Ali Kagalwala, Thiago M. Q. Moreira, Guy D. Whitten
ObjectiveWe propose a simple approach to dealing with partial contestation in models of multiparty elections.MethodsOur proposed approach is to add a tiny value to the vote share of parties that do not contest a district and then to include dummy variables identifying those districts in which parties do not compete. We can then estimate a single system of equations using a seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) approach and Aitchison's log‐ratio transformation. In our SUR system, we interact the dummy variable for a party that partially contested districts with other predictors in the equation that uses the share of votes of the same party in the log‐ratio outcome. Finally, we estimate robust standard errors for predictors in this equation to address heteroscedasticity.ResultsWe demonstrate the utility of our approach using simulated data and election results from the English parliamentary elections in 2017.ConclusionFrom our simulations, we find that our recommended approach performs as well as that proposed by Tom, Tucker, and Wittenberg. Our strategy is advantageous in that it is easy to estimate, uses information from all districts, and addresses partial contestation in real‐world elections with a single system of seemingly unrelated regressions.
我们提出了一种简单的方法来处理多党选举模型中的部分竞争问题。方法我们提出的方法是给不参加地区竞争的政党的得票率加上一个很小的值，然后加入虚拟变量来确定那些政党不参加竞争的地区。然后，我们就可以使用看似无关回归（SUR）方法和艾奇逊的对数比率转换来估计一个方程系统。在我们的 SUR 系统中，我们将部分竞争选区政党的虚拟变量与方程中的其他预测因子进行交互，该方程使用对数比率结果中同一政党的选票份额。最后，我们估算了该方程中预测因子的稳健标准误差，以解决异方差问题。结果我们使用 2017 年英国议会选举的模拟数据和选举结果展示了我们方法的实用性。结论通过模拟，我们发现我们推荐的方法与汤姆、塔克和威滕伯格提出的方法表现一样好。我们的策略的优势在于易于估算，使用来自所有选区的信息，并通过一个看似无关的回归系统来解决现实世界选举中的部分竞争问题。
{"title":"A simple approach to dealing with partial contestation","authors":"Ali Kagalwala, Thiago M. Q. Moreira, Guy D. Whitten","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13408","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13408","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveWe propose a simple approach to dealing with partial contestation in models of multiparty elections.MethodsOur proposed approach is to add a tiny value to the vote share of parties that do not contest a district and then to include dummy variables identifying those districts in which parties do not compete. We can then estimate a single system of equations using a seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) approach and Aitchison's log‐ratio transformation. In our SUR system, we interact the dummy variable for a party that partially contested districts with other predictors in the equation that uses the share of votes of the same party in the log‐ratio outcome. Finally, we estimate robust standard errors for predictors in this equation to address heteroscedasticity.ResultsWe demonstrate the utility of our approach using simulated data and election results from the English parliamentary elections in 2017.ConclusionFrom our simulations, we find that our recommended approach performs as well as that proposed by Tom, Tucker, and Wittenberg. Our strategy is advantageous in that it is easy to estimate, uses information from all districts, and addresses partial contestation in real‐world elections with a single system of seemingly unrelated regressions.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141530889","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IntroductionSystemic racism theory has become a central part of academic and public discussions about criminal justice institutions and reforms. Little, however, is known about the association between people's belief in the ubiquity of systemic racism and their attitudes toward criminal justice institutions and reforms.MethodsTo fill this gap, we examine the association between systemic racism beliefs and support for police, police reform, and the BLM movement using a national YouGov sample of 1125 U.S. adults.ResultsSystemic racism beliefs are associated with Americans’ attitudes toward all three outcomes, net of a wide range of controls, including negative experiences with police, political ideology, and most notably, racial resentment.ConclusionOur study provides compelling evidence that belief in systemic racism is an important driver of Americans’ support for police, police reforms, and BLM.
{"title":"Beyond racial resentment: Systemic racism beliefs and public attitudes toward criminal justice institutions and reforms","authors":"Eric Silver, John Iceland, Kerby Goff","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13413","url":null,"abstract":"IntroductionSystemic racism theory has become a central part of academic and public discussions about criminal justice institutions and reforms. Little, however, is known about the association between people's belief in the ubiquity of systemic racism and their attitudes toward criminal justice institutions and reforms.MethodsTo fill this gap, we examine the association between systemic racism beliefs and support for police, police reform, and the BLM movement using a national YouGov sample of 1125 U.S. adults.ResultsSystemic racism beliefs are associated with Americans’ attitudes toward all three outcomes, net of a wide range of controls, including negative experiences with police, political ideology, and most notably, racial resentment.ConclusionOur study provides compelling evidence that belief in systemic racism is an important driver of Americans’ support for police, police reforms, and BLM.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"444-445 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141504777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveScholars have struggled to understand Donald Trump's surprising levels of Latino support in two consecutive presidential elections. We test three hypotheses to better understand the strength and weakness of Trump, Biden, and both political parties.MethodsWe conduct bivariate and multivariate analyses of pre‐ and post‐election surveys to identify sources of support (beyond national origin differences) that explain how Trump improved his level of support among Latino voters to reach the low‐ to mid‐ 30 percent range.ResultsIntra‐Latino differences in ideology, identity (gender and religion), and immigration attitudes help explain Trump's relatively strong showing among Latinos in 2020.ConclusionWhile the nation's electorate is becoming more demographically diverse, many predictions associated with the notion of “demography as destiny” should be tempered given the political heterogeneity among Latino voters.
{"title":"When demography is (not) destiny: Exploring identity and issue‐cross‐pressures among Latino voters in the 2020 presidential election","authors":"Álvaro J. Corral, David L. Leal","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13400","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13400","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveScholars have struggled to understand Donald Trump's surprising levels of Latino support in two consecutive presidential elections. We test three hypotheses to better understand the strength and weakness of Trump, Biden, and both political parties.MethodsWe conduct bivariate and multivariate analyses of pre‐ and post‐election surveys to identify sources of support (beyond national origin differences) that explain how Trump improved his level of support among Latino voters to reach the low‐ to mid‐ 30 percent range.ResultsIntra‐Latino differences in ideology, identity (gender and religion), and immigration attitudes help explain Trump's relatively strong showing among Latinos in 2020.ConclusionWhile the nation's electorate is becoming more demographically diverse, many predictions associated with the notion of “demography as destiny” should be tempered given the political heterogeneity among Latino voters.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141504776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectivesNonprofits sit at the intersection of policy and politics. Compositional modeling presents an opportunity for nonprofit scholars to investigate trade‐offs within the nonprofit sector.MethodsUsing U.S. nonprofit and political data from 1993 to 2013, I employ a dynamic pie modeling strategy to illustrate how federal politics affect the composition of the nonprofit sector.ResultsU.S. federal politics, measured as changes in presidential partisanship, correlate with trade‐offs in the composition of the nonprofit sector. Democratic presidents are associated with increases in new Human Services (HU), Environment and Animals (EN), and International/Foreign Affairs (IN) nonprofits and decreases in new Arts/Culture/Humanities (AR), Education (ED), Health (HE), Religion Related (RE), and Unknown/Unclassified (UN) nonprofit organizations.ConclusionsTheoretically, politics may play a greater role in the nonprofit sector than scholars currently give credence to. Empirically, compositional modeling strategies provide avenues for new theoretical and empirical insights into nonprofit organizations.
{"title":"Presidents and nonprofits: Illustrating compositional modeling of the U.S. nonprofit sector","authors":"Samantha Zuhlke","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13409","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectivesNonprofits sit at the intersection of policy and politics. Compositional modeling presents an opportunity for nonprofit scholars to investigate trade‐offs within the nonprofit sector.MethodsUsing U.S. nonprofit and political data from 1993 to 2013, I employ a dynamic pie modeling strategy to illustrate how federal politics affect the composition of the nonprofit sector.ResultsU.S. federal politics, measured as changes in presidential partisanship, correlate with trade‐offs in the composition of the nonprofit sector. Democratic presidents are associated with increases in new Human Services (HU), Environment and Animals (EN), and International/Foreign Affairs (IN) nonprofits and decreases in new Arts/Culture/Humanities (AR), Education (ED), Health (HE), Religion Related (RE), and Unknown/Unclassified (UN) nonprofit organizations.ConclusionsTheoretically, politics may play a greater role in the nonprofit sector than scholars currently give credence to. Empirically, compositional modeling strategies provide avenues for new theoretical and empirical insights into nonprofit organizations.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"161 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141504778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveThis article explores the effects of immigrant generational status on the likelihood of misreporting turnout. I contend that varied levels of immigrant status affect individuals’ misreporting turnout in different ways due to social desirability and assimilation level concerns.MethodsUsing data from 2016 and 2020 Cooperative Election Study data sets, which include questions on respondents’ immigrant status and voting behavior variables, this study analyzes the effect of varied levels of immigrant status on misreporting turnout.ResultsThe analysis shows that there is a decreased likelihood of misreporting turnout as individuals move farther away from their immigrant generation in both the 2016 and 2020 elections. In other words, first‐generation immigrants are most likely to misreport turnout. Second‐ and third‐generation immigrants are less likely to misreport turnout than the first generations but are still significantly more likely to misreport their turnout than those who are not immigrants or who do not have immigrant parents or grandparents.ConclusionThe findings generally support the expectation. The levels of immigrant status affect individuals’ misreporting turnout in different ways.
{"title":"The effects of immigrant generational status on the likelihood of misreporting turnout","authors":"Dan Qi","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13399","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13399","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveThis article explores the effects of immigrant generational status on the likelihood of misreporting turnout. I contend that varied levels of immigrant status affect individuals’ misreporting turnout in different ways due to social desirability and assimilation level concerns.MethodsUsing data from 2016 and 2020 Cooperative Election Study data sets, which include questions on respondents’ immigrant status and voting behavior variables, this study analyzes the effect of varied levels of immigrant status on misreporting turnout.ResultsThe analysis shows that there is a decreased likelihood of misreporting turnout as individuals move farther away from their immigrant generation in both the 2016 and 2020 elections. In other words, first‐generation immigrants are most likely to misreport turnout. Second‐ and third‐generation immigrants are less likely to misreport turnout than the first generations but are still significantly more likely to misreport their turnout than those who are not immigrants or who do not have immigrant parents or grandparents.ConclusionThe findings generally support the expectation. The levels of immigrant status affect individuals’ misreporting turnout in different ways.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141516073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveIn this article, we empirically examine the relationship between personalism and employing purging or cooptation as regime elite management techniques. Much of the literature suggests that there is a close relationship between personalism and the use of violence to maintain power, and thus suggests a connection between personalism and violent purges.MethodsUsing data from 109 autocracies from 1946 to 2008, we employ a seemingly unrelated negative binomial regression estimationResultsWe find that personalist regimes are not more likely to engage in purges when compared to other regimes. Further, the results suggest that personalist regimes are not more likely to rely on purges as an elite management strategy. In fact, our analysis suggests that personalism as a regime attribute (rather than as an institutional type) is associated with less (not more) use of purges and that personalism tends to be more associated with the use of cooptation than purges.ConclusionWe offer an explanation for these findings and suggest that future research should focus on the characteristics of the autocrat as a political agent when explaining the propensity to engage in different elite management techniques.
{"title":"Personalism and purges: Are personalist dictators more likely to engage in elite purges?","authors":"John Ishiyama, Marijke Breuning, Taekbin Kim","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13410","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13410","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveIn this article, we empirically examine the relationship between personalism and employing purging or cooptation as regime elite management techniques. Much of the literature suggests that there is a close relationship between personalism and the use of violence to maintain power, and thus suggests a connection between personalism and violent purges.MethodsUsing data from 109 autocracies from 1946 to 2008, we employ a seemingly unrelated negative binomial regression estimationResultsWe find that personalist regimes are not more likely to engage in purges when compared to other regimes. Further, the results suggest that personalist regimes are not more likely to rely on purges as an elite management strategy. In fact, our analysis suggests that personalism as a regime attribute (rather than as an institutional type) is associated with less (not more) use of purges and that personalism tends to be more associated with the use of cooptation than purges.ConclusionWe offer an explanation for these findings and suggest that future research should focus on the characteristics of the autocrat as a political agent when explaining the propensity to engage in different elite management techniques.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"96 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141504780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveThough candidates for political office use their campaigns to appeal to voters, they are unable to do so uninterrupted. Prior research suggests that they must respond to the advertising strategies employed by their opponents when determining their own strategies. How does this responsiveness vary across the campaign cycle?MethodsI test how general election television advertising responsiveness varies over the course of the campaign cycle using data from 256 U.S. Senate and gubernatorial contests.ResultsThe results of my analyses show that candidates' overall, negative, and (to an extent) issue‐based advertising strategies become less informed by their opponents' strategies as Election Day approaches.ConclusionsThese findings suggest that candidates use the early stages of their campaigns to find effective general advertising strategies and become less responsive to their opponents once they have done so. In other words, campaigns appear to stay on message to a greater extent as the campaign unfolds.
{"title":"Timing and responsiveness in American political advertising campaigns","authors":"Kevin K. Banda","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13391","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveThough candidates for political office use their campaigns to appeal to voters, they are unable to do so uninterrupted. Prior research suggests that they must respond to the advertising strategies employed by their opponents when determining their own strategies. How does this responsiveness vary across the campaign cycle?MethodsI test how general election television advertising responsiveness varies over the course of the campaign cycle using data from 256 U.S. Senate and gubernatorial contests.ResultsThe results of my analyses show that candidates' overall, negative, and (to an extent) issue‐based advertising strategies become less informed by their opponents' strategies as Election Day approaches.ConclusionsThese findings suggest that candidates use the early stages of their campaigns to find effective general advertising strategies and become less responsive to their opponents once they have done so. In other words, campaigns appear to stay on message to a greater extent as the campaign unfolds.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140935567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tony N. Brown, Quintin Gorman, Autumn Raynor, Asia Bento, Julian Culver, Jauhara Ferguson
Objective:This study investigates correlates of black nationalist tendencies, defined as endorsing sentiments consistent with black nationalism. Black nationalism is an ideology that advocates for cultural, economic, political, and social separatism, and/or community autonomy and self‐reliance as survival tactics. Warrant for this study arises from the opinion black nationalism is an anachronism—a throwback to the 1920s, late 1960s, or early 1990s.Methods:We review correlates from prior studies. Then, using regression models and nationally representative data from black adults participating in the Outlook on Life Surveys, 2012, we address whether those correlates link with black nationalist tendencies today.Results:Few correlates from prior studies predict black nationalist tendencies today. However, correlates such as white antipathy and common fate remain robust predictors. Additionally, views of Barack Obama, whose political ascendency challenges certain tenets of black nationalism, are important correlates.Conclusion:White supremacy makes black nationalism durable and attractive; consequently, certain blacks will always endorse it.
{"title":"Wakanda forever! Consistency in correlates of black nationalist tendencies","authors":"Tony N. Brown, Quintin Gorman, Autumn Raynor, Asia Bento, Julian Culver, Jauhara Ferguson","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13388","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13388","url":null,"abstract":"Objective:This study investigates correlates of <jats:italic>black nationalist tendencies</jats:italic>, defined as endorsing sentiments consistent with black nationalism. Black nationalism is an ideology that advocates for cultural, economic, political, and social separatism, and/or community autonomy and self‐reliance as survival tactics. Warrant for this study arises from the opinion black nationalism is an anachronism—a throwback to the 1920s, late 1960s, or early 1990s.Methods:We review correlates from prior studies. Then, using regression models and nationally representative data from black adults participating in the Outlook on Life Surveys, 2012, we address whether those correlates link with black nationalist tendencies today.Results:Few correlates from prior studies predict black nationalist tendencies today. However, correlates such as white antipathy and common fate remain robust predictors. Additionally, views of Barack Obama, whose political ascendency challenges certain tenets of black nationalism, are important correlates.Conclusion:White supremacy makes black nationalism durable and attractive; consequently, certain blacks will always endorse it.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140881463","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jonathan Winburn, Daniel J. Fudge, Joseph Murphy, Bailey Griffin
ObjectiveThe purpose of this article is to examine what drives individual attitudes toward their governor with a focus on the role of place attachment as a means of diffuse support.MethodsUsing original surveys from March and May 2020, we test the role of place attachment in explaining gubernatorial approval.ResultsWe find state or place attachment is a strong predictor of gubernatorial approval especially among individuals who live in a state with a governor from the other party.ConclusionState attachment can be an important and unique influence on political attitudes toward state politics.
{"title":"State attachment and gubernatorial approval","authors":"Jonathan Winburn, Daniel J. Fudge, Joseph Murphy, Bailey Griffin","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13390","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13390","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveThe purpose of this article is to examine what drives individual attitudes toward their governor with a focus on the role of place attachment as a means of diffuse support.MethodsUsing original surveys from March and May 2020, we test the role of place attachment in explaining gubernatorial approval.ResultsWe find state or place attachment is a strong predictor of gubernatorial approval especially among individuals who live in a state with a governor from the other party.ConclusionState attachment can be an important and unique influence on political attitudes toward state politics.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140835095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectivesGiven the distinct political landscape of Japan, this study aims to explore the impact of gender on the parliamentary behavior of Japanese legislators.MethodsUtilizing a self‐constructed data set covering the 44th–48th Diets (2005–2021), this study examines the individual‐level parliamentary activities of male and female legislators in Japan. Key metrics analyzed include the frequency of speeches delivered in both plenary and committee sessions, alongside the submission of memorandums to the Diet.ResultsThe findings indicate that on the whole, gender exerts only a minimal effect on parliamentary activities. However, upon closer examination of members belonging to opposition parties during specific time periods, female legislators emerge as more active in terms of questioning and memorandum submission compared to their male counterparts.ConclusionThis study unveils a noteworthy trend wherein women legislators in Japan demonstrate equal or greater engagement in parliamentary activities than their male counterparts. These findings underscore the importance of exploring gender dynamics within political systems beyond the Western sphere. Moreover, they emphasize the necessity for ongoing research into gender representation and participation within Japan's political arena.
{"title":"Are women politicians outperformed by men? The impact of gender on legislative activity in Japan","authors":"Yue Yin","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13389","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13389","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectivesGiven the distinct political landscape of Japan, this study aims to explore the impact of gender on the parliamentary behavior of Japanese legislators.MethodsUtilizing a self‐constructed data set covering the 44th–48th Diets (2005–2021), this study examines the individual‐level parliamentary activities of male and female legislators in Japan. Key metrics analyzed include the frequency of speeches delivered in both plenary and committee sessions, alongside the submission of memorandums to the Diet.ResultsThe findings indicate that on the whole, gender exerts only a minimal effect on parliamentary activities. However, upon closer examination of members belonging to opposition parties during specific time periods, female legislators emerge as more active in terms of questioning and memorandum submission compared to their male counterparts.ConclusionThis study unveils a noteworthy trend wherein women legislators in Japan demonstrate equal or greater engagement in parliamentary activities than their male counterparts. These findings underscore the importance of exploring gender dynamics within political systems beyond the Western sphere. Moreover, they emphasize the necessity for ongoing research into gender representation and participation within Japan's political arena.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"181 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140834935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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