Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2195759
Elena Baracani
Abstract This article presents an ideational perspective on agenda-setting leadership, which it applies to the role played by President von der Leyen in the EU’s response to the crisis that followed the Russian full-scale military invasion of Ukraine that started on 24 February 2022. On a conceptual and methodological level, by searching for evidence of strategic framing, this study traces the process of President von der Leyen’s ideational agenda-setting leadership and how it influenced the overall development of the EU’s response during the initial ten weeks of the crisis. The empirical findings contribute to the academic debate on the Commission President’s leadership in a crisis context by revealing how her principled ideas enabled her to diagnose the situation precisely and devise clear priorities and tools to address it. The empirical analysis also suggests that President von der Leyen, in line with her geopolitical Commission, played a very active foreign policy role.
{"title":"Ideational agenda-setting leadership: President von der Leyen and the EU response to the invasion of Ukraine","authors":"Elena Baracani","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2195759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2195759","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article presents an ideational perspective on agenda-setting leadership, which it applies to the role played by President von der Leyen in the EU’s response to the crisis that followed the Russian full-scale military invasion of Ukraine that started on 24 February 2022. On a conceptual and methodological level, by searching for evidence of strategic framing, this study traces the process of President von der Leyen’s ideational agenda-setting leadership and how it influenced the overall development of the EU’s response during the initial ten weeks of the crisis. The empirical findings contribute to the academic debate on the Commission President’s leadership in a crisis context by revealing how her principled ideas enabled her to diagnose the situation precisely and devise clear priorities and tools to address it. The empirical analysis also suggests that President von der Leyen, in line with her geopolitical Commission, played a very active foreign policy role.","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":"46 1","pages":"1451 - 1474"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46869898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-11DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2199376
Carsten Wegscheider, Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Steven M. Van Hauwaert
Abstract Although scholars emphasise the contentious relationship of populist forces to (liberal) democracy, less attention has been paid to whether this extends to those who support or oppose populist parties. This article utilises a public opinion dataset from ten Western European countries to analyse how citizens’ conceptions of democracy relate to the behavioural intention to vote for or against populist parties. The empirical analysis shows that positive and negative identification with populist parties is driven by different understandings of democracy: While individuals who are less inclined to liberal democracy but more to direct democracy and authoritarian forms of rule are more likely to sympathise with populist parties, the opposite understanding of democracy predicts opposition to both left-wing and right-wing populists. These findings demonstrate that citizens with positive and negative partisanship towards populist parties are divided in their interpretations about both the conceptual meaning and the normative functioning of democracy.
{"title":"How citizens’ conceptions of democracy relate to positive and negative partisanship towards populist parties","authors":"Carsten Wegscheider, Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Steven M. Van Hauwaert","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2199376","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2199376","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Although scholars emphasise the contentious relationship of populist forces to (liberal) democracy, less attention has been paid to whether this extends to those who support or oppose populist parties. This article utilises a public opinion dataset from ten Western European countries to analyse how citizens’ conceptions of democracy relate to the behavioural intention to vote for or against populist parties. The empirical analysis shows that positive and negative identification with populist parties is driven by different understandings of democracy: While individuals who are less inclined to liberal democracy but more to direct democracy and authoritarian forms of rule are more likely to sympathise with populist parties, the opposite understanding of democracy predicts opposition to both left-wing and right-wing populists. These findings demonstrate that citizens with positive and negative partisanship towards populist parties are divided in their interpretations about both the conceptual meaning and the normative functioning of democracy.","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":"46 1","pages":"1235 - 1263"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45014472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-11DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2202981
Adam Holesch, P. Zagórski
Abstract Following the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the ‘democratic backslider’ parties in Hungary (Fidesz) and Poland (Law and Justice) took differing stances on Russia, bringing their positions on the Rule of Law (RoL) conflict and within the broader alliance of Populist Radical Right (PRR) parties into question. Building on and advancing the theoretical framework of democratic backsliding and PRR party cooperation, this article assesses the impact of exogenous shocks triggered by external authoritarian actors on these types of collaborations. A detailed examination of the voting patterns of Fidesz, Law and Justice and other PRR parties in the European Parliament (EP) is undertaken, and their stances towards Russia and the RoL conflict before and after the invasion are weighed. The findings show that the invasion did not influence the dynamics of democratic backsliding. Despite the rhetoric, it actually brought Fidesz and Law and Justice closer together. While the attack led to a convergence of assertiveness towards Russia among the PRR parties, the Putin regime remains a divisive issue within the PRR family. The different positions towards Russia did not affect the support of PRRs for the backsliders.
摘要2022年俄罗斯全面入侵乌克兰后，匈牙利（Fidesz）和波兰（Law and Justice）的“民主倒退”政党对俄罗斯采取了不同的立场，使他们在法治冲突和民粹主义激进右翼政党更广泛联盟中的立场受到质疑。本文在民主倒退和PRR政党合作的理论框架的基础上，评估了外部威权行为者引发的外部冲击对这些类型合作的影响。对欧洲议会中青民盟、法律与正义党和其他PRR政党的投票模式进行了详细审查，并权衡了他们在入侵前后对俄罗斯和RoL冲突的立场。调查结果表明，入侵并没有影响民主倒退的动力。尽管花言巧语，但它实际上拉近了青民盟与法律与正义的距离。虽然这次袭击导致PRR政党对俄罗斯的自信趋于一致，但普京政权仍然是PRR家族内部的一个分裂问题。对俄罗斯的不同立场并没有影响PRR对倒退者的支持。
{"title":"Toxic friend? The impact of the Russian invasion on democratic backsliding and PRR cooperation in Europe","authors":"Adam Holesch, P. Zagórski","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2202981","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2202981","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Following the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the ‘democratic backslider’ parties in Hungary (Fidesz) and Poland (Law and Justice) took differing stances on Russia, bringing their positions on the Rule of Law (RoL) conflict and within the broader alliance of Populist Radical Right (PRR) parties into question. Building on and advancing the theoretical framework of democratic backsliding and PRR party cooperation, this article assesses the impact of exogenous shocks triggered by external authoritarian actors on these types of collaborations. A detailed examination of the voting patterns of Fidesz, Law and Justice and other PRR parties in the European Parliament (EP) is undertaken, and their stances towards Russia and the RoL conflict before and after the invasion are weighed. The findings show that the invasion did not influence the dynamics of democratic backsliding. Despite the rhetoric, it actually brought Fidesz and Law and Justice closer together. While the attack led to a convergence of assertiveness towards Russia among the PRR parties, the Putin regime remains a divisive issue within the PRR family. The different positions towards Russia did not affect the support of PRRs for the backsliders.","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":"46 1","pages":"1178 - 1204"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44352032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-02DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2200328
H. Bäck, Johan Hellström, J. Lindvall, Jan Teorell
Abstract During the past decade, many parliamentary democracies have experienced bargaining delays when forming governments. The previous literature has attributed protracted government formation processes to a high degree of preference uncertainty among the political parties and a high level of bargaining complexity. The article draws on such theories, but also adds a third theoretical mechanism, commitment problems, and highlights two explanatory variables that have not received much attention so far. The first is pre-electoral coalitions, which are declarations by parties stating that they intend to collaborate with each other after the election. The second is familiarity, which is the mutual trust between parties that comes from having worked together in the past. By combining a large-N study of government formation processes in 17 West European parliamentary democracies (1945–2019) with an in-depth case study of the prolonged Swedish government formation process in 2018–2019, it is shown that pre-electoral coalitions that fail to win a majority can sometimes delay, not speed up, government formation. In addition, a lack of familiarity may sometimes lead to a breakdown of negotiations and drawn-out government formation processes.
{"title":"Pre-electoral coalitions, familiarity, and delays in government formation","authors":"H. Bäck, Johan Hellström, J. Lindvall, Jan Teorell","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2200328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2200328","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract During the past decade, many parliamentary democracies have experienced bargaining delays when forming governments. The previous literature has attributed protracted government formation processes to a high degree of preference uncertainty among the political parties and a high level of bargaining complexity. The article draws on such theories, but also adds a third theoretical mechanism, commitment problems, and highlights two explanatory variables that have not received much attention so far. The first is pre-electoral coalitions, which are declarations by parties stating that they intend to collaborate with each other after the election. The second is familiarity, which is the mutual trust between parties that comes from having worked together in the past. By combining a large-N study of government formation processes in 17 West European parliamentary democracies (1945–2019) with an in-depth case study of the prolonged Swedish government formation process in 2018–2019, it is shown that pre-electoral coalitions that fail to win a majority can sometimes delay, not speed up, government formation. In addition, a lack of familiarity may sometimes lead to a breakdown of negotiations and drawn-out government formation processes.","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47211924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-02DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2191104
Marc Sanjaume‐Calvet, Daniel Cetrà, Núria Franco-Guillén
{"title":"Leaving Europe, leaving Spain: comparing secessionism from and within the European Union","authors":"Marc Sanjaume‐Calvet, Daniel Cetrà, Núria Franco-Guillén","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2191104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2191104","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46607771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-28DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2199247
Esra Issever-Ekinci
{"title":"Party competition and electoral reforms: why do governments initiate a reform?","authors":"Esra Issever-Ekinci","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2199247","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2199247","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47835519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-25DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2197330
Marie‐Ève Bélanger, S. Lavenex
Abstract In public health crisis governance, effective communication has been shown to move people from awareness to compliance. This article examines the effectiveness of the communication strategy developed by stakeholders in the European multi-level governance during the COVID-19 pandemic. An original dataset of over 40,000 tweets from 65 actors in Switzerland, France, the UK, the EU and the UN is used to measure the timeliness, consistency and connectivity of tweets about mobility restrictions in the first phase of the pandemic. Analysis shows that the discourse surrounding mobility restrictions gradually becomes more politicised after an initial phase of high consistency and connectivity among actors. Additionally, low inter-level connectivity suggests a lack of coordination across governance levels, despite a strong consistency in the message. The study concludes that this pattern of communication could worsen the rising infodemic issue.
{"title":"Justifying mobility restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic: a test in multilevel governance","authors":"Marie‐Ève Bélanger, S. Lavenex","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2197330","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2197330","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In public health crisis governance, effective communication has been shown to move people from awareness to compliance. This article examines the effectiveness of the communication strategy developed by stakeholders in the European multi-level governance during the COVID-19 pandemic. An original dataset of over 40,000 tweets from 65 actors in Switzerland, France, the UK, the EU and the UN is used to measure the timeliness, consistency and connectivity of tweets about mobility restrictions in the first phase of the pandemic. Analysis shows that the discourse surrounding mobility restrictions gradually becomes more politicised after an initial phase of high consistency and connectivity among actors. Additionally, low inter-level connectivity suggests a lack of coordination across governance levels, despite a strong consistency in the message. The study concludes that this pattern of communication could worsen the rising infodemic issue.","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":"46 1","pages":"1343 - 1368"},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43596711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2184124
J. Pollex, Eva Ruffing
Abstract The European Union has developed an ambitious tobacco policy regime. However, this area shows striking differences in national implementation. Although existing research points to some explanations for member state differences, there is still only limited understanding regarding drivers of differentiated implementation. In this study, a method of difference is followed and the article investigates two cases of ‘high performers’ (United Kingdom, Ireland) and two cases of ‘laggards’ (Germany, Austria). In order to explain the differences regarding tobacco control strictness, three explanatory approaches are combined. First, taking a party differences approach, an in-depth analysis of the party positions is conducted, using Comparative Manifesto Data. Second, using a functional approach, policy implementation is assumed to be influenced by portfolio allocation. If the competence for implementing policy lies with economic or agricultural departments, a more liberal approach is expected than if it lies with the health department. Third, a turf approach is used: if the health department has the sole competence for the implementation, stricter (and also more dynamic) regulation is expected than if two or more departments must reach a consensus. Combining administrative science and politics approaches in an innovative way, the article provides novel insights on differentiated implementation.
{"title":"New avenues in implementation research: departmental and partisan struggles in tobacco control","authors":"J. Pollex, Eva Ruffing","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2184124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2184124","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The European Union has developed an ambitious tobacco policy regime. However, this area shows striking differences in national implementation. Although existing research points to some explanations for member state differences, there is still only limited understanding regarding drivers of differentiated implementation. In this study, a method of difference is followed and the article investigates two cases of ‘high performers’ (United Kingdom, Ireland) and two cases of ‘laggards’ (Germany, Austria). In order to explain the differences regarding tobacco control strictness, three explanatory approaches are combined. First, taking a party differences approach, an in-depth analysis of the party positions is conducted, using Comparative Manifesto Data. Second, using a functional approach, policy implementation is assumed to be influenced by portfolio allocation. If the competence for implementing policy lies with economic or agricultural departments, a more liberal approach is expected than if it lies with the health department. Third, a turf approach is used: if the health department has the sole competence for the implementation, stricter (and also more dynamic) regulation is expected than if two or more departments must reach a consensus. Combining administrative science and politics approaches in an innovative way, the article provides novel insights on differentiated implementation.","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43782275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-13DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2192083
G. Malet, Stefanie Walter
{"title":"Have your cake and eat it, too? Switzerland and the feasibility of differentiated integration after Brexit","authors":"G. Malet, Stefanie Walter","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2192083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2192083","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45428148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-13DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2023.2193492
A. Pedrazzani, F. Zucchini
Abstract Not all governments survive until the next scheduled election. Some are replaced during their term in office by executives with a different party composition and/or portfolio distribution. Others are able to be ‘reborn’ as the successor government, undergoing only minimal changes. Such variation has to date received scant attention in studies on government durability. By classifying non-electoral replacements according to the degree of ministerial turnover, this article shows that new cabinets are often similar to their predecessors. It hypothesises that the likelihood of this pattern occurring is greater: when members of the current cabinet face bargaining problems in forming a very different cabinet, as in the case of surplus (unnecessary) parties in oversized coalitions; when the policy distance between the parliamentary median party and the current opposition widens; and when the executive’s economic performance discourages opposition parties from forming new coalitions with some incumbent parties. The risk of experiencing different types of replacement is estimated using data on Western European cabinets (1946–2021). Consistent with the hypotheses, the results indicate that governments are able to return to power almost untouched after their termination if they are oversized, if the opposition is far from the legislative median voter, and if inflation grows during a government’s tenure.
{"title":"Dying, surviving death, and reincarnating: differences in government replacements and their explanation","authors":"A. Pedrazzani, F. Zucchini","doi":"10.1080/01402382.2023.2193492","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2023.2193492","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Not all governments survive until the next scheduled election. Some are replaced during their term in office by executives with a different party composition and/or portfolio distribution. Others are able to be ‘reborn’ as the successor government, undergoing only minimal changes. Such variation has to date received scant attention in studies on government durability. By classifying non-electoral replacements according to the degree of ministerial turnover, this article shows that new cabinets are often similar to their predecessors. It hypothesises that the likelihood of this pattern occurring is greater: when members of the current cabinet face bargaining problems in forming a very different cabinet, as in the case of surplus (unnecessary) parties in oversized coalitions; when the policy distance between the parliamentary median party and the current opposition widens; and when the executive’s economic performance discourages opposition parties from forming new coalitions with some incumbent parties. The risk of experiencing different types of replacement is estimated using data on Western European cabinets (1946–2021). Consistent with the hypotheses, the results indicate that governments are able to return to power almost untouched after their termination if they are oversized, if the opposition is far from the legislative median voter, and if inflation grows during a government’s tenure.","PeriodicalId":48213,"journal":{"name":"West European Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48747881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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