Social Science Quarterly最新文献

Panethnic fate unlinked: Who finds the term "Chinese virus" acceptable? 泛民族命运不相关：谁认为“中国病毒”一词可以接受？

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Social Science Quarterly

Pub Date : 2025-03-01 Epub Date: 2025-02-17 DOI: 10.1111/ssqu.13496

Duy Trinh, Milkie Vu

Objective: We explain why some immigrants tolerate or even support discrimination against members of their own panethnic groups. We propose that such attitudes are shaped by an individual's acculturation to both their origin and host cultures. Specifically, acculturation affects susceptibility to discrimination faced by panethnic in-groups and moderates beliefs in panethnic-linked fate and solidarity.

Methods: We conducted an original survey of Vietnamese immigrants in the United States during a surge in anti-Chinese discrimination. The survey assessed perceptions of the discriminatory term "Chinese virus," focusing on variations in cultural identity and language use as dimensions of acculturation.

Results: Respondents with stronger Vietnamese and weaker American acculturation in internal dimensions, such as cultural identity, were more likely to reject the term. Conversely, higher Vietnamese acculturation in external dimensions, such as language use, correlated with greater tolerance of the term. Meanwhile, experiencing discrimination had no significant effect. The findings are robust to alternate model specifications and controls for demographics, nativity, socioeconomic status, partisanship, social support, and negative experiences with the COVID-19 pandemic.

Conclusion: Our findings highlight the complex ways in which acculturation shapes immigrant attitudes toward ethnically charged discrimination, with important implications for understanding panethnic solidarity and responses to prejudice.

目的：我们解释为什么一些移民容忍甚至支持对他们自己的泛种族群体成员的歧视。我们认为，这种态度是由个人对其原籍文化和东道国文化的文化适应所形成的。具体而言，文化适应影响了泛民族内部群体对歧视的敏感性，并缓和了对泛民族命运和团结的信念。方法：我们对反华歧视激增期间在美国的越南移民进行了一项原始调查。该调查评估了人们对“中国病毒”这个歧视性术语的看法，重点关注文化认同和语言使用的变化，作为文化适应的维度。结果：在文化认同等内在维度上越文化适应程度越强、美国文化适应程度越弱的被调查者更有可能拒绝这个词。相反，越南文化在语言使用等外部维度上的适应程度越高，对这个词的容忍度就越高。与此同时，经历过歧视的学生对学业成绩的影响不显著。这些发现对于人口统计学、出生、社会经济地位、党派关系、社会支持和COVID-19大流行的负面经历的替代模型规范和控制是稳健的。结论：我们的研究结果突出了文化适应影响移民对种族歧视态度的复杂方式，对理解泛民族团结和对偏见的反应具有重要意义。

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引用次数: 0

An advanced learning approach for detecting sarcasm in social media posts: Theory and solutions 检测社交媒体帖子中讽刺内容的高级学习方法：理论与解决方案

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Social Science Quarterly

Pub Date : 2024-09-17 DOI: 10.1111/ssqu.13442

Pradeep Kumar Roy

ObjectiveUsers of social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter can view and share their daily life events through text, photographs, or videos. These platforms receive many sarcastic posts daily because there were fewer limits on what could be posted. The presence of multiple languages and media types in a single post makes it harder to identify sarcastic messages on the current platform than on posts written solely in English.MethodsThis study provides both the theory and solutions about sarcastic post detection on social platforms. Hindi–English code‐mixed data were used to train and test the automated models for sarcasm detection. The models in this study were constructed using traditional machine learning, deep neural networks, LSTM (long short‐term memory), CNN (convolutional neural network), and the combinations of BERT (Bidirectional Encoder Representations from Transformers) with LSTM.ResultsThe experimental results confirm that in the Hindi–English code‐mixed data set, the CNN, LSTM, and BERT‐LSTM ensemble perform best for sarcasm detection. The proposed model achieved an accuracy of 96.29 percent and outperformed by 2.29 percent compared to the existing models.ConclusionThe performance of the proposed system strengthens the code‐mixed sarcastic post detection on social platforms. The model will help filter not only English but also Hindi‐English code‐mixed sarcastic posts on social platforms.

目标Facebook、Instagram 和 Twitter 等社交媒体平台的用户可以通过文字、照片或视频查看和分享他们的日常生活事件。由于对发布内容的限制较少，这些平台每天都会收到许多讽刺性帖子。与仅用英语撰写的帖子相比，单个帖子中存在多种语言和媒体类型使得在当前平台上识别讽刺信息变得更加困难。方法本研究提供了有关社交平台上讽刺帖子检测的理论和解决方案。本研究使用印地语-英语代码混合数据来训练和测试讽刺检测的自动模型。本研究中的模型采用了传统机器学习、深度神经网络、LSTM（长短期记忆）、CNN（卷积神经网络）以及 BERT（来自变压器的双向编码器表示）与 LSTM 的组合。提出的模型准确率达到 96.29%，比现有模型高出 2.29%。结论：提出的系统性能增强了对社交平台上混合代码讽刺帖子的检测。该模型不仅有助于过滤英语帖子，还有助于过滤社交平台上的印地语-英语混合编码讽刺帖子。

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引用次数: 0

Not ready to make nice: Congressional candidates’ emotional appeals on Twitter 还没准备好友好相处：国会候选人在推特上的情感诉求

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Social Science Quarterly

Pub Date : 2024-09-17 DOI: 10.1111/ssqu.13439

Annelise Russell, Heather K. Evans, Bryan Gervais

ObjectiveCongressional candidates use digital platforms to bolster and define their political reputation, and political stalemates over inflation, reproductive rights, and the lasting impact of Trump politics are fueling candidates’ emotionally charged rhetoric on Twitter, especially for women. Against the backdrop of President Donald Trump's presidency and the #MeToo movement, previous research has shown that women running for Congress are leading with angry rhetoric on Twitter. In this article, we ask whether anger is a persistent feature of women's digital appeals on Twitter over time.MethodUsing a data set of tweets by candidates for the U.S. House from 2016 to 2022, we highlight the escalating anger in the emotional appeals candidates make on Twitter and the resiliency of angry rhetoric as a modern feature of political Twitter.ResultsWe find that women, most notably Democratic candidates, are more likely to convey angry emotions on Twitter, not only matching male colleagues but defying gendered social stereotypes to turn frustration into a valuable political asset. Across the four last congressional elections, women have averaged more angry words in their digital appeals, with that anger as a consistent facet of how women engage online. Women are leaning into angry emotional appeals and adopting a negative appeal in their digital engagement that highlights their policy and political frustrations for voters.

目的国会议员候选人利用数字平台来提高和界定自己的政治声誉，而在通货膨胀、生育权和特朗普政治的持久影响等问题上的政治僵局正在助长候选人在推特上的情绪化言论，尤其是对女性而言。在唐纳德-特朗普（Donald Trump）担任总统和 #MeToo 运动的背景下，以往的研究表明，竞选国会议员的女性在 Twitter 上以愤怒的言论为主导。方法我们利用美国众议院候选人从 2016 年到 2022 年的推特数据集，强调了候选人在推特上情感诉求中不断升级的愤怒情绪，以及愤怒言论作为政治推特的现代特征所具有的弹性。结果我们发现，女性候选人，尤其是民主党候选人，更有可能在推特上表达愤怒的情绪，不仅与男性同事不相上下，而且还打破了性别社会陈规，将挫败感转化为宝贵的政治资产。在最近四次国会选举中，女性在数字诉求中平均使用了更多愤怒的字眼，愤怒是女性参与网络的一贯表现。女性倾向于愤怒的情感诉求，并在数字参与中采用负面诉求，向选民强调她们在政策和政治上的挫败感。

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引用次数: 0

Attitudes toward abortion legality and abortion regulation: Insights from a nationally representative study 对堕胎合法性和堕胎监管的态度：一项全国代表性研究的启示

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Social Science Quarterly

Pub Date : 2024-09-17 DOI: 10.1111/ssqu.13443

Kristen N. Jozkowski, Brandon L. Crawford, Amelia Hawbaker, Erik Parker, Lilian Golzarri Arroyo, Ronna C. Turner

ObjectiveNational public opinion polls and surveys use different questions from one another to assess people's abortion attitudes. We included commonly asked abortion attitude items on a single survey to examine people's attitudes toward abortion legality and abortion restriction to create profiles of people which we then compared across state groups. Concurrently assessing attitudes toward both abortion legality and restrictions is important given the changing abortion legislative climate in the United States.MethodWe administered an online survey to U.S. adults (n = 919) via Ipsos probability panel and used latent class analysis to identify classes of participants. Then, we used multinominal logistic regression to make state‐level comparisons.ResultsWe identified three classes: (1) 35.0 percent—abortion should be illegal/more restricted, (2) 35.1 percent—abortion should be legal/laws should reflect the status quo, and (3) 29.9 percent—abortion should be legal/more available. Trigger‐law states comprise the largest proportion of people who think abortion should be illegal/more restricted, whereas states without trigger laws comprise similar proportions of people from all three classes.ConclusionConcurrently measuring whether people believe abortion should be legal and the extent it should be restricted can provide a more comprehensive understanding of people's attitudes and demonstrates important state‐level nuances in attitudes.

目标全国性民意测验和调查使用不同的问题来评估人们对堕胎的态度。我们在一项调查中加入了堕胎态度的常见问题，以考察人们对堕胎合法性和堕胎限制的态度，从而建立人们的档案，然后在各州组之间进行比较。鉴于美国不断变化的堕胎立法环境，同时评估人们对堕胎合法性和限制性的态度非常重要。方法我们通过益普索概率面板对美国成年人（n = 919）进行了在线调查，并使用潜类分析来确定参与者的类别。结果我们确定了三个等级：（1）35.0%的人认为堕胎应该是非法的/受到更多限制；（2）35.1%的人认为堕胎应该是合法的/法律应该反映现状；（3）29.9%的人认为堕胎应该是合法的/更容易获得。同时测量人们是否认为堕胎应该合法以及应该在多大程度上限制堕胎，可以更全面地了解人们的态度，并显示出各州在态度上的重要细微差别。

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引用次数: 0

Domains of baseless belief and the characteristics of believers 无端信仰的领域和信徒的特征

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Social Science Quarterly

Pub Date : 2024-09-17 DOI: 10.1111/ssqu.13448

Douglas D. Roscoe, Amy M. Shapiro, Brian Ayotte

ObjectiveAn extensive literature examines the prevalence of conspiracy theories and the factors that determine why some people believe them. Conspiracy theories are only one example of baseless beliefs, which we define as beliefs that are not epistemically warranted by the available evidence. The goals of this research were to determine if there are discrete domains of baseless beliefs and to identify the psychological and cognitive factors most closely associated with each type.MethodsWe surveyed 435 U.S. adults about their baseless beliefs and measured an extensive set of cognitive, epistemological, and personal characteristics.ResultsFour distinct domains of baseless belief were discovered, which we label conservative controversies, classic coverups, magical thoughts, and pseudoscience. The data suggest the confidence people have in these beliefs differs across domains and reveal clear differences in the cognitive, epistemological, and personality factors predicting belief in each domain.ConclusionBaseless beliefs encompass a number of distinct domains, and the psychological dynamics underlying belief acquisition vary across these domains. This finding suggests caution in generalizing from studies examining only one domain. The prominent role of conservatism documented in the literature on conspiracy theories, for example, is weaker or not present at all in other domains.

目的大量文献研究了阴谋论的流行以及决定一些人相信阴谋论的因素。阴谋论只是无根据信念的一个例子，我们将无根据信念定义为在认识论上没有现有证据支持的信念。本研究的目标是确定无根据信念是否存在不同的领域，并找出与每种类型最密切相关的心理和认知因素。研究方法我们对 435 名美国成年人进行了关于他们无根据信念的调查，并测量了大量认知、认识论和个人特征。数据表明，人们对这些信念的信心因领域而异，并揭示了预测每个领域信念的认知、认识论和人格因素的明显差异。这一研究结果表明，从仅研究一个领域的研究中进行归纳时要小心谨慎。例如，在有关阴谋论的文献中记载的保守主义的突出作用，在其他领域就比较弱或根本不存在。

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引用次数: 0

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Social Science Quarterly

Pub Date : 2024-09-13 DOI: 10.1111/ssqu.13441

Susan M. Sterett

ObjectiveMany governments aim for transparency for accountability. Transparency and its processes contribute to governing climate. The transparency agenda focuses on sharing records to inform the public. In the United States, accessible records also add to decision‐making processes since records are useful to contest decisions. Few people put together the two kinds of transparency, sharing and challenging. Analyzing both is critical as calls for acting on climate‐related disasters grow.MethodIn the United States, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) shares records. The Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) is one route to access FEMA's records. To assess transparency, I coded FEMA's 2019 FOIA log for requester and record requested. Years of damaging, notable disasters preceded 2019, but 2019 precedes pandemic disruptions.ResultRequesters can make requests likely to be useful instrumentally, concerning assistance and insurance. Journalists and scholars request records useful to conceptualizing governing disaster to include both individual political officials and aggregate bureaucratic policy. Instrumental requests dominate, as they do for other agencies.ConclusionThis article answers the call in recent studies of transparency, policy, and of disaster governance to track how policies embed power. Assessing record requests contributes to understanding the accountability in freedom of information.

目标：许多政府都希望通过提高透明度来加强问责制。透明度及其程序有助于营造治理氛围。透明度议程的重点是共享记录，向公众提供信息。在美国，可获取的记录也有助于决策过程，因为记录有助于对决策提出质疑。很少有人将共享和质疑这两种透明度结合起来。方法在美国，联邦紧急事务管理局（FEMA）共享记录。信息自由法案》（FOIA）是获取联邦紧急事务管理局记录的途径之一。为了评估透明度，我对联邦紧急事务管理局 2019 年的《信息自由法案》日志进行了编码，以记录申请者和申请记录。结果请求者提出的请求很可能是有用的工具性请求，涉及援助和保险。记者和学者申请的记录有助于将治理灾害的概念化，包括个别政治官员和总体官僚政策。本文响应了近期对透明度、政策和灾害治理的研究呼吁，追踪政策如何嵌入权力。对记录申请的评估有助于理解信息自由中的问责制。

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引用次数: 0

Spatial and statistical predictors of voter purge rates in Michigan 密歇根州选民清除率的空间和统计预测因素

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Social Science Quarterly

Pub Date : 2024-09-10 DOI: 10.1111/ssqu.13447

Richard C. Sadler, Thomas W. Wojciechowski, Eileen Hayes

ObjectiveVoter purges can protect election integrity by ensuring deceased or moved individuals are removed from election rolls. But they have been used to diminish voting power of marginalized groups, often by anti‐majoritarian forces seeking to undemocratically retain power. Little research has examined “who gets purged?” at the state level, especially with respect to local‐level differences.MethodsWe leverage Michigan's voter purge database from 2014 to 2018. Records are geocoded to their exact address, and a range of spatial correlates are identified to answer the above question. We then used generalized structural equation modeling to incorporate patterns of mobility and mortality.ResultsInitial results showed that more Democratic leaning areas, denser/more urban areas, and areas with more Black residents had higher purge rates. Notably, while these mediation effects were significant, racial composition and median income (i.e. more black and poorer communities) remained a significant factor in voter purge rates. These results suggest a potentially troublesome underlying element in Michigan's pattern of voter purges. We suggest this is an important first step in future research in other states and with subsequent databases, which can help strengthen the case that purges may be being used to uphold discriminatory and anti‐majoritarian goals.

客观地说，清除选民可以确保将已故或迁移的个人从选举名单中删除，从而保护选举的公正性。但是，边缘化群体的投票权往往被反多数派势力用来削弱，以不民主的方式保住权力。我们利用密歇根州 2014 年至 2018 年的选民清除数据库。我们利用密歇根州 2014 年至 2018 年的选民清除数据库，对记录的确切地址进行了地理编码，并确定了一系列空间相关因素，以回答上述问题。然后，我们使用广义结构方程建模，将流动性和死亡率模式纳入其中。结果初步结果显示，民主党倾向较强的地区、人口密度较大/城市化程度较高的地区以及黑人居民较多的地区的选民清洗率较高。值得注意的是，虽然这些中介效应显著，但种族构成和收入中位数（即黑人较多和较贫困的社区）仍是影响选民清洗率的重要因素。这些结果表明，密歇根州的选民清洗模式中存在潜在的麻烦因素。我们认为，这是今后在其他州开展研究并利用后续数据库迈出的重要第一步，有助于加强对选民清洗可能被用于维护歧视性和反多数目标的论证。

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引用次数: 0

Explaining state efforts to create Total Maximum Daily Load (TMDL) agreements 解释各州为达成最高日负荷总量 (TMDL) 协议所做的努力

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Social Science Quarterly

Pub Date : 2024-09-10 DOI: 10.1111/ssqu.13444

Martin K. Mayer, John C. Morris, Madeleine W. McNamara, Xiaodan Zhang

ObjectivesWith the rejuvenated emphasis on nonpoint pollution under the Water Quality Act (WQA) of 1987, Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) began to face an onslaught of lawsuits designed to pressure the EPA to enforce the requirements of Section 319 of the WQA to address nonpoint pollution. Known as Total Maximum Daily Load (TMDL) agreements, the purpose of these plans was to limit the amount of polluted runoff reaching a state's waterways. While some states took a proactive stance on these plans, other states resisted the implementation of Section 319. This article seeks to understand state choices in the development and implementation of TMDL agreements.MethodsUtilizing a data set spanning state‐level data from 2000 to 2020, we test a novel cross‐sectional time series model employing the number agreements entered into by a state as the dependent variable.ResultsWe find that both political and need explanations are generally supported, while policy need explanations are somewhat more promising.ConclusionsTaken together, the models offer several insights into state choices around TMDL creation. The political model is the weakest, suggesting that TMDLs are not overtly political. Policy needs seem to play a more critical role in the preponderance of TMDL agreements than partisan politics.

目标随着 1987 年《水质法》（WQA）对非点源污染的重新重视，美国环境保护局（EPA）开始面临大量诉讼，这些诉讼旨在向 EPA 施压，要求其执行《水质法》第 319 条的要求，以解决非点源污染问题。这些计划被称为 "最大日负荷总量 (TMDL) 协议"，其目的是限制进入各州水道的污染径流量。一些州对这些计划采取了积极主动的态度，而另一些州则抵制 319 条款的实施。本文试图了解各州在制定和实施 TMDL 协议过程中的选择。方法利用 2000 年至 2020 年的州级数据集，我们检验了一个新颖的横截面时间序列模型，该模型采用各州签订的协议数量作为因变量。结果我们发现，政治解释和需求解释都得到了普遍支持，而政策需求解释则更有希望。结论综合来看，这些模型为了解各州在制定 TMDL 时的选择提供了一些启示。政治模型最弱，表明 TMDL 并不具有明显的政治性。与党派政治相比，政策需求似乎在大多数 TMDL 协议中发挥着更关键的作用。

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引用次数: 0

Does government response to natural disasters explain violence? The case of the Sendero Luminoso and conflict in Peru 政府应对自然灾害能否解释暴力？秘鲁光辉道路与冲突案例

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Social Science Quarterly

Pub Date : 2024-08-31 DOI: 10.1111/ssqu.13438

Sara McLaughlin Mitchell, Elise Pizzi, Carly Millerd, Jeongho Choi

ObjectiveWe consider how the Peruvian government's responses to natural disaster events shaped political violence patterns from 1989 to 2020.MethodsWe gather data on government disaster response and compare the effect of positive disaster responses, such as reconstruction and regulation of domestic/international aid, and negative disaster responses, such as neglect or placing restrictions on movement near the affected areas, on violent conflict. To address the endogeneity between armed conflict and disaster responses, we estimate a structural equation model where we allow armed conflicts and disaster responses to be fully endogenous.ResultsUsing a structural equation model at the province‐year level, we show that negative disaster responses increase the risks for political violence, while positive disaster responses do not affect the risks for armed conflict. Armed conflict in turn makes negative policy responses to disasters more likely but has no effect on positive disaster responses.ConclusionsThe results suggest that poor government response to natural disasters can foster grievances and aid rebel recruitment, increasing the risks for armed conflicts.

方法我们收集了有关政府救灾措施的数据，并比较了积极救灾措施（如重建和规范国内/国际援助）和消极救灾措施（如忽视灾区或限制灾区附近的人员流动）对暴力冲突的影响。为了解决武装冲突和救灾措施之间的内生性问题，我们估计了一个结构方程模型，允许武装冲突和救灾措施完全内生。结果利用省-年结构方程模型，我们发现消极的救灾措施会增加政治暴力的风险，而积极的救灾措施不会影响武装冲突的风险。结论结果表明，政府对自然灾害的应对不力会助长不满情绪并帮助叛军招募人员，从而增加武装冲突的风险。

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引用次数: 0

Revealing loneliness: Disentangling the interaction of gender and community stigma 揭示孤独：厘清性别与社区耻辱感的相互作用

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Social Science Quarterly

Pub Date : 2024-08-29 DOI: 10.1111/ssqu.13434

Alexander Langenkamp, Janosch Schobin

ObjectiveThis study investigates whether the perceived stigma of loneliness is positively associated with the concealment of loneliness and whether this association varies by the gender of the individual and their conversation partner.MethodsUtilizing ordinal probit regression analysis on data from 1671 German survey participants with three‐way interactions, we analyze whether participants are more likely to conceal loneliness based on their perceived stigma of loneliness, their gender, and the gender of fictional, randomly assigned conversation partners.ResultsOur analysis finds that perceived stigma is positively associated with the concealment of loneliness, with this association being stronger among men compared to women. Additionally, while the influence of perceived stigma on concealment is not significant for women in same‐sex interactions, it is significantly stronger for men in same‐sex interactions.ConclusionThe interaction of gender, interviewer characteristics, and perceived stigma should be considered when designing surveys and implementing effective interventions and policies to address and destigmatize loneliness.

目的本研究探讨了孤独感耻辱感是否与隐藏孤独感呈正相关，以及这种相关性是否因个人及其对话伙伴的性别而异。方法通过对 1671 名德国调查参与者的数据进行三向交互的序数概率回归分析，我们分析了参与者是否更有可能根据其感知到的孤独耻辱感、自身性别以及随机分配的虚构对话伙伴的性别来掩饰孤独感。结果我们的分析发现，感知到的耻辱感与掩饰孤独感呈正相关，男性与女性相比，这种关联性更强。此外，虽然在同性交往中，女性的成见对掩饰的影响并不显著，但在同性交往中，男性的成见对掩饰的影响明显更强。结论在设计调查和实施有效的干预措施和政策以解决孤独问题并消除其耻辱感时，应考虑性别、受访者特征和成见的相互作用。

引用次数: 0