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Red Hot City: Housing, Race, and Exclusion in Twenty-First-Century Atlanta 《红火城市:21世纪亚特兰大的住房、种族和排斥
IF 5.6 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2023-04-11 DOI: 10.1080/01944363.2023.2194810
Deirdre Pfeiffer
entists, historians, and planners who care about immigrant integration, civil society, and community development. Moreover, because the book is published open access (and freely and permanently available online), I highly recommend it for both undergraduate or graduate classes. I will use the book to animate discussions about what sanctuary means for people who have fled dangerous situations in their homelands and arrived in places where their safety is far from guaranteed. And, just as Vitiello provocatively invites readers of the book to consider, we will grapple with what is owed to newcomers who become part of the social fabric of the places they live and work in.
关心移民融合、公民社会和社区发展的物理学家、历史学家和规划者。此外,因为这本书是开放获取的(并且可以在网上免费永久获取),我强烈推荐给本科生和研究生。我将用这本书来激发人们的讨论,即对于那些逃离祖国的危险处境,来到安全远未得到保障的地方的人来说,庇护意味着什么。而且,正如维蒂洛在书中挑衅地邀请读者思考的那样,我们将努力解决新来者的问题,他们成为他们生活和工作的地方的社会结构的一部分。
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引用次数: 2
Walkable Neighborhoods 可步行街区
IF 5.6 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2023-04-11 DOI: 10.1080/01944363.2022.2123382
Kevin M. Leyden, Michael J. Hogan, Lorraine D’Arcy, Brendan Bunting, Sebastiaan Bierema
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引用次数: 0
Planning for Water Security in Southeast Asia: Community-Based Infrastructure During the Urban Transition 东南亚水安全规划:城市转型时期基于社区的基础设施
IF 5.6 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2023-04-10 DOI: 10.1080/01944363.2023.2190277
N. Subramanyam
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引用次数: 0
Yes to the City: Millennials and the Fight for Affordable Housing 支持城市:千禧一代与经济适用房之争
IF 5.6 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2023-04-10 DOI: 10.1080/01944363.2023.2190275
Gregg Colburn
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引用次数: 1
Collateral Damages: Landlords and the Urban Housing Crisis 附带损害:房东和城市住房危机
IF 5.6 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2023-04-10 DOI: 10.1080/01944363.2023.2190276
Elizabeth J. Mueller
may reach an equilibrium state in some environments: A climax forest is a good example, where individual species may remain unchanged for thousands of years. However, to do so requires environmental equilibrium, which is not currently the case for cities or humans. In fact, cities have changed constantly for as long as they have existed. Woolf’s insight may shed light on what is to come, but conclusions are not self-evident. Instead, his framework raises more questions: Is there an upper limit to city size? What can the environment support? Demographers tell us that our planet’s human population may be approaching a maximum. Environmental pressures will most likely encourage larger city forms. Woolf challenges us to think harder, and longer term, about these issues. The long-term case study aspect is what sets Woolf’s book apart from conventional discussions in the planning of urban development. As an ancient historian, Woolf masterfully draws on textual and archaeological evidence to consider the widest possible scope of urbanism: cities as they grow and shrink, reorganize, and re-emerge. Whereas Part I sets out the evolutionary framework and offers examples of both successes and failures of emergent cities, Parts II through IV balance the details of individual urban histories with his interest in the larger evolutionary patterns. In Part II, Woolf describes early urban growth in the Mediterranean from the Aegean Bronze Age through the 4th century BCE. He focuses on the rise of the Greek city-state model, though he provides contemporary comparisons across the Mediterranean. Part III turns to the Roman Empire, particularly the relationship between urban form and imperial power. Cities offered structure—physical space, governmental organization, social norms—that was essential to exerting imperial control and the success of the Roman Empire. Finally, in Part IV, he looks at deurbanization and the resilience of urbanism. Woolf contrasts the greatest megacities, drawing on resources from across the Mediterranean, with the post-classical shift to smaller, regional cities as the empire fragmented. Despite—or perhaps because of—the political, economic, and social challenges, the core cities of the Mediterranean transformed into a different sort of urban in the post-classical period and continued to evolve into the places we know today. Although the specificity of data from the ancient world leaves much to be desired by modern standards— population size and total city area are frequently ballpark estimates, at best—Woolf’s study of the ancient Mediterranean offers an unmatched opportunity to explore what happens with evolutionary successes, when new and better systems emerge, and what failure might look like. The issues of urban failure and long-term resilience are perhaps his most important lessons as we look to a future of cities that must respond to environmental, political, and social challenges. Woolf cautions that we cannot map the post-industrial
在某些环境中可能达到平衡状态:顶极森林就是一个很好的例子,其中单个物种可能在数千年内保持不变。然而,要做到这一点需要环境平衡,而目前城市或人类都不是这样。事实上,城市在其存在的时间里一直在变化。伍尔夫的真知灼见也许能揭示未来,但结论并非不言自明。相反,他的框架提出了更多的问题:城市规模有上限吗?环境可以支持什么?人口学家告诉我们,地球上的人口数量可能正在接近最大值。环境压力很可能会鼓励更大的城市形态。伍尔夫要求我们对这些问题进行更深入、更长远的思考。长期的案例研究使伍尔夫的书有别于城市发展规划中的传统讨论。作为一名古代历史学家,伍尔夫巧妙地利用文本和考古证据来考虑城市主义的最广泛范围:城市在成长、收缩、重组和重新出现时。第一部分阐述了进化框架,并提供了新兴城市成功与失败的例子,而第二部分至第四部分则平衡了个体城市历史的细节与他对更大进化模式的兴趣。在第二部分中,伍尔夫描述了从爱琴海青铜时代到公元前4世纪地中海的早期城市发展。他关注希腊城邦模式的兴起,尽管他提供了地中海地区的当代比较。第三部分介绍罗马帝国,特别是城市形态与帝国权力的关系。城市提供了结构——物理空间、政府组织、社会规范——这对帝国的控制和罗马帝国的成功至关重要。最后,在第四部分中,他考察了去城市化和城市化的弹性。伍尔夫将利用地中海各地资源的最伟大的特大城市与帝国分裂后向较小的地区城市的后古典主义转变进行了对比。尽管——或者可能是因为——政治、经济和社会挑战,地中海的核心城市在后古典时期转变为一种不同的城市,并继续演变成我们今天所知道的地方。尽管按照现代标准,来自古代世界的数据的特异性还有很多不足之处——人口规模和城市总面积通常充其量只是粗略的估计——但伍尔夫对古代地中海的研究提供了一个无与伦比的机会,可以探索进化成功后会发生什么,何时出现新的更好的系统,以及失败可能是什么样子。在我们展望必须应对环境、政治和社会挑战的城市未来时,城市失败和长期韧性问题可能是他最重要的教训。伍尔夫警告说,我们不能将后工业时代的城市经验映射到古代世界的城市中,我们的城市主义与过去截然不同。然而,尽管现代技术取得了巨大进步,但人类在城市中的生活体验,与周围的景观相比,更密集、更大、更多样,保持了一些基本的相似性。几千年前的城市无法模拟未来,但它们确实反映了当今的问题,为人类的基本反应提供了见解。这取决于我们是强迫改变还是保持更大进化模式的一部分。
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引用次数: 1
Race, Space, and Trauma 种族、空间和创伤
IF 5.6 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2023-04-07 DOI: 10.1080/01944363.2023.2165530
Elizabeth L. Sweet, Elsie Harper-Anderson
Abstract Problem, research strategy, and findings Discriminatory planning decisions and practices, guided by dominant White spatial imaginaries, result in physical, economic, and culturally racialized spaces of trauma, contributing to the unjust destruction of Black and Brown communities. The continuous cycle of planning injustice coupled with economic and physical neglect by planning in communities of color has amounted to what some scholars call slow violence. The healing process from slow violence requires planers to acknowledge, refuse, redo, and repair the harm they caused. We use two case studies from Richmond (VA) and Norristown (PA) as exemplars of healing justice through community accountability (CA). These cases illustrate how community groups are reclaiming their spaces, authentically telling their stories, and engaging in physical, economic, corporal, and cultural healing: moving from spaces of trauma toward healing justice. Unlike systems driven by the White spatial imaginary that have historically resulted in racist policies and programs such as urban renewal and broader global forces such as structural adjustment, CA encourages community-led solutions to problems caused by planners. Takeaway for practice Urban planners can reimagine their role in creating livable, sustainable spaces by centering healing (and justice) as core objectives in their work. Supporting and engaging communities with a CA framework must begin with acknowledging and truth-telling about past and present harms. Planners must ground their work in spatial imaginaries that reflect the values, needs, and cultures of the people and communities they serve. They must also play an active role in repairing physical, economic, and emotional harms using their influence and resources to dismantle the mechanisms (policies and practices) that created the racial spatial trauma. Engaging these communities in development decisions and codifying planning practices that reduce harm and ensure belonging can promote economic sustainability.
在白人主导的空间想象的指导下,歧视性的规划决策和实践导致了物理、经济和文化上种族化的创伤空间,助长了黑人和棕色人种社区的不公正破坏。规划不公的持续循环,加上有色人种社区的规划在经济和物质上的忽视,已经形成了一些学者所说的“缓慢暴力”。缓慢暴力的愈合过程需要规划者承认、拒绝、重做和修复他们造成的伤害。我们使用里士满(弗吉尼亚州)和诺里斯敦(宾夕法尼亚州)的两个案例研究作为通过社区问责(CA)治愈正义的范例。这些案例说明了社区团体如何夺回自己的空间,真实地讲述自己的故事,并参与身体、经济、身体和文化的治疗:从创伤空间走向治愈正义。不同于由白人空间想象驱动的系统,历史上导致了种族主义政策和项目,如城市更新和更广泛的全球力量,如结构调整,CA鼓励社区主导解决规划者造成的问题。城市规划者可以通过将治愈(和正义)作为其工作的核心目标,重新构想他们在创造宜居、可持续空间中的角色。用CA框架支持和吸引社区必须从承认和讲述过去和现在的危害开始。规划者必须将他们的工作建立在空间想象的基础上,这些空间想象反映了他们所服务的人群和社区的价值观、需求和文化。他们还必须在修复身体、经济和情感伤害方面发挥积极作用,利用其影响力和资源拆除造成种族空间创伤的机制(政策和做法)。让这些社区参与发展决策并将减少伤害和确保归属感的规划实践纳入法律,可以促进经济的可持续性。
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引用次数: 0
From Infrastructural Repair to Reparative Planning 从基础设施维修到修复规划
IF 5.6 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2023-04-07 DOI: 10.1080/01944363.2023.2181851
L. Song, Elifmina Mizrahi
Abstract Problem, research strategy, and findings Planners face great urgency to account for the field’s entanglement with White supremacy and rebuild from harm. Yet the actual practice of reparative planning in political communities still mired in racial inequalities and public institutions entangled in the production of racialized space is hardly straightforward. Anti-racist reckonings and reparations measures occurring within institutionalized venues are necessary starting points for reparative planning that can be further supplemented and amplified by anti-racist struggles and social practices in different arenas. Using a multimethod research design combining direct participation and nonparticipant observation with document-based research using primary and secondary sources and interviews, this case study of Alliance for Community Transit–Los Angeles (ACT-LA) explores infrastructural systems as key areas of racial harm, focal points of anti-racist resistance, and keystones for reparative planning. The substantive analysis focuses on ACT-LA’s Reimagining Safety initiative, which seeks to replace Los Angeles Metropolitan Transportation Agency’s racialized policing practices with public investments in community-based systems of safety. Case findings help expand points of entry and paths for reparative planning, inform strategies by planners embracing the reparative turn, and strengthen connections between community-based mobilizations and reparative planning. Takeaway for practice Planners can advocate for institutionalized and social practices of reparative planning in the issue areas, sectors, and organizations in which we work, in solidarity with the reparations movement and other anti-racist struggles.
摘要问题、研究策略和研究结果规划者面临着解释该领域与白人至上主义纠缠并从伤害中重建的巨大紧迫性。然而,在仍然深陷种族不平等和公共机构与种族化空间的生产纠缠不清的政治社区中,补偿性规划的实际实践很难直截了当。在制度化场所内进行的反种族主义清算和赔偿措施是修复规划的必要起点,可以通过不同领域的反种族主义斗争和社会实践进一步补充和扩大。洛杉矶社区交通联盟(ACT-LA)的案例研究采用多方法研究设计,将直接参与和非参与观察与基于文献的研究结合起来,利用第一手资料和二手资料以及访谈,探讨了基础设施系统作为种族危害的关键领域、反种族主义抵抗的焦点和修复规划的关键。实质性分析侧重于ACT-LA的“重塑安全”倡议,该倡议旨在通过对社区安全系统的公共投资取代洛杉矶大都会交通局的种族化警务实践。案例调查结果有助于扩大修复规划的切入点和路径,为接受修复转向的规划者提供战略信息,并加强社区动员与修复规划之间的联系。规划人员可以在我们工作的问题领域、部门和组织中倡导制度化和社会实践的修复规划,与赔偿运动和其他反种族主义斗争团结一致。
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引用次数: 1
The Right to Dignity: Housing Struggles, City Making, and Citizenship in Urban Chile 尊严的权利:智利城市的住房斗争、城市建设和公民身份
IF 5.6 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2023-04-06 DOI: 10.1080/01944363.2023.2188102
Andrea Urbina Julio
goods). If this is the case, smaller cities could also be the core of a more sustainable green world by promoting urban agriculture and urban food systems; for example, through allotments, also called community gardens (Chapter 8). Another possibility is promoting green infrastructure (e.g., redesigning parks so that they absorb runoff). Currently, about 200 American cities have community land trusts that take over properties made available by tax foreclosures, maintain them (often as green spaces), and then spin off the plots for more productive uses such as affordable housing. Planners could also help reverse the brain drain from smaller cities and rural areas and workers by attracting professionals from cities, who would remain connected remotely. However, attracting remote workers will require making these towns and cities more livable (Chapter 9). Small-city planners could learn from big-city place-making efforts, public murals, and public realms in the form of piazzas/plazas. For shrinking cities to stabilize, they will need to not only localize their economies but also build consensus, engage diverse communities, and sustain the vision over many years (Chapter 10). Achieving these goals will be tough, however. Decisions about the future are constrained by decisions made in the past (e.g., large and small cities have been overreliant on convention centers to solve economic problems). In addition, many small cities lack the capacity to plan or to carry out other than maintenance activities. Furthermore, American cities have “few if any organizational or institutional forums that bring people together across racial, ethnic, or cultural divides or [even] public spaces that are shared by diverse populations...” (p. 272). Despite these challenges, Mallach is sanguine about the prospects for the future of shrinking cities. I hope he is right. Smaller Cities in a Shrinking World has no significant flaws but has two standout strengths: clear, passionate writing and numerous valuable, programmatic suggestions for small-city stabilization from around the world. It is one of the most important planning books to come out in recent years.
商品)。如果是这样的话,小城市也可以通过促进城市农业和城市粮食系统,成为更可持续的绿色世界的核心;例如,通过分配,也称为社区花园(第8章)。另一种可能性是促进绿色基础设施(例如,重新设计公园,使其吸收径流)。目前,大约有200个美国城市拥有社区土地信托,这些信托接管了因税收取消抵押品赎回权而提供的房产,并对其进行维护(通常是绿地),然后将这些地块剥离,用于经济适用房等更具生产性的用途。规划者还可以通过吸引来自城市的专业人员来帮助扭转小城市、农村地区和工人的人才流失,这些专业人员将保持远程联系。然而,吸引远程工作者需要使这些城镇更加宜居(第9章)。小城市规划者可以向大城市的建筑努力、公共壁画和广场形式的公共领域学习。为了使不断缩小的城市稳定下来,它们不仅需要将经济本地化,还需要建立共识,让不同的社区参与进来,并在多年内保持这一愿景(第10章)。然而,实现这些目标将是艰难的。关于未来的决策受到过去决策的约束(例如,大城市和小城市过度依赖会议中心来解决经济问题)。此外,许多小城市缺乏规划或开展维护活动以外的其他活动的能力。此外,美国城市“几乎没有任何组织或机构论坛能够跨越种族、族裔或文化鸿沟将人们聚集在一起,或者[甚至]由不同人群共享的公共空间……”(第272页)。尽管面临这些挑战,马拉赫对城市萎缩的未来前景持乐观态度。我希望他是对的。缩小世界中的小城市没有重大缺陷,但有两个突出的优势:清晰、热情的写作和来自世界各地的许多有价值的小城市稳定纲领性建议。这是近年来出版的最重要的规划书籍之一。
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引用次数: 4
Finding Mutual Benefit in Urban Development 城市发展中的互利共赢
IF 5.6 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2023-04-05 DOI: 10.1080/01944363.2023.2170908
Yinnon Geva, Matti Siemiatycki
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引用次数: 0
“The Past We Step Into and How We Repair It” “我们走进的过去以及我们如何修复它”
IF 5.6 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2023-04-05 DOI: 10.1080/01944363.2022.2154247
R. Williams, Justin P. Steil
Abstract Problem, research strategy, and findings Anti-racist futures in urban and regional planning require repairing the White supremacist harms that have structured our metropolitan areas and patterns of living. What would constitute the appropriate dimensions for a reparative planning practice? Focusing here on the harms of anti-Black racism, answering these questions requires a deep engagement with the rich tradition of Black radical thought and debates in political philosophy and planning theory about urban justice. We begin by engaging with recent discussions in planning theory regarding definitions of urban justice. We then draw from threads of Black radical thought, identifying central insights from and tensions among Black nationalist, Marxist, feminist, abolitionist, and environmental justice movements. From these themes in Black radical thought, we present key dimensions of reparative planning and apply them to three case studies. Takeaway for practice Reparative planning must involve at a minimum at least three dimensions: public recognition, material redistribution, and social and spatial transformation. For this third, transformative dimension, we identify five principles for reparative planning: creating spaces for Black joy, advancing material redistribution, attending to intersectionality, building new democratic institutions grounded in and with the participation of non-elites, and constructing environmentally just futures. In practice, Black-led movements for economic democracy at the local level are creating examples of what grassroots reparative planning could be by creating joyful spaces for dialogue, education, and cultural production; building cooperative, nonextractive financial institutions that are redistributive; developing the capacity for broad, grassroots participatory democracy; designing structures for community control of projects that advance racial equity; and prioritizing efforts that help repair local ecosystems.
摘要问题、研究策略和发现城市和地区规划中的反种族主义未来需要修复构成我们大都市地区和生活模式的白人至上主义危害。修复性规划实践的适当维度是什么?关注反黑人种族主义的危害,回答这些问题需要深入了解黑人激进思想的丰富传统,以及政治哲学和规划理论中关于城市正义的辩论。我们首先参与规划理论中关于城市公正定义的最新讨论。然后,我们从黑人激进思想中汲取线索,确定黑人民族主义、马克思主义、女权主义、废奴主义和环境正义运动的核心见解和紧张关系。从黑人激进思想中的这些主题出发,我们提出了修复性规划的关键维度,并将其应用于三个案例研究。实践收获补偿规划必须至少涉及三个维度:公众认可、物质再分配以及社会和空间转型。对于第三个变革层面,我们确定了五项修复性规划原则:为黑人的欢乐创造空间,推进物质再分配,关注交叉性,建立以非精英为基础并有非精英参与的新民主制度,以及建设环境公正的未来。在实践中,黑人领导的地方经济民主运动通过为对话、教育和文化生产创造欢乐的空间,创造了基层修复性规划的范例;建立具有再分配性质的合作性、非牵引性金融机构;发展广泛的基层参与性民主的能力;设计社区控制促进种族平等项目的结构;优先考虑有助于修复当地生态系统的工作。
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引用次数: 1
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