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Selecting party leaders 选择党的领导人
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-08 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2250220
Ignacio Lago, Javier Astudillo
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引用次数: 0
Explaining the educational gradient in trust in politicians: a video-vignette survey experiment 解释对政治家信任的教育梯度:一个视频调查实验
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-06 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2250163
K. Noordzij, W. de Koster, J. van der Waal
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引用次数: 1
To amend or not to amend: under what circumstances do Spanish legislators propose amendments to executive bills? 修正或不修正:西班牙立法者在什么情况下对行政法案提出修正案?
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2241253
Anna M. Palau, Andreu Casas, Luz Muñoz
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引用次数: 0
The resilience of parliamentary oversight during the COVID-19 pandemic 新冠肺炎大流行期间议会监督的复原力
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2246115
Mihail Chiru
Abstract This review article takes stock of the research analysing the resilience of parliamentary oversight during the COVID-19 pandemic in 31 democracies. The extant research shows that parliaments were better able to fulfil their oversight roles in states with a higher quality of democracy and where constitutional and procedural rules provided more space for parliamentary scrutiny (e.g. incongruent bicameralism). Scholars have also argued that unified executives often attempted to bypass legislative oversight, while on the contrary the checks and balances embedded in coalition governance have acted as a break on attempts to marginalise parliaments. Parliaments struggling to assert their autonomy and fulfil their scrutiny role in normal times saw these issues exacerbated during the health crisis. Finally, the resilience of parliamentary oversight also depended on the extent to which opposition parties adopted a ‘rally around the flag’ or a politicisation strategy, the latter appearing more likely as the pandemic progressed.
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引用次数: 0
From asylum to labour: track change in German migration policy 从庇护到劳工:追踪德国移民政策的变化
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2238163
C. Joppke
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引用次数: 0
Pieces of the puzzle? Coalition formation and tangential preferences 拼图的碎片?联盟的形成和切向偏好
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2234236
P. Dumont, Albert Falcó-Gimeno, I. Indridason, Daniel Bischof
The similarity of parties’ policy preferences has long been considered an important determinant of whether they form a government coalition. That similarity has typically been assessed based on parties’ respective locations in a policy space. The degree to which parties care about different issues may, however, also vary. Parties that care about different issues may actually be the most compatible partners, as their tangential preferences would allow them to engage in policy logrolling and enable them to preserve their distinctiveness in the eyes of voters. This analysis tests arguments regarding the role of tan-gentiality and its interaction with policy proximity on the party composition of governments formed in Western Europe from 1945 to 2019. The findings show that parties that emphasise the same issues are more natural coalition partners provided the ideological differences between the parties are sufficiently similar.
长期以来,政党政策偏好的相似性一直被认为是决定它们是否组成联合政府的重要因素。这种相似性通常是根据政党在政策空间中的各自位置来评估的。然而,各方关心不同问题的程度也可能有所不同。关心不同问题的政党实际上可能是最兼容的合作伙伴,因为他们的相关偏好将使他们能够参与政策博弈,并使他们能够在选民眼中保持自己的独特性。这一分析检验了关于切线性的作用及其与政策接近性在1945年至2019年西欧政府政党构成中的相互作用的论点。研究结果表明,如果政党之间的意识形态差异足够相似,强调相同问题的政党更自然成为联盟伙伴。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the dynamics of policy change in EU security and defence: policy entrepreneurs behind the Strategic Compass 探索欧盟安全和防务政策变化的动态:战略指南针背后的政策企业家
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2232704
M. Sus
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引用次数: 0
Buying in? The political economy of investor migration in Western Europe 购买?西欧投资者移民的政治经济学
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-27 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2237353
Erica Consterdine, James Hampshire
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引用次数: 0
The making of an ‘unhappy marriage’? The 2023 Finnish general election 是什么造就了“不幸的婚姻”?2023年芬兰大选
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-26 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2233072
D. Arter
Abstract Rarely, if ever, has a Finnish general election attracted such foreign media interest. Reporters came from across the globe, not to witness Finland become NATO’s thirty-first member-state on 4 April, two days after the general election, but to see if the party-loving Social Democrat prime minister Sanna Marin could secure a second term at the helm. 1 In the event, Marin became only the third prime minister in recent times to increase the party vote, albeit by not quite enough, and she promptly indicated she would stand down as party leader. The election was won by the two main opposition parties, the National Coalition and Finns Party. The National Coalition became the largest parliamentary party for only the second time in its history, whilst the Finns Party gained over one-fifth of the national poll for the first time and became the largest party on the basis of the popular vote in no less than half the 12 mainland constituencies. Despite their deep differences on major policy issues – including immigration, taxation, development aid and climate policy – the National Coalition and Finns Party ultimately formed the core of a centre-right government, although it took almost to midsummer to do so, and it was then characterised by a minor coalition party leader as an ‘unhappy marriage’ made out of necessity.
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引用次数: 0
Are citizens responsive to interest groups? A field experiment on lobbying and intended citizen behaviour 公民对利益集团有反应吗?关于游说和有意的公民行为的实地实验
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-14 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2229710
Wiebke Marie Junk, A. Rasmussen
The ability to mobilise public opinion is central to interest group politics. Yet, whether and how groups succeed in swaying the public remains inconclusive. The article assesses this by conducting a field experiment in which a consumer group sent different versions of campaign material to a representative sample of over 5000 citizens. Relying on a two-wave panel survey, it shows that while the campaign affected intended consumer behaviour, it did not influence attitudes. Surprisingly, material by the organisation alone was more effective than material sent with a partner. Moreover, campaign references to personal experiences and facts were not more effective than material referring to public opinion. The findings challenge existing evidence on how sender and message characteristics affect the likelihood of influencing citizens. At the same time, they underline that public opinion is hard to change and have important implications for understanding political representation and interest groups in democratic politics.
动员公众舆论的能力是利益集团政治的核心。然而,团体是否以及如何成功地动摇了公众,仍然没有定论。这篇文章通过进行一项实地实验来评估这一点,在该实验中,一个消费者团体向5000多名公民的代表性样本发送了不同版本的竞选材料。根据一项两波小组调查,它表明,虽然这场运动影响了预期的消费者行为,但并没有影响人们的态度。令人惊讶的是,该组织单独提供的材料比与合作伙伴一起发送的材料更有效。此外,竞选活动中提及个人经历和事实并不比提及公众舆论的材料更有效。这些发现挑战了现有证据,即发送者和信息特征如何影响影响公民的可能性。同时,他们强调,公众舆论很难改变,对理解民主政治中的政治代表性和利益集团具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 2
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West European Politics
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