Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2252698
Eroll Kuhn, Rahsaan Maxwell
AbstractEuropean countries are struggling with the largest inflows of asylum seekers since World War II, with ongoing debates about how best to promote asylum seeker integration. This article presents evidence from Germany which suggests asylum seekers feel more welcome when living in counties with more foreign-born residents. This relationship is stronger when asylum seekers and foreign-born residents have similar origins. Among Syrian asylum seekers, larger percentages of co-national residents are especially important. These findings have numerous implications that broaden our understanding of asylum seeker integration and engage debates about how to design asylum seeker reception policies. This article also contributes to broader debates about the relationship between geographic context and social and political attitudes.Keywords: Asylum seekerGermanyEuropemigrant integrationcontextual effects AcknowledgementsPrevious versions were presented at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, the European University Institute, Aarhus University, the University of Copenhagen, the University of Sussex, the American Political Science Association annual conference, the University of Wisconsin-Madison, the University of California, Berkeley, Sciences Po, Harvard University, University College London, the University of California San Diego, the University of Amsterdam, and New York University. The authors would like to thank participants at each venue for excellent feedback that improved the article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Replication materialReplication materials for this article is available at: https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/HZVI6INotes1 Ukrainian asylum seekers were more likely than Syrians to leave Western Europe and return home after a few months. Even so, there was a large influx of Ukrainian asylum seekers in 2022, and at the time of writing, their integration prospects remain uncertain.2 The underlying causal mechanism behind this relationship is an ongoing source of debate. Exposure to foreign-origin residents may make people who live in those communities more supportive of multiculturalism. However, people who support multiculturalism may select into communities with more foreign-origin residents.3 See http://www.bamf.de for an overview. See German Asylum Act (09.02.2008, last amended 03.11.2016) for full law.4 Respondents were able to choose from seven languages to conduct their interview, and translation was facilitated by a computer-assisted personal interviewing device (CAPI) – and a translation hot-line if necessary.5 State fixed effects account for the federal structure of German government, including potential differences in reception and processing of asylum seekers across states. Year fixed effects account for any differences in asylum reception dynamics between 2016 and 2017.6 After Syrians (N = 1946), Afghans (N = 446) are the second largest national-origin group in the s
{"title":"Asylum seekers feel more welcome in counties with more foreign-born residents","authors":"Eroll Kuhn, Rahsaan Maxwell","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2252698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2252698","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractEuropean countries are struggling with the largest inflows of asylum seekers since World War II, with ongoing debates about how best to promote asylum seeker integration. This article presents evidence from Germany which suggests asylum seekers feel more welcome when living in counties with more foreign-born residents. This relationship is stronger when asylum seekers and foreign-born residents have similar origins. Among Syrian asylum seekers, larger percentages of co-national residents are especially important. These findings have numerous implications that broaden our understanding of asylum seeker integration and engage debates about how to design asylum seeker reception policies. This article also contributes to broader debates about the relationship between geographic context and social and political attitudes.Keywords: Asylum seekerGermanyEuropemigrant integrationcontextual effects AcknowledgementsPrevious versions were presented at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, the European University Institute, Aarhus University, the University of Copenhagen, the University of Sussex, the American Political Science Association annual conference, the University of Wisconsin-Madison, the University of California, Berkeley, Sciences Po, Harvard University, University College London, the University of California San Diego, the University of Amsterdam, and New York University. The authors would like to thank participants at each venue for excellent feedback that improved the article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Replication materialReplication materials for this article is available at: https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/HZVI6INotes1 Ukrainian asylum seekers were more likely than Syrians to leave Western Europe and return home after a few months. Even so, there was a large influx of Ukrainian asylum seekers in 2022, and at the time of writing, their integration prospects remain uncertain.2 The underlying causal mechanism behind this relationship is an ongoing source of debate. Exposure to foreign-origin residents may make people who live in those communities more supportive of multiculturalism. However, people who support multiculturalism may select into communities with more foreign-origin residents.3 See http://www.bamf.de for an overview. See German Asylum Act (09.02.2008, last amended 03.11.2016) for full law.4 Respondents were able to choose from seven languages to conduct their interview, and translation was facilitated by a computer-assisted personal interviewing device (CAPI) – and a translation hot-line if necessary.5 State fixed effects account for the federal structure of German government, including potential differences in reception and processing of asylum seekers across states. Year fixed effects account for any differences in asylum reception dynamics between 2016 and 2017.6 After Syrians (N = 1946), Afghans (N = 446) are the second largest national-origin group in the s","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135060776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-13DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2249316
Wolfgang C. Müller, Hanna Bäck, Johan Hellström
In parliamentary democracies, elections distribute the seats in parliament, but who gets into government and determines the policy agenda over the course of the legislative term is decided upon after the elections, in negotiations between the political parties. This introduction to the special issue discusses research concerning dynamic approaches to coalition governments. A dynamic approach implies that what happens at the electoral stage influences the government formation stage, which in turn shapes what happens during the government’s tenure, which may influence the cabinet’s durability. Hence, this type of research tries to analyse various stages of a government’s ‘life cycle’ from its ‘birth’ to its ‘death’ as interdependent processes, rather than examining them in mutual isolation. These processes may be restricted to the confines of a self-contained universe of politicians and political parties, or they may involve ‘external’ events, such as, for example, elections, or the state of the economy. In addition to having a dynamic approach to analysing coalitions, the contributions in the special issue use brand-new comparative data from several independent research projects investigating various aspects of coalition politics.
{"title":"Coalition dynamics: advances in the study of the coalition life cycle","authors":"Wolfgang C. Müller, Hanna Bäck, Johan Hellström","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2249316","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2249316","url":null,"abstract":"In parliamentary democracies, elections distribute the seats in parliament, but who gets into government and determines the policy agenda over the course of the legislative term is decided upon after the elections, in negotiations between the political parties. This introduction to the special issue discusses research concerning dynamic approaches to coalition governments. A dynamic approach implies that what happens at the electoral stage influences the government formation stage, which in turn shapes what happens during the government’s tenure, which may influence the cabinet’s durability. Hence, this type of research tries to analyse various stages of a government’s ‘life cycle’ from its ‘birth’ to its ‘death’ as interdependent processes, rather than examining them in mutual isolation. These processes may be restricted to the confines of a self-contained universe of politicians and political parties, or they may involve ‘external’ events, such as, for example, elections, or the state of the economy. In addition to having a dynamic approach to analysing coalitions, the contributions in the special issue use brand-new comparative data from several independent research projects investigating various aspects of coalition politics.","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135741912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-13DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2253514
Kaitlin Alper, Caroline Marie Lancaster
AbstractRadical right parties have grown in popularity recently, leaning heavily on state-level nationalism, anti-immigrant sentiment and the promise of a homogenous nation state. There has also recently been increased devolution of power to subnational communities, who historically have resisted homogenisation and infringements on their autonomy. This implies a tension between the interests of subnational units and those of radical right parties. Using data from the 2016 and 2018 European Social Surveys and a new measure of regional identity strength constructed from the Regionalist Parties Dataset (Massetti and Schakel Citation2016) for 10 European countries, this study shows that people living in regions with strong legacies of regionalism are less attached to their national state. Second, the article demonstrates regional identity strength is negatively associated with voting for radical right parties due to their opposition to radical right parties’ exclusive state-level nationalism. Lastly, this relationship can eclipse the effect of immigration attitudes on vote choice as radical right parties’ rhetoric around immigration generally focuses on the importance of cultural homogeneity. Evidence supporting these hypotheses is found using both cross-national data and case evidence from Italy. This study underscores the importance of examining the role older social cleavages play in structuring party politics in the transnational era.Keywords: Party politicscleavage theoryregional identitymultilevel governanceradical right parties AcknowledgementsWe would like to give special thanks to Gary Marks, Liesbet Hooghe, Christina Zuber, Sean T. Norton, David Attewell, John D. Stephens, Evelyne Huber, and the three anonymous reviewers for their extremely helpful comments on various drafts of this manuscript. Previous versions of this paper were presented at the Comparative Politics working group at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where we received valuable feedback from our colleagues at the department.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Massetti and Schakel's (Citation2016) database also includes three ‘controversial cases’ which are parties that have some association with a national party but which acts sufficiently independently as to be classified as a regionalist party for the purposes of their dataset. These are the CSU in the German region of Bavaria, the UPN in the Spanish region of Navarre, and the UUP in the UK region of Northern Ireland.2 This mirrors the strategies of nation-builders during the era of state consolidation, who, as noted previously, frequently co-opted symbols of regional identity and subsumed them into a broader, constructed national identity (Giordano and Roller Citation2001; Pasquier Citation2015). Similarly, modern radical right parties sometimes make claims that those peripheral cultures are in fact ‘purer’ expressions of a broader, unifying statewide id
不同的NUTS水平可能对应于不同国家理论上和/或实际上“有用”的领土单位/地区(例如，NUTS 1级对应于德国Länder，而NUTS 2级对应于奥地利Länder)。此外，ESS和其他调查可能在不同国家使用不同的NUTS水平。在我们的分析中，我们根据ESS中的NUTS水平来选择NUTS水平，这样我们就可以将个别受访者与其所在地区相匹配同样，请参见在线附录表6，以获得有关该变量按地区的更详细描述性统计数据这些是唯一可用的变量，有足够的时间和区域覆盖，包括在我们的分析然而，地方主义派系仍然存在于党内，这可能会导致未来的复杂化或分裂(Albertazzi等人)。Citation2018)。作者简介:kaitlin Alper是南丹麦大学丹麦福利研究中心的博士后研究员。她的研究主要集中在比较福利国家政治、多层次治理和分权政治以及比较政治经济学，特别是在西欧。她的作品发表在《社会力量》杂志上。[kalp@sam.sdu.dk]Caroline Marie Lancaster是芝加哥大学NORC的研究方法学家，她专注于心理测量学、项目评估和调查研究。她曾在《英国政治科学杂志》和《欧洲政治研究杂志》等期刊上发表有关政治态度、移民和激进右翼的文章。[lancaster-caroline@norc.org]
{"title":"The strength of attachment: regionalism, nationalism and vote choice","authors":"Kaitlin Alper, Caroline Marie Lancaster","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2253514","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2253514","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractRadical right parties have grown in popularity recently, leaning heavily on state-level nationalism, anti-immigrant sentiment and the promise of a homogenous nation state. There has also recently been increased devolution of power to subnational communities, who historically have resisted homogenisation and infringements on their autonomy. This implies a tension between the interests of subnational units and those of radical right parties. Using data from the 2016 and 2018 European Social Surveys and a new measure of regional identity strength constructed from the Regionalist Parties Dataset (Massetti and Schakel Citation2016) for 10 European countries, this study shows that people living in regions with strong legacies of regionalism are less attached to their national state. Second, the article demonstrates regional identity strength is negatively associated with voting for radical right parties due to their opposition to radical right parties’ exclusive state-level nationalism. Lastly, this relationship can eclipse the effect of immigration attitudes on vote choice as radical right parties’ rhetoric around immigration generally focuses on the importance of cultural homogeneity. Evidence supporting these hypotheses is found using both cross-national data and case evidence from Italy. This study underscores the importance of examining the role older social cleavages play in structuring party politics in the transnational era.Keywords: Party politicscleavage theoryregional identitymultilevel governanceradical right parties AcknowledgementsWe would like to give special thanks to Gary Marks, Liesbet Hooghe, Christina Zuber, Sean T. Norton, David Attewell, John D. Stephens, Evelyne Huber, and the three anonymous reviewers for their extremely helpful comments on various drafts of this manuscript. Previous versions of this paper were presented at the Comparative Politics working group at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where we received valuable feedback from our colleagues at the department.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Massetti and Schakel's (Citation2016) database also includes three ‘controversial cases’ which are parties that have some association with a national party but which acts sufficiently independently as to be classified as a regionalist party for the purposes of their dataset. These are the CSU in the German region of Bavaria, the UPN in the Spanish region of Navarre, and the UUP in the UK region of Northern Ireland.2 This mirrors the strategies of nation-builders during the era of state consolidation, who, as noted previously, frequently co-opted symbols of regional identity and subsumed them into a broader, constructed national identity (Giordano and Roller Citation2001; Pasquier Citation2015). Similarly, modern radical right parties sometimes make claims that those peripheral cultures are in fact ‘purer’ expressions of a broader, unifying statewide id","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135781924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-08DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2246110
Anna Lavizzari, Andrea L. P. Pirro
{"title":"The gender politics of populist parties in Southern Europe","authors":"Anna Lavizzari, Andrea L. P. Pirro","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2246110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2246110","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48059090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-08DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2250220
Ignacio Lago, Javier Astudillo
{"title":"Selecting party leaders","authors":"Ignacio Lago, Javier Astudillo","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2250220","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2250220","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45534755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-06DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2250163
K. Noordzij, W. de Koster, J. van der Waal
{"title":"Explaining the educational gradient in trust in politicians: a video-vignette survey experiment","authors":"K. Noordzij, W. de Koster, J. van der Waal","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2250163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2250163","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44070394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2241253
Anna M. Palau, Andreu Casas, Luz Muñoz
{"title":"To amend or not to amend: under what circumstances do Spanish legislators propose amendments to executive bills?","authors":"Anna M. Palau, Andreu Casas, Luz Muñoz","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2241253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2241253","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42214765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-24DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2246115
Mihail Chiru
Abstract This review article takes stock of the research analysing the resilience of parliamentary oversight during the COVID-19 pandemic in 31 democracies. The extant research shows that parliaments were better able to fulfil their oversight roles in states with a higher quality of democracy and where constitutional and procedural rules provided more space for parliamentary scrutiny (e.g. incongruent bicameralism). Scholars have also argued that unified executives often attempted to bypass legislative oversight, while on the contrary the checks and balances embedded in coalition governance have acted as a break on attempts to marginalise parliaments. Parliaments struggling to assert their autonomy and fulfil their scrutiny role in normal times saw these issues exacerbated during the health crisis. Finally, the resilience of parliamentary oversight also depended on the extent to which opposition parties adopted a ‘rally around the flag’ or a politicisation strategy, the latter appearing more likely as the pandemic progressed.
{"title":"The resilience of parliamentary oversight during the COVID-19 pandemic","authors":"Mihail Chiru","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2246115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2246115","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This review article takes stock of the research analysing the resilience of parliamentary oversight during the COVID-19 pandemic in 31 democracies. The extant research shows that parliaments were better able to fulfil their oversight roles in states with a higher quality of democracy and where constitutional and procedural rules provided more space for parliamentary scrutiny (e.g. incongruent bicameralism). Scholars have also argued that unified executives often attempted to bypass legislative oversight, while on the contrary the checks and balances embedded in coalition governance have acted as a break on attempts to marginalise parliaments. Parliaments struggling to assert their autonomy and fulfil their scrutiny role in normal times saw these issues exacerbated during the health crisis. Finally, the resilience of parliamentary oversight also depended on the extent to which opposition parties adopted a ‘rally around the flag’ or a politicisation strategy, the latter appearing more likely as the pandemic progressed.","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49551909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-08DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2238163
C. Joppke
{"title":"From asylum to labour: track change in German migration policy","authors":"C. Joppke","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2238163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2238163","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42819260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-03DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2234236
P. Dumont, Albert Falcó-Gimeno, I. Indridason, Daniel Bischof
The similarity of parties’ policy preferences has long been considered an important determinant of whether they form a government coalition. That similarity has typically been assessed based on parties’ respective locations in a policy space. The degree to which parties care about different issues may, however, also vary. Parties that care about different issues may actually be the most compatible partners, as their tangential preferences would allow them to engage in policy logrolling and enable them to preserve their distinctiveness in the eyes of voters. This analysis tests arguments regarding the role of tan-gentiality and its interaction with policy proximity on the party composition of governments formed in Western Europe from 1945 to 2019. The findings show that parties that emphasise the same issues are more natural coalition partners provided the ideological differences between the parties are sufficiently similar.
{"title":"Pieces of the puzzle? Coalition formation and tangential preferences","authors":"P. Dumont, Albert Falcó-Gimeno, I. Indridason, Daniel Bischof","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2234236","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2234236","url":null,"abstract":"The similarity of parties’ policy preferences has long been considered an important determinant of whether they form a government coalition. That similarity has typically been assessed based on parties’ respective locations in a policy space. The degree to which parties care about different issues may, however, also vary. Parties that care about different issues may actually be the most compatible partners, as their tangential preferences would allow them to engage in policy logrolling and enable them to preserve their distinctiveness in the eyes of voters. This analysis tests arguments regarding the role of tan-gentiality and its interaction with policy proximity on the party composition of governments formed in Western Europe from 1945 to 2019. The findings show that parties that emphasise the same issues are more natural coalition partners provided the ideological differences between the parties are sufficiently similar.","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47448647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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