Pub Date : 2021-06-07DOI: 10.1017/S0043887121000022
Petra Schleiter, Tobias Böhmelt, L. Ezrow, R. Lehrer
ABSTRACT Political parties learn from foreign incumbents, that is, parties abroad that won office. But does the scope of this cross-national policy diffusion vary with the party family that generates those incumbents? The authors argue that party family conditions transnational policy learning when it makes information on the positions of sister parties more readily available and relevant. Both conditions apply to social democratic parties. Unlike other party families, social democrats have faced major competitive challenges since the 1970s and they exhibit exceptionally strong transnational organizations—factors, the authors contend, that uniquely facilitate cross-national policy learning from successful parties within the family. The authors analyze parties’ policy positions using spatial methods and find that social democratic parties are indeed exceptional because they emulate one another across borders more than do Christian democratic and conservative parties. These findings have important implications for our understanding of political representation and of social democratic parties’ election strategies over the past forty years.
{"title":"Social Democratic Party Exceptionalism and Transnational Policy Linkages","authors":"Petra Schleiter, Tobias Böhmelt, L. Ezrow, R. Lehrer","doi":"10.1017/S0043887121000022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0043887121000022","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Political parties learn from foreign incumbents, that is, parties abroad that won office. But does the scope of this cross-national policy diffusion vary with the party family that generates those incumbents? The authors argue that party family conditions transnational policy learning when it makes information on the positions of sister parties more readily available and relevant. Both conditions apply to social democratic parties. Unlike other party families, social democrats have faced major competitive challenges since the 1970s and they exhibit exceptionally strong transnational organizations—factors, the authors contend, that uniquely facilitate cross-national policy learning from successful parties within the family. The authors analyze parties’ policy positions using spatial methods and find that social democratic parties are indeed exceptional because they emulate one another across borders more than do Christian democratic and conservative parties. These findings have important implications for our understanding of political representation and of social democratic parties’ election strategies over the past forty years.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0043887121000022","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43300853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-21DOI: 10.22124/WP.2021.19253.2800
Asghar Keivan Hosseiny
Despite the expansion in the field of power studies as one of the key concepts of social sciences and especially in international relations, the scope of ambiguity in this field is very extensive. Perhaps it is for this reason that the terms "controversial" and "contentious" are considered by most analysts as the most basic features of power. The mentioned condition can be considered from different dimensions; In particular, from the various perceptions that have been formed about the nature, function and constituent elements of this category, as well as how the link between its two central components, namely "resources" and "control of effects and results", has been formed. In any case, assuming that any conception of power has a direct impact on the process of "conceptualizing the world politics"; the focus of this study is on how the "relational conception" as a multidimensional and productive approach affects the international studies of power. The main question is: Based on the evolution of the international literature on power, how effective has been the relational conception of power? The main hypothesis is: In the context of the international power literature, the “relational” conception (power to) has provided the setting for the creation and reinforcement of a multidimensional view of power in the form of “four-dimensional typology”, “Global orders and Civilizations” and “Global Governance”. The research method of this study is explanatory.
{"title":"The Effect of Relational Power Conception on International Power Studies","authors":"Asghar Keivan Hosseiny","doi":"10.22124/WP.2021.19253.2800","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22124/WP.2021.19253.2800","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the expansion in the field of power studies as one of the key concepts of social sciences and especially in international relations, the scope of ambiguity in this field is very extensive. Perhaps it is for this reason that the terms \"controversial\" and \"contentious\" are considered by most analysts as the most basic features of power. The mentioned condition can be considered from different dimensions; In particular, from the various perceptions that have been formed about the nature, function and constituent elements of this category, as well as how the link between its two central components, namely \"resources\" and \"control of effects and results\", has been formed. In any case, assuming that any conception of power has a direct impact on the process of \"conceptualizing the world politics\"; the focus of this study is on how the \"relational conception\" as a multidimensional and productive approach affects the international studies of power. The main question is: Based on the evolution of the international literature on power, how effective has been the relational conception of power? The main hypothesis is: In the context of the international power literature, the “relational” conception (power to) has provided the setting for the creation and reinforcement of a multidimensional view of power in the form of “four-dimensional typology”, “Global orders and Civilizations” and “Global Governance”. The research method of this study is explanatory.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42829490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
یکی از مباحث مهم امنیت، امنیت انرژی است. اگرچه امروزه توجه به انرژیهای پاک و تجدیدپذیر افزایش یافته است،اما هنوز تولید و مصرف انرژی فسیلی، همچنان نقش اصلی را در تأمین امنیت انرژی جهان ایفا میکند. بنابراین، هم این منابع و هم کشورها و مناطق دارنده این انرژی دارای اهمیت هستند.یکی از این مناطق مهم، منطقه خلیج فارس است که هشت کشور در آن حضور دارند و همگی از جمله تولیدکنندگان نفت و برخی گاز طبیعی میباشند. منطقه خلیج فارس،دارای 60 درصد منابع نفتی جهان و 50 درصد منابع گازی جهان است و نقش مهمی در تأمین امنیت انرژی جهان دارد. از سوی دیگر انرژی فسیلی، یکی از موارد مخرب برای محیط زیست است و به اینسان، تولید این انرژی در خلیج فارس هم،میتواند امنیت زیستمحیطی این منطقه را با تهدید مواجه کند. از آنجا که بخش مهمی از امنیت انرژی جهان و نیز اقتصادهای رانتیر این منطقه، به نفت و گاز وابسته است،پرسش اصلی این مقاله آن است که چه رابطهای میان تأمین امنیت انرژی فسیلی و امنیت زیستمحیطی خلیج فارس وجود دارد؟برای بررسی پاسخ این پرسش از روش توصیفی استفاده شده و هدف مقاله نیز مشخص کردن زمینهها و مؤلفههای اصلی این رابطه است. یافته کلی مقاله نشان میدهد که تولید و استخراج منابع انرژی فسیلی منطقه، یعنی نفت و گاز،با دلایل مختلفی چون دولتهای رانتیر غیرپاسخگو، ورود مواد شیمیایی به خلیج فارس،حمل و نقل نادرست انرژی،جنگافروزی و رقابت با درآمدهای نفتی و گازی، بیتوجهی به معاهده زیستمحیطی راپمی و... امنیت زیست محیطی خلیج فارس را تهدید میکند.
{"title":"بررسی رابطه تأمین امنیت انرژی فسیلی و تهدید امنیت زیست محیطی خلیج فارس","authors":"سهیل سهیلی نجف آبادی, گارینه کشیشیان سیرکی, محمدرضا قائدی","doi":"10.22124/WP.2021.15867.2435","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22124/WP.2021.15867.2435","url":null,"abstract":"یکی از مباحث مهم امنیت، امنیت انرژی است. اگرچه امروزه توجه به انرژیهای پاک و تجدیدپذیر افزایش یافته است،اما هنوز تولید و مصرف انرژی فسیلی، همچنان نقش اصلی را در تأمین امنیت انرژی جهان ایفا میکند. بنابراین، هم این منابع و هم کشورها و مناطق دارنده این انرژی دارای اهمیت هستند.یکی از این مناطق مهم، منطقه خلیج فارس است که هشت کشور در آن حضور دارند و همگی از جمله تولیدکنندگان نفت و برخی گاز طبیعی میباشند. منطقه خلیج فارس،دارای 60 درصد منابع نفتی جهان و 50 درصد منابع گازی جهان است و نقش مهمی در تأمین امنیت انرژی جهان دارد. از سوی دیگر انرژی فسیلی، یکی از موارد مخرب برای محیط زیست است و به اینسان، تولید این انرژی در خلیج فارس هم،میتواند امنیت زیستمحیطی این منطقه را با تهدید مواجه کند. از آنجا که بخش مهمی از امنیت انرژی جهان و نیز اقتصادهای رانتیر این منطقه، به نفت و گاز وابسته است،پرسش اصلی این مقاله آن است که چه رابطهای میان تأمین امنیت انرژی فسیلی و امنیت زیستمحیطی خلیج فارس وجود دارد؟برای بررسی پاسخ این پرسش از روش توصیفی استفاده شده و هدف مقاله نیز مشخص کردن زمینهها و مؤلفههای اصلی این رابطه است. یافته کلی مقاله نشان میدهد که تولید و استخراج منابع انرژی فسیلی منطقه، یعنی نفت و گاز،با دلایل مختلفی چون دولتهای رانتیر غیرپاسخگو، ورود مواد شیمیایی به خلیج فارس،حمل و نقل نادرست انرژی،جنگافروزی و رقابت با درآمدهای نفتی و گازی، بیتوجهی به معاهده زیستمحیطی راپمی و... امنیت زیست محیطی خلیج فارس را تهدید میکند.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41731462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-21DOI: 10.22124/WP.2021.16144.2453
S. Musavi, A. Dolatabadi
Sanctions have become one of the important foreign policy tools of states against each other in recent years. While sanctions have not always achived the desired results. North Korea is among the countries that has experienced the longest bilateral and multilateral sanctions. The present study seeks to answer the question of how sanctions have affected the human rights situation in North Korea. In response to this question, the research hypothesis points out that international sanctions have violated the fundamental rights of North Korean citizens. The theoretical framework of research is based on Pekson and Cooper theory. Also, we used descriptive-analytical and documentary method. The results showed that with the start of North Korea's 2006 nuclear tests and the most severe sanctions ever imposed against it, the sanctions have had a direct and indirect impact on the human rights situation in North Korea. In the political arena, sanctions, rather than changing North Korea's behavior, have led to the authoritarian government, repression, violence and reduced freedoms. In the area of health, sanctions have led to a decline in public health levels, increased infant mortality, Spread of diseases, malnutrition, and difficult access to drugs and treatment. In the area of economy, sanctions have directly reduced the value of the national currency, people's income and food supply. It also caused inflation and corruption, which has contributed to greater poverty in north Korea.
{"title":"The impact of economic sanctions on political and economic rights and the health of North Korean citizens","authors":"S. Musavi, A. Dolatabadi","doi":"10.22124/WP.2021.16144.2453","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22124/WP.2021.16144.2453","url":null,"abstract":"Sanctions have become one of the important foreign policy tools of states against each other in recent years. While sanctions have not always achived the desired results. North Korea is among the countries that has experienced the longest bilateral and multilateral sanctions. The present study seeks to answer the question of how sanctions have affected the human rights situation in North Korea. In response to this question, the research hypothesis points out that international sanctions have violated the fundamental rights of North Korean citizens. The theoretical framework of research is based on Pekson and Cooper theory. Also, we used descriptive-analytical and documentary method. The results showed that with the start of North Korea's 2006 nuclear tests and the most severe sanctions ever imposed against it, the sanctions have had a direct and indirect impact on the human rights situation in North Korea. In the political arena, sanctions, rather than changing North Korea's behavior, have led to the authoritarian government, repression, violence and reduced freedoms. In the area of health, sanctions have led to a decline in public health levels, increased infant mortality, Spread of diseases, malnutrition, and difficult access to drugs and treatment. In the area of economy, sanctions have directly reduced the value of the national currency, people's income and food supply. It also caused inflation and corruption, which has contributed to greater poverty in north Korea.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43988590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-21DOI: 10.22124/WP.2021.17992.2653
Farshad Roomi, Ehsan Kazemi
The use of proxy groups and intermediary wars is rooted in the superpower competition during the Cold War. Since the collapse of the bipolar system, the main actors in West Asia have increasingly used these groups as a key factor in redefining the Middle East's regional order rather than direct military intervention to achieve national goals. The main question raised in this study is "what is the reason for the I. R. Iran's attention to proxy groups in the Middle East after the collapse of the bipolar international system and what role do these groups play in Iran's national security strategy?" In response should be stated that the place of proxy groups in Iranian foreign policy strategy has been to institutionalize some sort of balance against US threats in the peripheral areas. In other words, Iran's support for these aligned groups in the region is not aimed at exporting revolution, supporting liberation movements, and forming a Shiite crescent; rather, according to a strategic logic, it is a kind of asymmetric battle to defend the Islamic Republic's existence against American plots in West Asia. Although, Iran has attempted to use this capacity to shape a regional order based on its revolutionary-Islamic ideas for some time. Theoretical framework of research is "Neoclassical realism and the balance of threat theory", the research method is descriptive-analytical and data collection tool is library and documentary.
{"title":"The Place of Proxy Groups in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran","authors":"Farshad Roomi, Ehsan Kazemi","doi":"10.22124/WP.2021.17992.2653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22124/WP.2021.17992.2653","url":null,"abstract":"The use of proxy groups and intermediary wars is rooted in the superpower competition during the Cold War. Since the collapse of the bipolar system, the main actors in West Asia have increasingly used these groups as a key factor in redefining the Middle East's regional order rather than direct military intervention to achieve national goals. The main question raised in this study is \"what is the reason for the I. R. Iran's attention to proxy groups in the Middle East after the collapse of the bipolar international system and what role do these groups play in Iran's national security strategy?\" In response should be stated that the place of proxy groups in Iranian foreign policy strategy has been to institutionalize some sort of balance against US threats in the peripheral areas. In other words, Iran's support for these aligned groups in the region is not aimed at exporting revolution, supporting liberation movements, and forming a Shiite crescent; rather, according to a strategic logic, it is a kind of asymmetric battle to defend the Islamic Republic's existence against American plots in West Asia. Although, Iran has attempted to use this capacity to shape a regional order based on its revolutionary-Islamic ideas for some time. Theoretical framework of research is \"Neoclassical realism and the balance of threat theory\", the research method is descriptive-analytical and data collection tool is library and documentary.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43211326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-21DOI: 10.22124/WP.2021.18619.2723
صادق زیباکلام, داوود کیانی
This article has been done with the aim of pathology and evaluation of anti-trafficking laws and policies in Iran in a descriptive-analytical method. Since the effective fight against smuggling of goods requires recognizing the causes and contexts of the phenomenon of smuggling of goods as well as the relevant laws and policies and the functioning of the agencies responsible for combating smuggling of goods, the study area of the present study includes Approved laws and policies have been related to books, articles and research. First, approved laws and policies are considered and print and digital (online) sources that are relevant to the discussion are used. The framework of the present study is an institutionalist economics approach through which the role of social, political and economic institutions in determining economic events is examined. The most important question of this research is why, despite repeated revisions in the laws related to smuggling, anti-trafficking policies have not been able to effectively deal with the phenomenon of smuggling? The main argument in response to this question is that insufficient attention to the root cause of smuggling of goods by the legislature to eliminate the phenomenon of smuggling, high import tariffs, lack of transparency in the law, many ambiguities and legislative challenges, are the most important reasons for failure. It is to deal with the phenomenon of smuggling of goods.
{"title":"Political Economy of Commodity Smuggling in Iran: The Pathology of Policy Making and Governance Mechanisms","authors":"صادق زیباکلام, داوود کیانی","doi":"10.22124/WP.2021.18619.2723","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22124/WP.2021.18619.2723","url":null,"abstract":"This article has been done with the aim of pathology and evaluation of anti-trafficking laws and policies in Iran in a descriptive-analytical method. Since the effective fight against smuggling of goods requires recognizing the causes and contexts of the phenomenon of smuggling of goods as well as the relevant laws and policies and the functioning of the agencies responsible for combating smuggling of goods, the study area of the present study includes Approved laws and policies have been related to books, articles and research. First, approved laws and policies are considered and print and digital (online) sources that are relevant to the discussion are used. The framework of the present study is an institutionalist economics approach through which the role of social, political and economic institutions in determining economic events is examined. The most important question of this research is why, despite repeated revisions in the laws related to smuggling, anti-trafficking policies have not been able to effectively deal with the phenomenon of smuggling? The main argument in response to this question is that insufficient attention to the root cause of smuggling of goods by the legislature to eliminate the phenomenon of smuggling, high import tariffs, lack of transparency in the law, many ambiguities and legislative challenges, are the most important reasons for failure. It is to deal with the phenomenon of smuggling of goods.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47044885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-21DOI: 10.22124/WP.2021.18214.2680
Mahdi Alikhani
Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia as two of the powerful countries in the Persian Gulf region have experienced various behavioral patterns in their interrelationship. After the Islamic Revolution, Tehran and Riyadh, which used to be bonded together due to some common identity and international system necessities, started facing each other. On the one hand, this resulted in disorder and imbalance of power in the region. On the other hand, the new identity of Iran was regarded as a challenge to Saudi Arabia’s religious legitimacy. In the current article it has been tried to identify the factors which led to tension and opposition between the two actors which were once collaborative and friendly; it has also been asked “what were the determining factors of the competitive action between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the first decade after the Revolution, and what were the consequences?” An answer to the question has been offered; “identity, geopolitical, and structural factors shaped the relationship between the two countries over the first decade after the Islamic Revolution and the confluence of the identity and geopolitical competition along with the structural pressure formed the competitive-oppositive patterns in their interrelationship.” This article is of descriptive-analytical approach and two material and social theories have been used as the theoretical basis of the article.
{"title":"The Analysis of Factors Affecting the Competitive Interaction of Iran and Saudi Arabia in the First Decade of the Revolution","authors":"Mahdi Alikhani","doi":"10.22124/WP.2021.18214.2680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22124/WP.2021.18214.2680","url":null,"abstract":"Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia as two of the powerful countries in the Persian Gulf region have experienced various behavioral patterns in their interrelationship. After the Islamic Revolution, Tehran and Riyadh, which used to be bonded together due to some common identity and international system necessities, started facing each other. On the one hand, this resulted in disorder and imbalance of power in the region. On the other hand, the new identity of Iran was regarded as a challenge to Saudi Arabia’s religious legitimacy. In the current article it has been tried to identify the factors which led to tension and opposition between the two actors which were once collaborative and friendly; it has also been asked “what were the determining factors of the competitive action between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the first decade after the Revolution, and what were the consequences?” An answer to the question has been offered; “identity, geopolitical, and structural factors shaped the relationship between the two countries over the first decade after the Islamic Revolution and the confluence of the identity and geopolitical competition along with the structural pressure formed the competitive-oppositive patterns in their interrelationship.” This article is of descriptive-analytical approach and two material and social theories have been used as the theoretical basis of the article.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44244189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1017/S0043887120000295
A. Siegel, Jonathan Nagler, Richard Bonneau, Joshua A. Tucker
abstract Do online social networks affect political tolerance in the highly polarized climate of postcoup Egypt? Taking advantage of the real-time networked structure of Twitter data, the authors find that not only is greater network diversity associated with lower levels of intolerance, but also that longer exposure to a diverse network is linked to less expression of intolerance over time. The authors find that this relationship persists in both elite and non-elite diverse networks. Exploring the mechanisms by which network diversity might affect tolerance, the authors offer suggestive evidence that social norms in online networks may shape individuals’ propensity to publicly express intolerant attitudes. The findings contribute to the political tolerance literature and enrich the ongoing debate over the relationship between online echo chambers and political attitudes and behavior by providing new insights from a repressive authoritarian context.
{"title":"Tweeting Beyond Tahrir","authors":"A. Siegel, Jonathan Nagler, Richard Bonneau, Joshua A. Tucker","doi":"10.1017/S0043887120000295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0043887120000295","url":null,"abstract":"abstract Do online social networks affect political tolerance in the highly polarized climate of postcoup Egypt? Taking advantage of the real-time networked structure of Twitter data, the authors find that not only is greater network diversity associated with lower levels of intolerance, but also that longer exposure to a diverse network is linked to less expression of intolerance over time. The authors find that this relationship persists in both elite and non-elite diverse networks. Exploring the mechanisms by which network diversity might affect tolerance, the authors offer suggestive evidence that social norms in online networks may shape individuals’ propensity to publicly express intolerant attitudes. The findings contribute to the political tolerance literature and enrich the ongoing debate over the relationship between online echo chambers and political attitudes and behavior by providing new insights from a repressive authoritarian context.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0043887120000295","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49358320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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