This paper aims to evaluate existing measurements and propose new ones for foreign policy similarity in international politics, emphasizing the importance of measurement in social science. The indicators designed must align with theoretical concepts and data characteristics to ensure consistency and validity.
{"title":"Concept and measurement: Exploring foreign policy similarity","authors":"Sukwon Lee","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13326","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13326","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to evaluate existing measurements and propose new ones for foreign policy similarity in international politics, emphasizing the importance of measurement in social science. The indicators designed must align with theoretical concepts and data characteristics to ensure consistency and validity.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"96 4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138687974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although studies have linked Christian nationalist beliefs with greater emotional distress, little is known about the potential underlying mechanisms or subgroup variations. Informed by the strain-struggles-distress model and the concept of structural amplification, we tested whether religious/spiritual (R/S) struggles mediate and moderate the association between Christian nationalist beliefs and emotional distress.
{"title":"Christian nationalism, religious struggles, and the structural amplification of emotional distress","authors":"Laura Upenieks, Terrence D. Hill","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13327","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13327","url":null,"abstract":"Although studies have linked Christian nationalist beliefs with greater emotional distress, little is known about the potential underlying mechanisms or subgroup variations. Informed by the strain-struggles-distress model and the concept of structural amplification, we tested whether religious/spiritual (R/S) struggles mediate and moderate the association between Christian nationalist beliefs and emotional distress.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138547272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Timothy P. Johnson, Henning Silber, Jill E. Darling
Anecdotal evidence suggests that the term “pollster” has, in recent years, become stigmatized in the United States. We explore this and a subsequent question as to whether negative perceptions of pollsters affect people's perceived trustworthiness of survey findings.
{"title":"Public perceptions of pollsters in the United States: Experimental evidence","authors":"Timothy P. Johnson, Henning Silber, Jill E. Darling","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13324","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13324","url":null,"abstract":"Anecdotal evidence suggests that the term “pollster” has, in recent years, become stigmatized in the United States. We explore this and a subsequent question as to whether negative perceptions of pollsters affect people's perceived trustworthiness of survey findings.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"61 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138523763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A shift of Latino voters to Republican Party candidates has been observed in recent years. Past research on presidential elections supports the idea that borderlands counties vote differently than other counties in borderlands states and tend to favor Democratic Party candidates. This study explores congressional voting patterns in the Texas borderlands.
{"title":"The determinants of voting for Republican congressional candidates in the Texas borderlands","authors":"Thomas Longoria, Lynne L. Manganaro","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13321","url":null,"abstract":"A shift of Latino voters to Republican Party candidates has been observed in recent years. Past research on presidential elections supports the idea that borderlands counties vote differently than other counties in borderlands states and tend to favor Democratic Party candidates. This study explores congressional voting patterns in the Texas borderlands.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"7 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138523762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As President Gerald Ford drew on his experience as House minority leader to promote what can be characterized New Right Lite. New Right Lite rejects both the increasing conservatism of the Republican Party after 1964 and the continued creation of large federal programs favored by Democrats.
{"title":"Gerald Ford: A minority legislator promoting New Right Lite","authors":"Matthew Gritter","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13317","url":null,"abstract":"As President Gerald Ford drew on his experience as House minority leader to promote what can be characterized New Right Lite. New Right Lite rejects both the increasing conservatism of the Republican Party after 1964 and the continued creation of large federal programs favored by Democrats.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138523782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Background In the last 25 years, conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs have become popular assistance policies across Latin America, Africa, and Asia for combating poverty and building human capital. Despite some success in reaching these goals, questions remain about the wider political effects of CCTs on individuals and communities, especially when considering gendered relationships and the institutions in the countries where CCTs are in place. Objective I investigate the relationship between cash transfers and political participation, while also considering the importance of moderating forces such as gender, program enforcement, and compulsory voting. Methods I use data from AmericasBarometer sourced from the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) and a series of multilevel models to examine the association between CCTs and a wide set of participatory indicators. Results I show CCTs to be robustly associated with higher levels of participation broadly conceived. Results also demonstrate gender and institutional features such as enforced conditions and compulsory voting can attenuate the positive effects of transfers, depending on the form of participation considered. Conclusion Overall, CCTs tend to be strongly associated with political participation. However, CCTs may also reinforce gendered norms of political participation and engagement. Furthermore, the potentially negative associations regarding the enforcement of program conditions are valuable to consider when evaluating the downstream, democratic potential of cash transfer programs.
{"title":"Gender and institutions moderate the relationship between conditional cash transfers and political participation","authors":"Neil S. Williams","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13319","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13319","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Background In the last 25 years, conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs have become popular assistance policies across Latin America, Africa, and Asia for combating poverty and building human capital. Despite some success in reaching these goals, questions remain about the wider political effects of CCTs on individuals and communities, especially when considering gendered relationships and the institutions in the countries where CCTs are in place. Objective I investigate the relationship between cash transfers and political participation, while also considering the importance of moderating forces such as gender, program enforcement, and compulsory voting. Methods I use data from AmericasBarometer sourced from the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) and a series of multilevel models to examine the association between CCTs and a wide set of participatory indicators. Results I show CCTs to be robustly associated with higher levels of participation broadly conceived. Results also demonstrate gender and institutional features such as enforced conditions and compulsory voting can attenuate the positive effects of transfers, depending on the form of participation considered. Conclusion Overall, CCTs tend to be strongly associated with political participation. However, CCTs may also reinforce gendered norms of political participation and engagement. Furthermore, the potentially negative associations regarding the enforcement of program conditions are valuable to consider when evaluating the downstream, democratic potential of cash transfer programs.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"22 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135038161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Objective Physical attractiveness is often studied in relation to various life outcomes, but there is a lack of research on its links to intergenerational educational, occupational, and income mobility. Individuals may use physical attractiveness as one of the channels for experiencing upward or avoiding downward social mobility. Methods Using data about 11,583 individuals from the United States National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, we contribute to the existing scholarship by investigating if physical attractiveness, assessed when individuals are around 15 years old, is an important predictor of intergenerational social mobility measured after 20 years. Results We find that physical attractiveness matters both for males’ and females’ intergenerational social mobility outcomes, but it is more important for males, even when childhood characteristics, such as various aspects of parental socioeconomic position, individuals’ health, a proxy for IQ, neighborhood conditions, and interviewers’ fixed effects, are accounted for using imputed data for observations with missing information. Across three measures of social mobility—education, occupation, and income—physically attractive males are more likely to be socially mobile than males of average attractiveness. Conclusion Physical attractiveness is an independent predictor of intergenerational social mobility outcomes regarding individuals’ educational, occupational, and income attainment.
{"title":"Physical attractiveness and intergenerational social mobility","authors":"Alexi Gugushvili, Grzegorz Bulczak","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13320","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Objective Physical attractiveness is often studied in relation to various life outcomes, but there is a lack of research on its links to intergenerational educational, occupational, and income mobility. Individuals may use physical attractiveness as one of the channels for experiencing upward or avoiding downward social mobility. Methods Using data about 11,583 individuals from the United States National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, we contribute to the existing scholarship by investigating if physical attractiveness, assessed when individuals are around 15 years old, is an important predictor of intergenerational social mobility measured after 20 years. Results We find that physical attractiveness matters both for males’ and females’ intergenerational social mobility outcomes, but it is more important for males, even when childhood characteristics, such as various aspects of parental socioeconomic position, individuals’ health, a proxy for IQ, neighborhood conditions, and interviewers’ fixed effects, are accounted for using imputed data for observations with missing information. Across three measures of social mobility—education, occupation, and income—physically attractive males are more likely to be socially mobile than males of average attractiveness. Conclusion Physical attractiveness is an independent predictor of intergenerational social mobility outcomes regarding individuals’ educational, occupational, and income attainment.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"108 1‐4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135393320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Background Recent Medicaid expansions have rekindled the debate around private insurance “crowd‐out.” Prior research is limited by short‐time horizons and state‐specific analyses. Our study overcomes these limitations by evaluating 20 years of Medicaid expansions across the entire United States. Methods We obtain data from the U.S. Census Bureau for all U.S. states and District of Columbia for private insurance coverage rates of adults 18–64 for years 1999–2019. After estimating a naïve, staggered Two‐way fixed effects difference‐in‐differences regression model, we implement four novel econometric methods to diagnose and overcome threats of bias from staggered designs. We also test for pre‐treatment differential trends and heterogenous effects over time. Results Our findings suggest that Medicaid expansion was associated with a 1.5 percent‐point decline in private insurance rates ( p < 0.001). We also observe significant heterogeneity over time, with estimates peaking 4 years after expansion. Conclusions Medicaid expansions reduced private insurance rates. Future research should assess whether or how this crowd‐out may have affected consumer welfare or government budgets. Recognizing the crowd‐out should enable policymakers to make informed decisions regarding healthcare policy. The importance of a 1‐2 percent‐point crowd‐out, we leave for future research and debate.
{"title":"Medicaid expansions and private insurance “crowd‐out” (1999–2019)","authors":"Jason Semprini","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13318","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Background Recent Medicaid expansions have rekindled the debate around private insurance “crowd‐out.” Prior research is limited by short‐time horizons and state‐specific analyses. Our study overcomes these limitations by evaluating 20 years of Medicaid expansions across the entire United States. Methods We obtain data from the U.S. Census Bureau for all U.S. states and District of Columbia for private insurance coverage rates of adults 18–64 for years 1999–2019. After estimating a naïve, staggered Two‐way fixed effects difference‐in‐differences regression model, we implement four novel econometric methods to diagnose and overcome threats of bias from staggered designs. We also test for pre‐treatment differential trends and heterogenous effects over time. Results Our findings suggest that Medicaid expansion was associated with a 1.5 percent‐point decline in private insurance rates ( p < 0.001). We also observe significant heterogeneity over time, with estimates peaking 4 years after expansion. Conclusions Medicaid expansions reduced private insurance rates. Future research should assess whether or how this crowd‐out may have affected consumer welfare or government budgets. Recognizing the crowd‐out should enable policymakers to make informed decisions regarding healthcare policy. The importance of a 1‐2 percent‐point crowd‐out, we leave for future research and debate.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"23 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136134733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Marion C. Harper, Jamie M. Sommer, John M. Shandra
Abstract Introduction We draw on social contract theory and resource curse literatures to assess the relationship between government revenue composition and forest loss in low‐ and middle‐income nations that collect higher levels of revenues from a broad base of individuals and companies should have less forest loss. Methods We use two‐stage instrumental variable regression models to test how a government's revenue source impacts forest loss for a sample of 83 low‐ and middle‐income nations. Results We find support that low‐ and middle‐income nations that collect more revenue from broad‐based taxes tend to have less forest loss. Conclusion We move the cross‐national research frontier forward by applying insights from the fiscal contract and resource curse literatures to forest loss. We find that a government's revenue source is related to forest loss with low‐ and middle‐income nations that rely more on broad‐based taxes having lower levels of forest loss than revenues collected from other sources including natural resource rents and foreign aid.
{"title":"Government revenue composition and forest loss: A cross‐national study of low‐ and middle‐income nations","authors":"Marion C. Harper, Jamie M. Sommer, John M. Shandra","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13316","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13316","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Introduction We draw on social contract theory and resource curse literatures to assess the relationship between government revenue composition and forest loss in low‐ and middle‐income nations that collect higher levels of revenues from a broad base of individuals and companies should have less forest loss. Methods We use two‐stage instrumental variable regression models to test how a government's revenue source impacts forest loss for a sample of 83 low‐ and middle‐income nations. Results We find support that low‐ and middle‐income nations that collect more revenue from broad‐based taxes tend to have less forest loss. Conclusion We move the cross‐national research frontier forward by applying insights from the fiscal contract and resource curse literatures to forest loss. We find that a government's revenue source is related to forest loss with low‐ and middle‐income nations that rely more on broad‐based taxes having lower levels of forest loss than revenues collected from other sources including natural resource rents and foreign aid.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"228 5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135779103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Objective Many state legislatures have moved to restrict LGBT students’ rights, and the Supreme Court has veered toward greater protection of religious free exercise protection over LGBT nondiscrimination policies. Some studies have found that rights framings are associated with heightened affective and attitudinal polarization, while others have argued that rights framings lead to greater tolerance. Do religious liberties frames affect policy attitudes or group affect? And are some groups’ use of religious liberties frames more persuasive? Methods We utilize data from a survey that experimentally varies candidate statements on inclusion of LGBT issues in schools using a religious liberties frame and by the group asserting religious liberties. We use the experiment to document the extent to which religious liberties framings shift support for restriction of LGBT rights in schools and affect toward religious and LGBT Americans. Results Our analysis suggests there are few direct effects, but that responses to religious liberties frames reflect debates within the parties about morality, social group conflict, and civic nationalism. Conclusion Our results add to the growing literature on religious liberty, and we argue that there is a need to understand why religious liberties frames produce effects in some circumstances but not in others.
{"title":"Religious liberties or reading rainbows? The partisan implications of religious liberties frames in education attitudes","authors":"Brooklyn Walker, Donald P. Haider‐Markel","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13315","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Objective Many state legislatures have moved to restrict LGBT students’ rights, and the Supreme Court has veered toward greater protection of religious free exercise protection over LGBT nondiscrimination policies. Some studies have found that rights framings are associated with heightened affective and attitudinal polarization, while others have argued that rights framings lead to greater tolerance. Do religious liberties frames affect policy attitudes or group affect? And are some groups’ use of religious liberties frames more persuasive? Methods We utilize data from a survey that experimentally varies candidate statements on inclusion of LGBT issues in schools using a religious liberties frame and by the group asserting religious liberties. We use the experiment to document the extent to which religious liberties framings shift support for restriction of LGBT rights in schools and affect toward religious and LGBT Americans. Results Our analysis suggests there are few direct effects, but that responses to religious liberties frames reflect debates within the parties about morality, social group conflict, and civic nationalism. Conclusion Our results add to the growing literature on religious liberty, and we argue that there is a need to understand why religious liberties frames produce effects in some circumstances but not in others.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135759642","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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