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When does the parliamentary opposition take to the streets? Social protest against government COVID-19 policy 议会反对派何时走上街头?反对政府 COVID-19 政策的社会抗议
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-22 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2291265
Guadalupe Martínez Fuentes, Antonio Natera
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引用次数: 0
The broad-appeal strategy and policy representation 广泛呼吁战略和政策代表
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-19 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2292420
M. Tromborg, Carsten Jensen
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引用次数: 0
The legal mobilisation of EU market freedoms: strategic action or random noise? 欧盟市场自由的法律动员:战略行动还是随机噪音?
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-12 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2293376
Andreas Hofmann
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引用次数: 0
Compulsory voting, economic conditions and turnout: explaining the outcome of constitutional referendums 强制投票、经济条件和投票率:解释宪法公投的结果
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-12 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2293380
Sergiu Gherghina, Matt Qvortrup
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引用次数: 0
Gordon Smith and Vincent Wright Memorial Prizes 2023 戈登-史密斯和文森-赖特纪念奖 2023 年
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2294416
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引用次数: 0
The role of national delegations in the politics of the European Parliament 国家代表团在欧洲议会政治中的作用
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2275387
Anna Elomäki, Johanna Kantola, Petra Ahrens, Valentine Berthet, Barbara Gaweda, Cherry Miller
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引用次数: 0
Un-solvable crises? Differential implementation and transboundary crisis management in the EU 无法解决的危机?欧盟的差异化执行和跨境危机管理
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-24 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2282284
L. Cabane, Martin Lodge
Abstract Much has been said about how crises in the EU create disintegration or differentiation pressures. Considerable attention has been paid to EU crisis governance mechanisms. Yet, less attention has been paid to the anticipation of effects of differentiated implementation on transboundary crisis management regimes. This article asks how differential policy integration accommodates the anticipation of differential implementation through institutional choices in transboundary crisis management regimes. Concerns about the consequences of national customisation influence the way in which transboundary crisis management regimes develop in terms of allocation of authority and constraints on member state discretion. The paper compares EU transboundary crisis regimes in four sectors: banking, electricity, youth unemployment, and invasive alien species. Concerns with ongoing differential implementation of transboundary crisis management generate further inevitable tensions in governance systems, leading to continued contestation over institutional arrangements.
摘要 关于欧盟的危机如何造成解体或分化压力,已经有很多论述。欧盟危机治理机制受到了相当多的关注。然而,人们较少关注差异化实施对跨境危机管理机制的预期影响。本文探讨了差异化政策整合如何通过跨境危机管理机制中的制度选择来适应差异化实施的预期。对国家习惯化后果的担忧影响了跨境危机管理制度在权力分配和成员国自由裁量权限制方面的发展方式。本文比较了欧盟在银行、电力、青年失业和外来入侵物种四个领域的跨境危机管理制度。对目前跨境危机管理实施差异的担忧进一步加剧了治理体系中不可避免的紧张关系,导致对制度安排的持续争论。
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引用次数: 0
How the populist radical right exploits crisis: comparing the role of proximity in the COVID-19 and refugee crises in Germany 民粹主义激进右翼如何利用危机:比较距离在 COVID-19 和德国难民危机中的作用
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-21 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2275892
Markus Hinterleitner, Valentina Kammermeier, Benjamin Moffitt
This article studies the conditions required by populist radical right actors to convincingly create a sense of crisis. The article draws on the literature on political blame games and policy feedback to argue that it is not only the salience of an event that determines its ‘populist exploitability’, but also its proximity to mass publics – or more simply, how directly and closely it affects citizens. In the study, Moffitt’s stepwise model of populist crisis performance is extended and expectations are formulated regarding how the proximity of an event influences the various steps of crisis performance. The article then tests this theoretical argument with a within-unit analysis of the crisis performance of a populist radical right party, the Alternative for Germany (AfD), during the refugee crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis suggests that the pan-demic’s proximity to people’s daily lives narrowed and complicated the AfD’s crisis performance in important ways. The article sheds light on the determinants of the success of populist radical right parties and nuances our understanding of the broader relationship between populism and crisis.
本文研究了激进右翼民粹主义行动者令人信服地制造危机感所需的条件。文章借鉴了有关政治指责游戏和政策反馈的文献,认为决定 "民粹主义可利用性 "的不仅是事件的显著性,还有事件与大众的接近程度--或者更简单地说,事件对公民的直接和密切影响程度。在这项研究中,莫菲特的民粹主义危机表现分步模型得到了扩展,并就事件的接近程度如何影响危机表现的各个步骤提出了预期。然后,文章通过对民粹主义激进右翼政党德国选择党(AfD)在难民危机和 COVID-19 大流行期间的危机表现进行单元内分析,检验了这一理论论点。分析表明,大流行病与人们日常生活的密切关系以重要的方式缩小并复杂化了德国选择党的危机表现。文章揭示了民粹主义激进右翼政党成功的决定因素,并使我们对民粹主义与危机之间更广泛关系的理解更加细致入微。
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引用次数: 0
Competing on competence: the issue profiles of mainstream parties in Western Europe 能力竞争:西欧主流政党的议题概况
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-20 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2278334
C. Green-Pedersen, H. Seeberg
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引用次数: 0
Attributing blame: how political parties in Germany leverage cooperative federalism 归咎:德国政党如何利用合作联邦制
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2274719
Antonios Souris, Sabine Kropp, Christoph Nguyen
AbstractThis study investigates how political parties used the federal structure of government for discursive blame attribution strategies in parliamentary debates during the Covid-19 crisis. The analysis focuses on the German case which is considered an embodiment of cooperative federalism. Largely intertwined responsibilities and joint decision making provide incentives for self-serving blame attribution strategies. The empirical investigation includes a qualitative content analysis of 212 parliamentary debates in the Bundestag and the 16 state parliaments. Overall, 2067 statements were manually coded and integrated into a novel dataset. The data reveal a more diverse discursive toolkit of blame attribution strategies than commonly conceptualised. The study demonstrates that parties, especially when they are involved in intergovernmental bodies and coalition governments, resort to ‘softer’ forms of blaming. The vertical integration of the party system also creates an effective blame barrier, containing self-serving strategies even during the prolonged crisis and several election campaigns.Keywords: Cooperative federalismblame attributionparty competitionparliamentary debatesCovid-19 AcknowledgementsWe thank the two reviewers for their helpful and constructive comments on earlier versions of this article and Akseli Paillette-Liettilä, Jonathan Röders, Polina Khubbeeva, Yannis Wittig, and Marek Wessels for their valuable research assistance.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The dataset, codebook, and further project documentation are available at the data repositorium of GESIS: https://doi.org/10.7802/2627.2 The existing literature uses both the term ‘blame attribution’ and the term ‘responsibility attribution’. While the literature on voters and their perceptions of multilevel systems generally uses the term ‘responsibility’, the more institutionally oriented contributions focus on the term ‘blame’. However, federalism research usually means by the term ‘responsibility’ the legal or constitutional competences of federal entities in federal systems. Therefore, we prefer to use the term ‘blame’ to delineate formal responsibilities from discursive ascriptions.3 Infection Protection Act of 20 July 2000 (BGBl. I: 1045), last amended by Article 8b of the Act of 20 December 2022 (BGBl. I: 2793).4 It was not possible to analyse all parliamentary debates on Covid-19. Based on the protocols of the plenary sessions in the Bundestag and the 16 Landtage, we initially marked all procedures related to managing Covid-19 that were debated there between 1 February 2020 and the federal elections on 26 September 2021. In total, we have identified 3117 procedures in this period.5 Regular discussions as well as the joint specification of definitions and coding instructions ensured a common understanding among the team members on how to code the debates. The Landtage were coded by five coders. Each coder reviewe
摘要本研究探讨了在2019冠状病毒病危机期间,政党如何在议会辩论中使用联邦政府结构进行话语指责归因策略。分析的重点是被认为是合作联邦制体现的德国案例。很大程度上相互交织的责任和共同决策为自私的归因策略提供了激励。实证调查包括对联邦议院和16个州议会的212次议会辩论进行定性内容分析。总的来说,2067条语句被手工编码并集成到一个新的数据集中。数据揭示了一个更多样化的话语工具箱的指责归因策略比通常概念化。该研究表明,政党,特别是当他们参与政府间机构和联合政府时,会采取“更温和”的指责形式。政党体系的纵向一体化也造成了有效的指责障碍,即使在长期危机和几次竞选期间也包含了自私自利的战略。我们感谢两位审稿人对本文早期版本的有益和建设性意见,感谢Akseli Paillette-Liettilä、Jonathan Röders、Polina Khubbeeva、Yannis Wittig和Marek Wessels提供的宝贵研究协助。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1数据集、代码本和进一步的项目文档可在GESIS的数据存储库中获得:https://doi.org/10.7802/2627.2现有文献使用了术语“责任归因”和术语“责任归因”。虽然关于选民和他们对多层次系统的看法的文献通常使用“责任”一词,但更以制度为导向的贡献侧重于“指责”一词。然而,联邦制研究通常用“责任”一词来表示联邦制度中联邦实体的法律或宪法权限。因此,我们更倾向于使用“责备”一词来描述话语归属中的正式责任2000年7月20日《感染保护法》I: 1045),最后由2022年12月20日法案(BGBl)第8b条修订。我:2793)。4不可能分析所有关于Covid-19的议会辩论。根据联邦议院全体会议和16个州议会的议定书,我们初步标记了2020年2月1日至2021年9月26日联邦选举期间在全体会议上讨论的与管理Covid-19有关的所有程序。在此期间,我们总共确定了3117个程序定期讨论以及定义和编码说明的联合规范确保了团队成员对如何编码辩论的共同理解。兰塔奇是由五个编码员编写的。每个编码员在一段时间后回顾他或她的编码语句,并建议对原始编码进行更改。这影响了大约6%的病例。这些更改由团队讨论并相应实现。为了确保编码器之间的可靠性,每10次辩论(总共:21次辩论)再次由第二个编码器编码。第二个编码员同意78%的原始编码策略。最后,每个语句都由(至少)另一个编码员检查:8%的案例被修改或删除。德国联邦议院的10场辩论由两名编码员编码。最初,他们每人编码了五场辩论。然后他们交换辩论,并再次编码其他五场辩论。结果进行了比较,讨论了差异,并最终确定了编码。第三个团队成员最终检查了所有编码的文本部分:6%的案例被重新编码或删除在德国,议会政党团体决定在辩论中代表他们发言的代表(m<s:2> ller等)。Citation2021: 381)。因此,我们可以将在辩论中发言的代表分配到各自的政党。此外,我们把参加辩论的政府代表视为其政党的发言人。这样做是因为认识到,由于作用不同,代表们的发言可能比政府代表的发言更具竞争性和两极化由于基民盟和基社盟在任何一级政府都没有竞争关系,而且目前还不清楚联邦议院的发言人是只代表基民盟,还是代表基社盟,或者由于他们的联合议会党团,我们决定在这里一起考虑他们。从经验上看,基社盟与基民盟的党支部相比,也不是异类。基民盟负责执政的Länder分支中,53%的人支持“推卸责任”,47%的人支持“找替罪羊”。包括基社盟在内,这一数字略有变化,分别为52%和48%。
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