Pub Date : 2021-03-16DOI: 10.1017/S004388712000026X
R. Blair, P. Roessler
ABSTRACT What are the effects of foreign aid on the perceived legitimacy of recipient states? Different donors adhere to different rules, principles, and operating procedures. The authors theorize that variation in these aid regimes may generate variation in the effects of aid on state legitimacy. To test their theory, they compare aid from the United States to aid from China, its most prominent geopolitical rival. Their research design combines within-country analysis of original surveys, survey experiments, and behavioral games in Liberia with cross-country analysis of existing administrative and Afrobarometer data from six African countries. They exploit multiple proxies for state legitimacy, but focus in particular on tax compliance and morale. Contrary to expectations, the authors find little evidence to suggest that exposure to aid diminishes the legitimacy of African states. If anything, the opposite appears to be true. Their results are consistent across multiple settings, multiple levels of analysis, and multiple measurement and identification strategies, and are unlikely to be artifacts of sample selection, statistical power, or the strength or weakness of particular experimental treatments. The authors conclude that the effects of aid on state legitimacy at the microlevel are largely benign.
{"title":"Foreign Aid and State Legitimacy","authors":"R. Blair, P. Roessler","doi":"10.1017/S004388712000026X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S004388712000026X","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What are the effects of foreign aid on the perceived legitimacy of recipient states? Different donors adhere to different rules, principles, and operating procedures. The authors theorize that variation in these aid regimes may generate variation in the effects of aid on state legitimacy. To test their theory, they compare aid from the United States to aid from China, its most prominent geopolitical rival. Their research design combines within-country analysis of original surveys, survey experiments, and behavioral games in Liberia with cross-country analysis of existing administrative and Afrobarometer data from six African countries. They exploit multiple proxies for state legitimacy, but focus in particular on tax compliance and morale. Contrary to expectations, the authors find little evidence to suggest that exposure to aid diminishes the legitimacy of African states. If anything, the opposite appears to be true. Their results are consistent across multiple settings, multiple levels of analysis, and multiple measurement and identification strategies, and are unlikely to be artifacts of sample selection, statistical power, or the strength or weakness of particular experimental treatments. The authors conclude that the effects of aid on state legitimacy at the microlevel are largely benign.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":"73 1","pages":"315 - 357"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S004388712000026X","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45432988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-15DOI: 10.1017/S0043887120000258
Kristen E. Looney
ABSTRACT Most accounts of East Asian economic growth have focused on the role of developmental states in successful industrialization. This article expands and challenges that framework by showing that rural policy was different from industrial policy. A key finding is that for more than a century, East Asian states have relied on mass mobilization campaigns rather than on technocratic planning and market-conforming institutions to achieve rural development. Based on case studies of Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and China, the author argues that three main factors explain the rise of campaign states: revolutionary traditions, rural populism, and policy learning. A brief assessment of outcomes illustrates the payoffs and costs of campaigns and the practical considerations that drive them. The author’s analysis offers a new perspective on the East Asian model and disputes the widely held view that campaigns are tragic exercises in social control, demonstrating instead that they were central to the region’s rural transformation.
{"title":"Mobilization Campaigns and Rural Development","authors":"Kristen E. Looney","doi":"10.1017/S0043887120000258","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0043887120000258","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Most accounts of East Asian economic growth have focused on the role of developmental states in successful industrialization. This article expands and challenges that framework by showing that rural policy was different from industrial policy. A key finding is that for more than a century, East Asian states have relied on mass mobilization campaigns rather than on technocratic planning and market-conforming institutions to achieve rural development. Based on case studies of Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and China, the author argues that three main factors explain the rise of campaign states: revolutionary traditions, rural populism, and policy learning. A brief assessment of outcomes illustrates the payoffs and costs of campaigns and the practical considerations that drive them. The author’s analysis offers a new perspective on the East Asian model and disputes the widely held view that campaigns are tragic exercises in social control, demonstrating instead that they were central to the region’s rural transformation.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":"73 1","pages":"205 - 242"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0043887120000258","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43506424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-12DOI: 10.1017/S0043887120000301
Paul K. MacDonald, Joseph M. Parent
ABSTRACT What is status? How does it work? What effects does it tend to have? A new wave of scholarship on status in international relations has converged on a central definition of status, several causal pathways, and the claim that the pursuit of status tends to produce conflict. The authors take stock of the status literature and argue that this convergence is not only a sign of progress, but also an obstacle to it. They find that the consensus definition conceals critical contradictions between standing and membership, that its causal pathways are promising but often in tension with each other, and that the literature may be overlooking the ways in which status can help states avoid conflict and promote cooperation under certain conditions.
{"title":"The Status of Status in World Politics","authors":"Paul K. MacDonald, Joseph M. Parent","doi":"10.1017/S0043887120000301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0043887120000301","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What is status? How does it work? What effects does it tend to have? A new wave of scholarship on status in international relations has converged on a central definition of status, several causal pathways, and the claim that the pursuit of status tends to produce conflict. The authors take stock of the status literature and argue that this convergence is not only a sign of progress, but also an obstacle to it. They find that the consensus definition conceals critical contradictions between standing and membership, that its causal pathways are promising but often in tension with each other, and that the literature may be overlooking the ways in which status can help states avoid conflict and promote cooperation under certain conditions.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":"73 1","pages":"358 - 391"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0043887120000301","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46791771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-12DOI: 10.1017/S0043887120000234
O. J. Reuter, David Szakonyi
ABSTRACT Does electoral fraud stabilize authoritarian rule or undermine it? The answer to this question rests in part on how voters evaluate regime candidates who engage in fraud. Using a survey experiment conducted after the 2016 elections in Russia, the authors find that voters withdraw their support from ruling party candidates who commit electoral fraud. This effect is especially large among strong supporters of the regime. Core regime supporters are more likely to have ex ante beliefs that elections are free and fair. Revealing that fraud has occurred significantly reduces their propensity to support the regime. The authors’ findings illustrate that fraud is costly for autocrats not just because it may ignite protest, but also because it can undermine the regime’s core base of electoral support. Because many of its strongest supporters expect free and fair elections, the regime has strong incentives to conceal or otherwise limit its use of electoral fraud.
{"title":"Electoral Manipulation and Regime Support","authors":"O. J. Reuter, David Szakonyi","doi":"10.1017/S0043887120000234","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0043887120000234","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Does electoral fraud stabilize authoritarian rule or undermine it? The answer to this question rests in part on how voters evaluate regime candidates who engage in fraud. Using a survey experiment conducted after the 2016 elections in Russia, the authors find that voters withdraw their support from ruling party candidates who commit electoral fraud. This effect is especially large among strong supporters of the regime. Core regime supporters are more likely to have ex ante beliefs that elections are free and fair. Revealing that fraud has occurred significantly reduces their propensity to support the regime. The authors’ findings illustrate that fraud is costly for autocrats not just because it may ignite protest, but also because it can undermine the regime’s core base of electoral support. Because many of its strongest supporters expect free and fair elections, the regime has strong incentives to conceal or otherwise limit its use of electoral fraud.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":"73 1","pages":"275 - 314"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0043887120000234","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43880774","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Approaches to the study of international relations employ a wide variety of concepts and indicators. The interrelationships among these concepts often are specified in conceptual schemes, models, or theories. This supplementary issue of World Politics presents several approaches to international relations theory which utilize familiar concepts, such as decision-making, crisis, and interdependence, and also concepts (frequently borrowed from other disciplines) that are less familiar, e.g., entrepreneurial and consumer roles, free riders, and externalities. The diversity of approaches and the variety of models specified by the contributors led the co-editors to commission an index focusing on concepts and the variables used to tap the concepts (indicators) rather than a more traditional listing of names, places, and events.
{"title":"Conceptual Index","authors":"Stephen M. Shaffer","doi":"10.2307/2010566","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2010566","url":null,"abstract":"Approaches to the study of international relations employ a wide variety of concepts and indicators. The interrelationships among these concepts often are specified in conceptual schemes, models, or theories. This supplementary issue of World Politics presents several approaches to international relations theory which utilize familiar concepts, such as decision-making, crisis, and interdependence, and also concepts (frequently borrowed from other disciplines) that are less familiar, e.g., entrepreneurial and consumer roles, free riders, and externalities. The diversity of approaches and the variety of models specified by the contributors led the co-editors to commission an index focusing on concepts and the variables used to tap the concepts (indicators) rather than a more traditional listing of names, places, and events.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":"24 1","pages":"248 - 266"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2010566","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45677485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-20DOI: 10.22124/WP.2021.17871.2636
طاهر حیدرزاده, رحمت حاجی مینه, نوذر شفیعی
تحولاتی که در سال 2011 میلادی درخاورمیانه آغاز گردید پیامدهایی را برجای گذاشت. اعتراضات علیه اسد موجب ایجاد بحرانها و پیدایش خشنترین گروههای تروریستی گردید و ابعاد بینالمللی به خود گرفت. بحرانی که پای قدرتهای منطقهای و فرامنطقهای چون ترکیه و روسیه را به میان کشید. ترکیه به دلیل هم مرز بودن و تهدیدات ناشی از گروههای تروریستی و روسیه به دلیل حفظ پیوندهای اقتصادی و نظامی خود با سوریه، و جلوگیری از کاهش نفوذ خود درخاورمیانه وارد میدان شدند. روسیه و ترکیه پیش از این همکاریهای وسیعی داشتند که با وقوع بحران سوریه و مواضع دو کشور، در تقابل با یکدیگر قرارگرفتند و زمانی به اوج رسید که ترکیه جنگنده روسیه را در مرز سوریه سرنگون کرد و روسیه نیز تمامی روابط خود با ترکیه را قطع کرد اما، بار دیگر دو کشور به سمت همکاری گرویدند. هدف این پژوهش تبیین روابط روسیه و ترکیه در بحران سوریه از منظر رئالیسم مشروط میباشد. سوال اصلی نیز به این صورت است که روابط روسیه و ترکیه دربحران سوریه بر اساس چه الگوی نظری قابل تبیین است؟ که در پاسخ به سوال اصلی، فرضیه پژوهش بر این اساس است که روابط روسیه و ترکیه با توجه به تحول از فاز تنش و قطع روابط به همکاری و نزدیکی روابط بر اساس رئالیسم مشروط مبتنی بر اولویت دادن به همکاری به جای رقابت در روابط قدرتهای رقیب برای کسب منافع، قابل تبیین است. روش تحقیق دراین مقاله کیفی با رویکرد تبیینی-توصیفی است.
{"title":"تبیین روابط روسیه و ترکیه در بحران سوریه از منظر رئالیسم مشروط","authors":"طاهر حیدرزاده, رحمت حاجی مینه, نوذر شفیعی","doi":"10.22124/WP.2021.17871.2636","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22124/WP.2021.17871.2636","url":null,"abstract":"تحولاتی که در سال 2011 میلادی درخاورمیانه آغاز گردید پیامدهایی را برجای گذاشت. اعتراضات علیه اسد موجب ایجاد بحرانها و پیدایش خشنترین گروههای تروریستی گردید و ابعاد بینالمللی به خود گرفت. بحرانی که پای قدرتهای منطقهای و فرامنطقهای چون ترکیه و روسیه را به میان کشید. ترکیه به دلیل هم مرز بودن و تهدیدات ناشی از گروههای تروریستی و روسیه به دلیل حفظ پیوندهای اقتصادی و نظامی خود با سوریه، و جلوگیری از کاهش نفوذ خود درخاورمیانه وارد میدان شدند. روسیه و ترکیه پیش از این همکاریهای وسیعی داشتند که با وقوع بحران سوریه و مواضع دو کشور، در تقابل با یکدیگر قرارگرفتند و زمانی به اوج رسید که ترکیه جنگنده روسیه را در مرز سوریه سرنگون کرد و روسیه نیز تمامی روابط خود با ترکیه را قطع کرد اما، بار دیگر دو کشور به سمت همکاری گرویدند. هدف این پژوهش تبیین روابط روسیه و ترکیه در بحران سوریه از منظر رئالیسم مشروط میباشد. سوال اصلی نیز به این صورت است که روابط روسیه و ترکیه دربحران سوریه بر اساس چه الگوی نظری قابل تبیین است؟ که در پاسخ به سوال اصلی، فرضیه پژوهش بر این اساس است که روابط روسیه و ترکیه با توجه به تحول از فاز تنش و قطع روابط به همکاری و نزدیکی روابط بر اساس رئالیسم مشروط مبتنی بر اولویت دادن به همکاری به جای رقابت در روابط قدرتهای رقیب برای کسب منافع، قابل تبیین است. روش تحقیق دراین مقاله کیفی با رویکرد تبیینی-توصیفی است.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45526497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2021.1.34570
Hussein Dalsooz Jalal
The author of the article empirically studies the way countries are competing for establishing diplomatic relations with a non-governmental actor. The author focuses on the government of the Kurdistan region which uses its soft power to attract the attention of countries. Among other instruments, hydrocarbon fuels (oil and gas) were the main driving force of the Kurdistan region’s soft power. The author proves that economic and hydrocarbon ambitions have made the countries transform their traditional understanding of global diplomacy which inspires some former antagonist states to rebuild their relations with a non-governmental actor even more, and even to consider it as their close partner. The conclusions of the research correspond with the idea that the Kurdistan region will more actively participate in global diplomacy as it is rich in oil and gas resources.
{"title":"Hydrocarbon fuels as a basis of the Kurdistan region’s global diplomacy","authors":"Hussein Dalsooz Jalal","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2021.1.34570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.1.34570","url":null,"abstract":"The author of the article empirically studies the way countries are competing for establishing diplomatic relations with a non-governmental actor. The author focuses on the government of the Kurdistan region which uses its soft power to attract the attention of countries. Among other instruments, hydrocarbon fuels (oil and gas) were the main driving force of the Kurdistan region’s soft power. The author proves that economic and hydrocarbon ambitions have made the countries transform their traditional understanding of global diplomacy which inspires some former antagonist states to rebuild their relations with a non-governmental actor even more, and even to consider it as their close partner. The conclusions of the research correspond with the idea that the Kurdistan region will more actively participate in global diplomacy as it is rich in oil and gas resources.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":"39-56"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69543247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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