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West European Politics最新文献

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Exploring the dynamics of policy change in EU security and defence: policy entrepreneurs behind the Strategic Compass 探索欧盟安全和防务政策变化的动态:战略指南针背后的政策企业家
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2232704
M. Sus
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引用次数: 0
Buying in? The political economy of investor migration in Western Europe 购买?西欧投资者移民的政治经济学
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-27 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2237353
Erica Consterdine, James Hampshire
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引用次数: 0
The making of an ‘unhappy marriage’? The 2023 Finnish general election 是什么造就了“不幸的婚姻”?2023年芬兰大选
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-26 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2233072
D. Arter
Abstract Rarely, if ever, has a Finnish general election attracted such foreign media interest. Reporters came from across the globe, not to witness Finland become NATO’s thirty-first member-state on 4 April, two days after the general election, but to see if the party-loving Social Democrat prime minister Sanna Marin could secure a second term at the helm. 1 In the event, Marin became only the third prime minister in recent times to increase the party vote, albeit by not quite enough, and she promptly indicated she would stand down as party leader. The election was won by the two main opposition parties, the National Coalition and Finns Party. The National Coalition became the largest parliamentary party for only the second time in its history, whilst the Finns Party gained over one-fifth of the national poll for the first time and became the largest party on the basis of the popular vote in no less than half the 12 mainland constituencies. Despite their deep differences on major policy issues – including immigration, taxation, development aid and climate policy – the National Coalition and Finns Party ultimately formed the core of a centre-right government, although it took almost to midsummer to do so, and it was then characterised by a minor coalition party leader as an ‘unhappy marriage’ made out of necessity.
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引用次数: 0
Are citizens responsive to interest groups? A field experiment on lobbying and intended citizen behaviour 公民对利益集团有反应吗?关于游说和有意的公民行为的实地实验
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-14 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2229710
Wiebke Marie Junk, A. Rasmussen
The ability to mobilise public opinion is central to interest group politics. Yet, whether and how groups succeed in swaying the public remains inconclusive. The article assesses this by conducting a field experiment in which a consumer group sent different versions of campaign material to a representative sample of over 5000 citizens. Relying on a two-wave panel survey, it shows that while the campaign affected intended consumer behaviour, it did not influence attitudes. Surprisingly, material by the organisation alone was more effective than material sent with a partner. Moreover, campaign references to personal experiences and facts were not more effective than material referring to public opinion. The findings challenge existing evidence on how sender and message characteristics affect the likelihood of influencing citizens. At the same time, they underline that public opinion is hard to change and have important implications for understanding political representation and interest groups in democratic politics.
动员公众舆论的能力是利益集团政治的核心。然而,团体是否以及如何成功地动摇了公众,仍然没有定论。这篇文章通过进行一项实地实验来评估这一点,在该实验中,一个消费者团体向5000多名公民的代表性样本发送了不同版本的竞选材料。根据一项两波小组调查,它表明,虽然这场运动影响了预期的消费者行为,但并没有影响人们的态度。令人惊讶的是,该组织单独提供的材料比与合作伙伴一起发送的材料更有效。此外,竞选活动中提及个人经历和事实并不比提及公众舆论的材料更有效。这些发现挑战了现有证据,即发送者和信息特征如何影响影响公民的可能性。同时,他们强调,公众舆论很难改变,对理解民主政治中的政治代表性和利益集团具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 2
Immigration and the conditionality of unemployment benefits in OECD countries 经合组织国家的移民和失业救济金的条件限制
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-13 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2230539
S. Negash, Olaf van Vliet
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引用次数: 0
European attitudes to refugees after the Russian invasion of Ukraine 俄罗斯入侵乌克兰后欧洲人对难民的态度
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-13 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2229688
Alexandru D. Moise, J. Dennison, Hanspeter Kriesi
Abstract Why do attitudes to refugees vary? An original panel is used in five EU states – France, Germany, Hungary, Italy and Poland – to explain European attitudes towards three groups of refugees following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. It is shown that European attitudes to Ukrainian refugees are determined by predispositions to immigration and perceptions of the war and actors involved, with European identity and contact with refugees being relatively unimportant. These findings are validated with dynamic panel models and attitudes towards the Temporary Protection Directive. A ‘spill-over’ effect is further demonstrated, whereby attitudes to Ukrainian refugees positively affect attitudes to Afghan and Somali refugees, and a declining ‘rally-around-the-flag’ effect over time. These findings contribute to the literature on attitudinal formation, showing the relative malleability of attitudes to refugees as a function of their embeddedness in broader attitudinal patterns (particularly to immigration and geopolitics), changing context (the different stages of the war), and spill-over from views towards other refugee groups.
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引用次数: 1
Winter is coming: Russian gas, Italy and the post-war European politics of energy security 冬天来了:俄罗斯天然气、意大利与战后欧洲能源安全政治
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-07 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2225987
A. Prontera
Abstract By focussing on the Italian case and on transformations in state-market relations in the natural gas sector, this article examines the post-war European politics of energy security. It argues that rather than fostering EU-level path-breaking measures, the war has brought back the ‘partner state’ in the EU energy realm. This model, which supported the structuration of East-West energy interdependence during the Cold War, envisages direct modes of state intervention and closer government-energy company cooperation at home and abroad. Although the return of the (partner) state is helping Western European consumers by reducing their dependence on Russian gas, it has negative implications. It favours intra-European competition, limits further supranational integration in the energy sector and risks undermining the EU climate goals. This latter risk can be amplified by the encounter of the partner state with right-wing populist climate-sceptic parties, while it can be mitigated by the ‘greening’ of the partner state.
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引用次数: 0
Assessing the role of the European Council and the European Commission during the migration and COVID-19 crises 评估欧洲理事会和欧盟委员会在移民和2019冠状病毒病危机中的作用
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-07 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2225403
D. Moloney, Sebastiaan Princen
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引用次数: 0
Not the mode of allocation but refugees’ right to work drives European citizens’ preferences on refugee policy 决定欧洲公民对难民政策偏好的不是分配模式,而是难民的工作权利
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-22 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2214878
N. Letki, Dawid Walentek, P. T. Dinesen, U. Liebe
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引用次数: 0
Analysing the political effects of ‘fake news’ deflections in the UK 分析英国“假新闻”偏转的政治影响
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2211836
Ric Neo
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引用次数: 0
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West European Politics
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