ObjectiveThis article analyzes the monument‐building and meaning‐making processes in the construction of the Statues of Peace erected to commemorate the Korean “Comfort Women.” The tensions surrounding the erection of the Statues of Peace did not stop with their installation, as people then started to place different objects on the statues. This article uses actor‐network theory (ANT) to shed light on the formation that this has involved of a new representational and cultural politics.MethodsFirst, archival research was conducted to understand current issues involving both ANT and the Statues of Peace. Participant observations and semistructured interviews with NGOs were conducted.ResultsI look at the afterlife of the Statues of Peace in cases involving not only destruction or restoration but also smaller acts of support or subversion. New material quality and meanings were formed by these actions.ConclusionI show that ANT is a useful framework for understanding the representational complexity surrounding public monuments and their reception.
本文分析了为纪念朝鲜 "慰安妇 "而树立的和平雕像的纪念碑建造和意义塑造过程。围绕和平雕像的紧张局势并没有随着雕像的安装而停止，人们开始在雕像上放置不同的物品。本文运用行动者网络理论（ANT）来揭示新的表征和文化政治的形成过程。方法首先，我们进行了档案研究，以了解当前涉及行动者网络理论和和平女神像的问题。结果我研究了和平雕像的来龙去脉，其中不仅涉及破坏或修复，还涉及较小的支持或颠覆行为。结论我说明了 ANT 是理解围绕公共纪念碑及其接受的表征复杂性的有用框架。
{"title":"Erecting monuments and making meanings: Analysis of the Statue of Peace using actor‐network theory","authors":"Jieheerah Yun","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13361","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveThis article analyzes the monument‐building and meaning‐making processes in the construction of the Statues of Peace erected to commemorate the Korean “Comfort Women.” The tensions surrounding the erection of the Statues of Peace did not stop with their installation, as people then started to place different objects on the statues. This article uses actor‐network theory (ANT) to shed light on the formation that this has involved of a new representational and cultural politics.MethodsFirst, archival research was conducted to understand current issues involving both ANT and the Statues of Peace. Participant observations and semistructured interviews with NGOs were conducted.ResultsI look at the afterlife of the Statues of Peace in cases involving not only destruction or restoration but also smaller acts of support or subversion. New material quality and meanings were formed by these actions.ConclusionI show that ANT is a useful framework for understanding the representational complexity surrounding public monuments and their reception.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"40 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140047549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveWe examine the relationship between citizens’ evaluations of democratic performance in their state of residence and demographic, political, and institutional factors.MethodsWe fielded two original surveys (summer 2021 and summer 2022) that asked respondents to evaluate democratic performance in their state both in general and for specific metrics.ResultsCitizens who identify with the political party that controls state government have more positive evaluations of state democratic performance while Republicans (controlling for a litany of covariates) have more negative evaluations. Strikingly, citizens’ perceptions are not related to an objective measure of state democratic performance even when they are primed with information about where their state ranks in a survey experiment.ConclusionCitizens’ assessments of democratic quality appear to be yet another feature of American politics that has become politicized and polarized, with important implications for system support and legitimacy going forward.
{"title":"Citizens’ perceptions of the quality of democracy in the American states","authors":"Patrick Flavin, Gregory Shufeldt","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13359","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13359","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveWe examine the relationship between citizens’ evaluations of democratic performance in their state of residence and demographic, political, and institutional factors.MethodsWe fielded two original surveys (summer 2021 and summer 2022) that asked respondents to evaluate democratic performance in their state both in general and for specific metrics.ResultsCitizens who identify with the political party that controls state government have more positive evaluations of state democratic performance while Republicans (controlling for a litany of covariates) have more negative evaluations. Strikingly, citizens’ perceptions are not related to an objective measure of state democratic performance even when they are primed with information about where their state ranks in a survey experiment.ConclusionCitizens’ assessments of democratic quality appear to be yet another feature of American politics that has become politicized and polarized, with important implications for system support and legitimacy going forward.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"239 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140036567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Samaah M. Sullivan, Jas M. Sullivan, D'Andra Orey, Najja Kofi Baptist
ObjectiveTo examine whether John Henryism Active Coping (JHAC) is a protective risk factor for distress during the COVID‐19 pandemic and whether this association differs by race/ethnicity.MethodsData were collected as part of the 2020 National Blair Center Poll. Higher scores on JHAC measured a greater behavioral predisposition to cope actively and persistently with difficult psychosocial stressors and barriers of everyday life.ResultsHigh JHAC was associated with lower odds for feeling worried and for feeling afraid when thinking about COVID‐19. These associations differed across race/ethnicity such that having a greater JHAC behavioral predisposition to coping was inversely associated with feelings of distress when thinking about the COVID‐19 pandemic only among whites and Hispanics, but not among African Americans.ConclusionOur findings have important implications as the COVID‐19 pandemic continues into 2022 and psychological distress may linger and increase due to unprecedented economic and social impacts.
{"title":"Racial differences in feelings of distress during the COVID‐19 pandemic and John Henryism Active Coping in the United States: Results from a national survey","authors":"Samaah M. Sullivan, Jas M. Sullivan, D'Andra Orey, Najja Kofi Baptist","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13354","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13354","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveTo examine whether John Henryism Active Coping (JHAC) is a protective risk factor for distress during the COVID‐19 pandemic and whether this association differs by race/ethnicity.MethodsData were collected as part of the 2020 National Blair Center Poll. Higher scores on JHAC measured a greater behavioral predisposition to cope actively and persistently with difficult psychosocial stressors and barriers of everyday life.ResultsHigh JHAC was associated with lower odds for feeling worried and for feeling afraid when thinking about COVID‐19. These associations differed across race/ethnicity such that having a greater JHAC behavioral predisposition to coping was inversely associated with feelings of distress when thinking about the COVID‐19 pandemic only among whites and Hispanics, but not among African Americans.ConclusionOur findings have important implications as the COVID‐19 pandemic continues into 2022 and psychological distress may linger and increase due to unprecedented economic and social impacts.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"85 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140036482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectivesWe ask whether counties with growing black and Latino populations have reduced the number of poll workers and polling sites. We argue that the association between changing racial demographics and election infrastructure has been exacerbated by the release of certain jurisdictions from the Voting Rights Act's (VRA) “preclearance” requirement under Section 5.MethodsRelying on data from the 2016 and 2018 Election Administration and Voting Survey and demographic data from the American Community Survey, we conduct a multilevel linear regression on a sample of roughly 4000 counties.ResultsWe find that counties respond to changes in the Latino population, though not changes in the black population, by reducing access to election resources. This relationship is especially pronounced in areas formerly covered by Section 5 of the VRA.ConclusionsGiven the importance of polling places and workers for in‐person voting, our findings raise serious concerns for racial equality in election access and influence.
{"title":"Race and democratic decline in the United States: How minority population growth affects election administration","authors":"Joseph A. Coll, Elizabeth Maltby, Rene R. Rocha","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13344","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectivesWe ask whether counties with growing black and Latino populations have reduced the number of poll workers and polling sites. We argue that the association between changing racial demographics and election infrastructure has been exacerbated by the release of certain jurisdictions from the Voting Rights Act's (VRA) “preclearance” requirement under Section 5.MethodsRelying on data from the 2016 and 2018 Election Administration and Voting Survey and demographic data from the American Community Survey, we conduct a multilevel linear regression on a sample of roughly 4000 counties.ResultsWe find that counties respond to changes in the Latino population, though not changes in the black population, by reducing access to election resources. This relationship is especially pronounced in areas formerly covered by Section 5 of the VRA.ConclusionsGiven the importance of polling places and workers for in‐person voting, our findings raise serious concerns for racial equality in election access and influence.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140025969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Alexander J. Gates, Jessica R. Gold, Laura K. Nelson, Kathrin Zippel
Interdisciplinarity is often hailed as a necessity for tackling real-world challenges. We examine the prevalence and impact of interdisciplinarity in the NSF ADVANCE program, which addresses gender equity in STEM.
{"title":"Translating interdisciplinary knowledge for gender equity: Quantifying the impact of NSF ADVANCE","authors":"Alexander J. Gates, Jessica R. Gold, Laura K. Nelson, Kathrin Zippel","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13339","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13339","url":null,"abstract":"Interdisciplinarity is often hailed as a necessity for tackling real-world challenges. We examine the prevalence and impact of interdisciplinarity in the NSF ADVANCE program, which addresses gender equity in STEM.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139969276","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveWhen and why do U.S. leaders visit their allies or adversaries? Much of the literature on diplomatic visits treats each visit as an independent observation. In this article, we analyze high‐level diplomatic visits as compositional data based on the assumption that they are scarce political resources.MethodsWe conduct a compositional analysis of U.S. high‐level officials' diplomatic visits between 1950 and 2010.ResultsWe find that U.S. diplomatic visits to its allies are defense‐oriented, so leaders spend more time touring them during their security crises to signal reassurance. Additionally, we find that visits to adversaries are motivated by leaders' domestic political concerns, particularly their high public unpopularity. Visiting a hostile country is a challenging and salient foreign policy task, providing a high‐profile opportunity to improve their domestic image and standing. This effect is particularly significant in a divided government, where leaders turn to foreign policy to maximize domestic political impacts amid domestic gridlock.ConclusionThe findings suggest that U.S. leaders travel to allies and adversaries for distinct strategic purposes. Furthermore, our study suggests that future research on diplomatic visits should use a compositional variable approach to better model the dynamics and competitive nature of travel diplomacy.
{"title":"Travel to allies or adversaries? A compositional analysis of U.S. diplomatic visits","authors":"Jonghoon Lee, James D. Kim","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13348","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13348","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveWhen and why do U.S. leaders visit their allies or adversaries? Much of the literature on diplomatic visits treats each visit as an independent observation. In this article, we analyze high‐level diplomatic visits as compositional data based on the assumption that they are scarce political resources.MethodsWe conduct a compositional analysis of U.S. high‐level officials' diplomatic visits between 1950 and 2010.ResultsWe find that U.S. diplomatic visits to its allies are defense‐oriented, so leaders spend more time touring them during their security crises to signal reassurance. Additionally, we find that visits to adversaries are motivated by leaders' domestic political concerns, particularly their high public unpopularity. Visiting a hostile country is a challenging and salient foreign policy task, providing a high‐profile opportunity to improve their domestic image and standing. This effect is particularly significant in a divided government, where leaders turn to foreign policy to maximize domestic political impacts amid domestic gridlock.ConclusionThe findings suggest that U.S. leaders travel to allies and adversaries for distinct strategic purposes. Furthermore, our study suggests that future research on diplomatic visits should use a compositional variable approach to better model the dynamics and competitive nature of travel diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"2014 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139947087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Joshua A. Basseches, Michael C. Campbell, Heather Schoenfeld
ObjectiveThis article identifies and explains the need for qualitative case studies of U.S. state‐level public policy and politics before providing researchers with a practical roadmap for how to proceed.MethodsWe first review relevant research from political science and sociology to establish the need for qualitative policy‐focused state‐level case study research. We then lay out a three‐stage approach for case study research design and data collection.ResultsWe find that qualitative case study research into state‐level politics and policy making is useful for developing original theories that move beyond those developed at the federal level, for distinguishing between states and state policies in ways that are not easily measurable, and for conducting research that attends to variation in the meaning of policy design within different state contexts. We further find that barriers to conducting such research can be reduced by following a three‐stage strategy that we elaborate.ConclusionState‐level policy making yields essential processes and outcomes that social scientists across disciplines want to understand. Relying exclusively on quantitative methods will result in incomplete knowledge acquisition. Qualitative case studies, while time‐consuming, are worthwhile and achievable. Researchers seeking to conduct this research can follow a three‐stage strategy to make the process more manageable.
{"title":"Leveraging the insights of depth: A staged strategy for building qualitative case studies of American state‐level policy","authors":"Joshua A. Basseches, Michael C. Campbell, Heather Schoenfeld","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13346","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13346","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveThis article identifies and explains the need for qualitative case studies of U.S. state‐level public policy and politics before providing researchers with a practical roadmap for how to proceed.MethodsWe first review relevant research from political science and sociology to establish the need for qualitative policy‐focused state‐level case study research. We then lay out a three‐stage approach for case study research design and data collection.ResultsWe find that qualitative case study research into state‐level politics and policy making is useful for developing original theories that move beyond those developed at the federal level, for distinguishing between states and state policies in ways that are not easily measurable, and for conducting research that attends to variation in the meaning of policy design within different state contexts. We further find that barriers to conducting such research can be reduced by following a three‐stage strategy that we elaborate.ConclusionState‐level policy making yields essential processes and outcomes that social scientists across disciplines want to understand. Relying exclusively on quantitative methods will result in incomplete knowledge acquisition. Qualitative case studies, while time‐consuming, are worthwhile and achievable. Researchers seeking to conduct this research can follow a three‐stage strategy to make the process more manageable.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"94 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139947153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
BackgroundThe purposes of this article are to (1) detail the extent to which the Republican Party personalized in the period from Donald Trump's first becoming a presidential candidate through 2022 and the process by which it occurred, (2) suggest plausible explanatory factors, and (3) speculate as to possible consequences.MethodsThe authors employ this special issue's common conceptual framework and glean evidence from a broad accumulation of reportage and expert impressions from professional journalists.Results and conclusionIt is found that “Trumpization” invaded all aspects of the Grand Old Party, with de‐institutionalization encompassing both de‐routinization and value‐displacement affecting all faces of the party: as organization, in elective office, and in the electorate.
{"title":"The Trumpization of the Grand Old Party","authors":"Robert Harmel, Hilmar Mjelde, Lars Svåsand","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13345","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13345","url":null,"abstract":"BackgroundThe purposes of this article are to (1) detail the extent to which the Republican Party personalized in the period from Donald Trump's first becoming a presidential candidate through 2022 and the process by which it occurred, (2) suggest plausible explanatory factors, and (3) speculate as to possible consequences.MethodsThe authors employ this special issue's common conceptual framework and glean evidence from a broad accumulation of reportage and expert impressions from professional journalists.Results and conclusionIt is found that “Trumpization” invaded all aspects of the Grand Old Party, with de‐institutionalization encompassing both de‐routinization and value‐displacement affecting all faces of the party: as organization, in elective office, and in the electorate.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"87 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139947084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
AimsCitizens’ perceived values play a decisive role in shaping a responsive society, driving social and political attitudes and behaviors. Understanding these values, influenced by cultural, historical, and personal experiences, is essential for comprehending public perspectives on social, economic, and ecological aspects crucial for sustainable societies. This study investigates perceived values as indicators of citizens’ potential civic engagement, mainly contributing to societal development.Materials and methodsFor the purpose of this study, we analyzed 1012 cases from the European Value Survey/World Value Survey data set of the Republic of Macedonia. In addition to the exploratory factor analysis and cluster analysis, we employed XGBoost regression, coupled with SHAP analysis, offering a transparent exploration of the significance of citizens’ perceived values, while emphasizing their role in motivating social responsibility and duty.ResultsWe identified 12 factors and categorized Macedonian citizens into 4 clusters. Through the SHAP feature importance method, we determined that perceptions of gender stereotypes, trust in people, civil rights, and job equality strongly influence the idea of social responsibility.ConclusionsOur findings offer pathways to promote individual accountability and increased participation in societal actions, fostering greater advocacy and policy changes for a responsible, engaged, and sustainable society.
{"title":"Exploring citizen perceptions and values for a responsible society","authors":"Kiril Zelenkovski, Jana Prodanova, Ljupco Kocarev","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13353","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13353","url":null,"abstract":"AimsCitizens’ perceived values play a decisive role in shaping a responsive society, driving social and political attitudes and behaviors. Understanding these values, influenced by cultural, historical, and personal experiences, is essential for comprehending public perspectives on social, economic, and ecological aspects crucial for sustainable societies. This study investigates perceived values as indicators of citizens’ potential civic engagement, mainly contributing to societal development.Materials and methodsFor the purpose of this study, we analyzed 1012 cases from the European Value Survey/World Value Survey data set of the Republic of Macedonia. In addition to the exploratory factor analysis and cluster analysis, we employed XGBoost regression, coupled with SHAP analysis, offering a transparent exploration of the significance of citizens’ perceived values, while emphasizing their role in motivating social responsibility and duty.ResultsWe identified 12 factors and categorized Macedonian citizens into 4 clusters. Through the SHAP feature importance method, we determined that perceptions of gender stereotypes, trust in people, civil rights, and job equality strongly influence the idea of social responsibility.ConclusionsOur findings offer pathways to promote individual accountability and increased participation in societal actions, fostering greater advocacy and policy changes for a responsible, engaged, and sustainable society.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139947091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveThe purpose of this article is to assess whether the relationship that existed between Ronald Reagan and the Republican Party could reasonably be characterized as one of personalization/de‐institutionalization of the party.1MethodsThe authors employ the common conceptual framework developed for this special issue. Evidence is drawn from both popular journalism and scholarly sources.Results and ConclusionWhile bits of evidence exist for personalization, especially with regard to the external dimension, the collective evidence stops short of what is required to be considered de‐institutionalization of the party.
{"title":"The party of Reagan: External (but not internal) personalization","authors":"Robert Harmel, Leon B. Kockaya","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13341","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveThe purpose of this article is to assess whether the relationship that existed between Ronald Reagan and the Republican Party could reasonably be characterized as one of personalization/de‐institutionalization of the party.<jats:sup>1</jats:sup>MethodsThe authors employ the common conceptual framework developed for this special issue. Evidence is drawn from both popular journalism and scholarly sources.Results and ConclusionWhile bits of evidence exist for personalization, especially with regard to the external dimension, the collective evidence stops short of what is required to be considered de‐institutionalization of the party.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139947081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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