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Redefining the Debate Over Reputation and Credibility in International Security 重新定义国际安全中关于声誉和信誉的争论
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-12-11 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887120000246
Robert Jervis, Keren Yarhi-Milo, Don Casler
ABSTRACT A wave of recent scholarship has breathed new life into the study of reputation and credibility in international politics. In this review article, the authors welcome this development while offering a framework for evaluating collective progress, a series of related critiques, and a set of suggestions for future research. The article details how the books under review represent an important step toward consensus on the importance of reputation in world politics, elucidating scope conditions for when reputational inferences are likely to be most salient. The authors argue that despite the significant accomplishments of recent studies, the scholarly record remains thin on the psychology of the perceiver and is instead focused on situational factors at the expense of dispositional variables and is rather myopically oriented toward reputation for resolve to the exclusion of other important types. Despite its contributions, the new literature still falls short of a full explanation for how actors draw inferences about reputation. These remaining theoretical challenges demand scholarly attention and suggest a role for psychology in filling some of the gaps.
摘要近年来的学术浪潮为国际政治声誉和可信度研究注入了新的活力。在这篇综述文章中,作者对这一发展表示欢迎,同时提供了一个评估集体进步的框架、一系列相关的批评以及对未来研究的一系列建议。这篇文章详细介绍了正在审查的书籍如何代表着就声誉在世界政治中的重要性达成共识的重要一步,阐明了声誉推断可能最为突出的范围条件。作者认为,尽管最近的研究取得了重大成就,但学术记录对感知者的心理仍然很少,而是以牺牲倾向变量为代价关注情境因素,并且相当狭隘地倾向于以决心排除其他重要类型为声誉。尽管新文学做出了贡献,但它仍然没有充分解释演员是如何推断声誉的。这些剩余的理论挑战需要学术界的关注,并表明心理学在填补一些空白方面发挥了作用。
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引用次数: 11
The Structure of Religion, Ethnicity, and Insurgent Mobilization 宗教结构、民族结构与叛乱动员
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-12-10 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887120000222
Anoop Sarbahi
ABSTRACT This article problematizes the social structure of ethnic groups to account for variation in insurgent mobilization within and across ethnic groups. Relying on network-based approaches to social structure, it argues that insurgent mobilization is constrained by the structural connectivity of the ethnic group, a measure of the extent to which subethnic communities—neighborhoods, villages, clans, and tribes—are socially connected internally and with each other. In agrarian societies, structural connectivity is traced to religion. On the basis of unique data on rebel recruitment from the Mizo insurgency in India and microlevel variations in changes associated with the spread of Christianity among Mizos, the author demonstrates that enhanced structural connectivity resulting from a network of highly centralized churches and institutions under the Welsh Presbyterian Mission significantly bolstered insurgent recruitment. Semistructured interviews of Mizo insurgents and ethnographic evidence from the neighboring Meitei and Naga ethnic insurgencies further support the argument and the casual mechanism.
摘要本文对少数民族的社会结构提出了问题,以解释少数民族内部和不同民族之间叛乱动员的变化。基于基于网络的社会结构方法,它认为反叛分子的动员受到族群结构连接的限制,这是衡量亚民族社区——社区、村庄、氏族和部落——内部和彼此之间社会连接程度的指标。在农业社会中,结构上的联系可以追溯到宗教。根据印度米佐叛乱招募反叛分子的独特数据,以及与基督教在米佐人中传播相关的微观变化,作者证明,威尔士长老会使命下高度集中的教会和机构网络增强了结构连接,大大促进了反叛分子的招募。对Mizo叛乱分子的半结构化采访以及来自邻近Meitei和Naga民族叛乱的人种学证据进一步支持了这一论点和偶然机制。
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引用次数: 5
Practical Ideology in Militant Organizations 军事组织中的实践意识形态
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-12-07 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887120000180
Sarah E. Parkinson
Abstract Ideology shapes militant recruitment, organization, and conflict behavior. Existing research assumes doctrinal consistency, top-down socialization of adherents, and clear links between formal ideology and political action. But it has long been recognized that ideological commitments do not flow unaltered from overarching cleavages or elite narratives; they are uneven, contingent, fraught with tension, and often ambivalent. What work does ideology do in militant groups if it is not deeply studied, internalized, or sincerely believed? How can scholars explain collective commitment, affinity, and behavioral outcomes among militants who clearly associate themselves with a group, but who may not consistently (or ever) be true believers or committed ideologues? I argue that practical ideologies—sets of quotidian principles, ideas, and social heuristics that reflect relational worldviews rather than specific published political doctrines, positions, platforms, or plans—play a key role in militant socialization through everyday practices. Ethnographic evidence gained from fieldwork among Palestinians in Lebanon demonstrates how militants and affiliates render ideas about ideological closeness and distance accessible through emotional, intellectual, and moral appeals. This approach reaffirms the role of discourse and narrative in creating informal mechanisms of militant socialization without expressly invoking formal doctrine.
意识形态塑造了好战分子的招募、组织和冲突行为。现有的研究假设理论的一致性,自上而下的追随者社会化,以及形式意识形态和政治行动之间的明确联系。但人们早就认识到,意识形态上的承诺不会不受总体分歧或精英叙事的影响;它们是不平衡的、偶然的、充满张力的,而且常常是矛盾的。如果意识形态没有被深入研究、内化或真诚地相信,它在激进组织中能起什么作用呢?学者们如何解释武装分子的集体承诺、亲和力和行为结果,这些武装分子显然与一个组织有联系,但可能并不始终(或从未)是真正的信徒或坚定的空想家?我认为实用的意识形态——反映关系世界观的日常原则、思想和社会启发的集合,而不是具体的公开的政治学说、立场、纲领或计划——在通过日常实践的战斗社会化中发挥着关键作用。从黎巴嫩巴勒斯坦人的田野调查中获得的民族志证据表明,武装分子及其附属机构如何通过情感、智力和道德诉求,使意识形态上的亲近和距离变得容易接近。这种方法重申了话语和叙事在不明确援引正式教义的情况下创造战斗社会化非正式机制中的作用。
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引用次数: 15
Racial Reclassification and Political Identity Formation 种族重新分类与政治身份的形成
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-11-26 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887120000179
David De Micheli
Abstract This article leverages a phenomenon of racial reclassification in Brazil to shed new light on the processes of identity politicization. Conventional wisdom tells us that race mixture, fluid racial boundaries, and stigmatized blackness lead Brazilians to change their racial identifications—to reclassify—toward whiteness. But in recent years, Brazilians have demonstrated a newfound tendency to reclassify toward blackness. The author argues that this sudden reversal is the unintended consequence of state-led educational expansion for the lower classes. Educational expansion has increased the exposure of newly mobile citizens to information, social networks, and the labor market, leading many to develop racialized political identities and choose blackness. The author develops and tests this argument by drawing on in-depth interview data, systematic analyses of national survey and longitudinal census data, and original survey experiments. This article contributes a novel account of identity politicization and emphasizes the interaction between social structures and citizenship institutions in these processes.
本文利用巴西的种族重新分类现象来揭示身份政治化的过程。传统智慧告诉我们,种族混合、不稳定的种族界限和被污名化的黑人导致巴西人改变他们的种族认同——重新分类——转向白人。但近年来,巴西人表现出了一种将自己重新归类为黑人的新趋势。作者认为,这种突然的逆转是国家主导的下层阶级教育扩张的意外后果。教育扩张增加了新流动公民接触信息、社交网络和劳动力市场的机会,导致许多人发展出种族化的政治身份,并选择成为黑人。作者通过深入访谈数据、对全国调查和纵向普查数据的系统分析以及原始调查实验来发展和验证这一论点。本文对身份政治化作出了新颖的解释,并强调了在这些过程中社会结构和公民制度之间的相互作用。
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引用次数: 8
The Power of Compromise 妥协的力量
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-11-23 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887120000192
Ryan Brutger
Abstract In an era of increasingly public diplomacy, conventional wisdom assumes that leaders who compromise damage their reputations and lose the respect of their constituents, which undermines the prospects for international peace and cooperation. This article challenges this assumption and tests how leaders can negotiate compromises and avoid paying domestic approval and reputation costs. Drawing on theories of individuals’ core values, psychological processes, and partisanship, the author argues that leaders reduce or eliminate domestic public constraints by exercising proposal power and initiating compromises. Employing survey experiments to test how public approval and perceptions of reputation respond to leaders’ strategies across security and economic issues, the author finds attitudes toward compromise are conditioned by the ideology of the audience and leader, with audiences of liberals being more supportive of compromise. In the US case, this results in Republican presidents having greater leeway to negotiate compromises. The article’s contributions suggest that leaders who exercise proposal power have significant flexibility to negotiate compromise settlements in international bargaining.
在一个日益公共外交的时代,传统观点认为妥协的领导人会损害自己的声誉,失去选民的尊重,从而破坏国际和平与合作的前景。本文挑战了这一假设,并测试了领导人如何协商妥协,避免支付国内批准和声誉成本。根据个人核心价值观、心理过程和党派关系等理论,作者认为领导者通过行使提议权和发起妥协来减少或消除国内公共约束。作者通过调查实验来测试公众对领导人在安全和经济问题上的策略的认可和声誉的看法,发现对妥协的态度受到听众和领导人的意识形态的制约,自由派的听众更支持妥协。以美国为例,这导致共和党总统在谈判妥协方面有更大的回旋余地。这篇文章的贡献表明,在国际谈判中,行使提议权的领导人在协商妥协解决方案方面具有很大的灵活性。
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引用次数: 1
WPO volume 72 issue 4 Cover and Front matter 世界卫生组织第72卷第4期封面和封面事项
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887120000209
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引用次数: 0
WPO volume 72 issue 4 Cover and Back matter WPO第72卷第4期封面和封底
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887120000210
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引用次数: 0
The Popularity of Authoritarian Leaders 威权主义领袖的声望
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887120000167
S. Guriev, D. Treisman
How do citizens in authoritarian states feel about their leaders? While some dictators rule through terror, others seem genuinely popular. Using the Gallup World Poll’s panel of more than one hundred-forty countries in 2006–2016, the authors show that the drivers of political approval differ across regime types. Although brutal repression in overt dictatorships could cause respondents to falsify their preferences, in milder informational autocracies, greater repression actually predicts lower approval. In autocracies as in democracies, economic performance matters and citizens’ economic perceptions, while not perfectly accurate, track objective indicators. Dictators also benefit from greater perceived public safety, but the authors find no such effect in democracies. Covert censorship of the media and the Internet is associated with higher approval in autocracies—in particular, in informational ones—but ratings fall when citizens recognize censorship. In informational autocracies, executive elections trigger a ratings surge if there is leader turnover, but, unlike in democracies, reelected autocrats enjoy little honeymoon.
独裁国家的公民如何看待他们的领导人?虽然一些独裁者通过恐怖统治,但其他独裁者似乎真的很受欢迎。利用盖洛普世界民意调查在2006-2016年对140多个国家进行的小组调查,作者表明,政治支持的驱动因素因政权类型而异。尽管公开独裁政权中的残酷镇压可能会导致受访者伪造自己的偏好,但在温和的信息独裁政权中,更大的镇压实际上预示着更低的支持率。在独裁国家和民主国家,经济表现很重要,公民的经济认知虽然不完全准确,但也会跟踪客观指标。独裁者也从更大的公共安全感中受益,但作者在民主国家中没有发现这种影响。对媒体和互联网的秘密审查与独裁政权——尤其是信息独裁政权——的更高认可度有关,但当公民认识到审查制度时,评分就会下降。在信息独裁国家,如果领导人更替,行政选举会引发收视率飙升,但与民主国家不同,连任的独裁者几乎没有蜜月期。
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引用次数: 4
Performative Governance 绩效治理
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-09-23 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3255736
Iza Ding
abstract:The state often struggles to meet citizens' demands but confronts strong public pressure to do so. What does the state do when public expectations exceed its actual governing capacity? This article shows that the state can respond by engaging in performative governance—the theatrical deployment of language, symbols, and gestures to foster an impression of good governance among citizens. Performative governance should be distinguished from other types of state behavior, such as inertia, paternalism, and the substantive satisfaction of citizens' demands. The author illustrates this concept in the realm of environmental governance in China. Given the severity of China's environmental pollution, the resulting public outcry, and the logistical and political challenges involved in solving the problem, how can the state redeem itself? Ethnographic evidence from participant observation at a municipal environmental protection bureau reveals that when bureaucrats are confronted with the dual burdens of low state capacity and high public scrutiny, they engage in performative governance to assuage citizens' complaints. This study draws attention to the double meaning of "performance" in political contexts, and the essential distinction between the substantive and the theatrical.
国家经常努力满足公民的需求,但却面临着强大的公众压力。当公众期望超出政府实际治理能力时,政府会怎么做?本文表明,国家可以通过参与表演性治理来应对——戏剧性地部署语言、符号和手势,以在公民中树立良好治理的印象。绩效治理应该区别于其他类型的国家行为,如惰性、家长式作风和对公民需求的实质性满足。作者在中国的环境治理领域阐述了这一概念。考虑到中国环境污染的严重性,由此引发的公众抗议,以及解决问题所涉及的后勤和政治挑战,国家如何才能挽回自己?来自某市环保局的参与者观察的民族志证据表明,当官员面临低国家能力和高公众监督的双重负担时,他们会采取绩效治理来缓解公民的抱怨。本研究关注“表演”在政治语境中的双重意义,以及实体性与戏剧性之间的本质区别。
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引用次数: 0
The Political Geography of the Eurocrisis 欧元危机的政治地理
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-09-09 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887120000118
P. Beramendi, Daniel Stegmueller
abstract:The European Union provided a mixed response to the 2008 financial crisis. On the one hand, it refused to pursue fiscal integration through a common budget; on the other, it introduced significant transfers between countries that were designed to produce financial stabilization. The authors analyze this response as the outcome of democratic constraints on EU leaders. Given the EU's current institutional structure, citizens' preferences pose a binding constraint on what leaders can do as these preferences limit the scope of riskpooling among members and the degree of political tolerance for different courses of action. The authors show that citizens' preferences reflect differences in the geography of income, production regimes, and institutional organization. The heterogeneity of constituencies' redistribution preferences combined with a diverse economic geography helps to explain why political constraints on national governments prevent them from engaging in further fiscal integration. By contrast, externalities among member states shift the preferences of citizens who may experience negative effects and make international redistribution politically feasible. The authors analyze these two mechanisms and present novel empirical results on the determinants of preferences for fiscal integration and international redistribution in the aftermath of the eurocrisis.
欧盟对2008年金融危机的反应好坏参半。一方面,它拒绝通过共同预算来实现财政一体化;另一方面,它在国家之间引入了旨在实现金融稳定的大笔转移。作者将这种反应分析为欧盟领导人受到民主约束的结果。鉴于欧盟目前的制度结构,公民的偏好对领导人的行动构成了约束性约束,因为这些偏好限制了成员国之间的风险分担范围,以及对不同行动方案的政治容忍程度。作者表明,公民的偏好反映了收入、生产体制和制度组织的地理差异。选民再分配偏好的异质性,加上经济地理的多样性,有助于解释为什么各国政府受到的政治约束阻止它们参与进一步的财政一体化。相比之下,成员国之间的外部性改变了可能遭受负面影响的公民的偏好,并使国际再分配在政治上可行。作者分析了这两种机制,并就欧元危机后财政一体化和国际再分配偏好的决定因素提出了新的实证结果。
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引用次数: 8
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World Politics
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