to fend off accusations of racism and Nazism.
随着公众对欧洲机构的不信任日益加深,持欧洲怀疑主义的民粹主义极右翼政党几乎占到当前欧洲议会议员总数的三分之一。作为关于民粹主义政党成功的更大学术辩论的一部分,本文考察了“完美”民粹主义极右翼欧洲议会候选人的党内选择逻辑。利用参与者观察的原始数据和对2018/2019年欧洲选举大会期间德国新选择党代表的访谈,本研究表明,如果党员(1)与右翼社会运动拥有广泛的网络,以加强他们的选举动员,那么他们更有可能被选为候选人;并表现出对党的凝聚力和良好声誉的坚定承诺,以抵御种族主义和纳粹主义的指责。
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引用次数: 2
Democratic transition and party polarization: A fuzzy regression discontinuity design approach 民主转型与政党两极分化:一种模糊回归不连续性设计方法
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-03 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231171689
Ubeydullah Ademi, Firat Kimya
How does democratic transition affect party polarization? While previous literature on party politics in post-transition environments describes a fragmented political system marked by multi-partism and the rise of weakly institutionalized parties, party polarization in young democracies is underexplored. We argue that democratic transition reduces party polarization by introducing a new set of parties which have not consolidated their issue positions yet. The ambiguity of party positions makes ideological attributes less salient and renders a less polarized party politics. To assess the impact of the party polarization in young democracies, we employ a fuzzy regression discontinuity design (RDD). We use the Manifesto Project data on right-left positions of parties from 58 countries to measure party polarization and the Varieties of Democracy (V-DEM) data on regime transition to identify democratic transitions. Our findings suggest that party polarization on right-left issue position decreases on average, following the democratic transition.
民主转型如何影响政党两极分化?虽然以前关于过渡后环境中政党政治的文献描述了一个支离破碎的政治体系,其特点是多党派主义和制度化较弱的政党的崛起,但年轻民主国家的政党两极分化却没有得到充分的探索。我们认为,民主过渡通过引入一批尚未巩固其问题立场的新政党来减少政党两极分化。政党立场的模糊性使意识形态属性不那么突出,并使政党政治不那么两极分化。为了评估政党两极分化对年轻民主国家的影响,我们采用了模糊回归不连续设计(RDD)。我们使用58个国家政党左右立场的宣言项目数据来衡量政党两极分化,并使用政权过渡的民主多样性数据来确定民主过渡。我们的研究结果表明,随着民主过渡,政党在左右问题上的两极分化平均减少。
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引用次数: 0
The European NUTS-level election dataset: A tool to map European electoral geography. 欧洲nuts级选举数据集:绘制欧洲选举地理的工具。
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/13540688221083553
Dominik Schraff, Ioannis Vergioglou, Buket Buse Demirci

Datasets on subnational election results in Europe frequently do not match with regional statistics available for cross-national research, mainly because territorial statistical units change over time and do not map onto the national electoral districts. This hinders consistent comparative research across time. This research note introduces EU-NED, a new dataset on subnational election data that covers national and European parliamentary elections for European countries over the past 30 years. EU-NED's major contribution is that it provides election results on disaggregated levels of the statistical territorial units used by Eurostat with an unprecedented consistency and temporospatial scope. Moreover, EU-NED is integrated with the Party Facts platform, allowing for a seamless integration of party-level data. Using EU-NED, we present first descriptive evidence on the European electoral geography and suggest avenues of how EU-NED can facilitate future comparative political science research in Europe.

欧洲次国家选举结果的数据集经常与可供跨国研究的区域统计数据不匹配,这主要是因为地域统计单位随着时间的推移而变化,并且没有映射到国家选区。这阻碍了跨时间的一致性比较研究。本研究报告介绍了EU-NED,这是一个新的地方选举数据集,涵盖了过去30年欧洲国家的国家和欧洲议会选举。EU-NED的主要贡献在于,它以前所未有的一致性和时空范围提供了欧盟统计局使用的统计领土单位的分类选举结果。此外,EU-NED与政党事实平台集成,允许政党层面数据的无缝集成。使用EU-NED,我们提出了欧洲选举地理学的第一个描述性证据,并提出了欧盟- ned如何促进欧洲未来比较政治学研究的途径。
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引用次数: 5
Local Political Space. Localism, the Left-Right Dimension and Anti-elitism 地方政治空间。地方主义、左右维度与反精英主义
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-29 DOI: 10.1177/13540688231168993
S. Otjes
This paper presents a three-dimensional approach to party political conflict at the local level, drawing from an anti-elitism dimension, the left-right dimension and a localism dimension. More than 4500 parties participating in the 2014 and 2018 Dutch municipal elections are placed on these dimensions on the basis of their manifestos using quantitative textual analysis. A three-pronged approach is used to justify this three-dimensional model. The three dimensions are shown to be empirically distinctive. They are revealed to reflect meaningful differences between parties that are also visible in their names; and finally, these dimensions are shown to predict participation in local executive coalitions.
本文从反精英主义维度、左右维度和地方主义维度出发,提出了一种处理地方层面政党政治冲突的三维方法。参与2014年和2018年荷兰市政选举的4500多个政党根据其宣言,使用定量文本分析,被置于这些维度上。采用三管齐下的方法来证明这个三维模型的合理性。这三个维度在经验上是不同的。它们反映了当事方之间的有意义的差异,这些差异也体现在它们的名字中;最后,这些维度被用来预测地方行政联盟的参与度。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Party Politics
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