World Politics最新文献

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Preferences Over Foreign Migration 对外国移民的偏好

IF 5 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

World Politics

Pub Date : 2022-05-25 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887121000253

E. York

Abstract Do existing theories regarding the impact of foreign migration explain preferences in non-oecd countries? The author adapts and applies explanations for opposition to migration in the Arabian Gulf, a significant region in global migration today, using a survey experiment implemented in Qatar. The results offer a rare validation of predictions from the labor market competition model, demonstrating that individual employment circumstances are important preference determinants. Additionally, while OECD citizens prefer high-skilled migrants, Qataris are indifferent about blue- versus white-collar workers. Mediation analysis suggests that this null effect is the result of competing cultural and economic concerns over the effect of differing classes of migrants on economic and social welfare. The novel context provides a critical test case of the labor market hypothesis and offers insight into how migration preferences in the Global South differ from the Western experience.

摘要关于外国移民影响的现有理论是否解释了非经合组织国家的偏好？作者利用在卡塔尔进行的一项调查实验，对阿拉伯湾反对移民的行为进行了调整和解释，阿拉伯湾是当今全球移民的重要地区。研究结果罕见地验证了劳动力市场竞争模型的预测，表明个人就业环境是重要的偏好决定因素。此外，虽然经合组织公民更喜欢高技能移民，但卡塔尔人对蓝领工人和白领工人漠不关心。调解分析表明，这种无效效应是对不同阶层移民对经济和社会福利影响的文化和经济关切相互竞争的结果。这一新颖的背景为劳动力市场假说提供了一个关键的测试案例，并深入了解了全球南方的移民偏好与西方的经验有何不同。

引用次数: 0

The Long-Run Consequences of The Opium Concessions for Out-Group Animosity on Java 鸦片租界对爪哇岛群情激愤的长期后果

IF 5 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

World Politics

Pub Date : 2022-05-25 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887122000041

Nicholas Kuipers

Abstract This article examines the consequences of the opium concession system in the Dutch East Indies—a nineteenth-century institution through which the Dutch would auction the monopolistic right to sell opium in a given locality. The winners of these auctions were invariably ethnic Chinese. The poverty of Java's indigenous population combined with opium's addictive properties meant that many individuals fell into destitution. The author argues that this institution put in motion a self-reinforcing arrangement that enriched one group and embittered the other with consequences that persist to the present day. Consistent with this theory, the author finds that individuals living today in villages where the opium concession system once operated report higher levels of out-group intolerance compared to individuals in nearby unexposed counterfactual villages. These findings improve the understanding of the historical conditions that structure antagonisms between competing groups.

摘要本文考察了荷属东印度群岛鸦片特许经营制度的后果。这是一个19世纪的制度，荷兰人通过它拍卖在特定地区销售鸦片的垄断权。这些拍卖的获胜者都是华裔。爪哇土著人口的贫困加上鸦片的成瘾特性，意味着许多人陷入贫困。作者认为，这一制度启动了一种自我强化的安排，使一个群体富裕起来，使另一个群体痛苦不堪，其后果一直持续到今天。与这一理论一致，作者发现，与附近未暴露的反事实村庄的个人相比，今天生活在鸦片特许经营制度曾经运作的村庄的个人报告的群体外不容忍程度更高。这些发现提高了对构成竞争群体之间对抗的历史条件的理解。

引用次数: 1

Public Opinion on Geopolitics and Trade: Theory and Evidence 地缘政治与贸易的民意:理论与证据

IF 5 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

World Politics

Pub Date : 2022-04-11 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887121000265

Allison Carnegie, Nikhar Gaikwad

This article provides a systematic examination of the role of security considerations in shaping mass preferences over international economic exchange. The authors employ multiple survey experiments conducted in the United States and India, along with observational and case study evidence, to investigate how geopolitics affects voters’ views of international trade. Their research shows that respondents consistently—and by large margins—prefer trading with allies over adversaries. Negative prior beliefs about adversaries, amplified by concerns that trade will bolster the partner's military, account for this preference. Yet the authors also find that a significant proportion of the public believes that trade can lead to peace and that the peace-inducing aspects of trade can cause voters to overcome their aversion to trade with adversaries. This article helps explain when and why governments constrained by public opinion pursue economic cooperation in the shadow of conflict.

本文系统地考察了安全考虑在形成相对于国际经济交换的大众偏好方面所起的作用。作者采用了在美国和印度进行的多项调查实验，以及观察和案例研究证据，来调查地缘政治如何影响选民对国际贸易的看法。他们的研究表明，受访者始终——而且在很大程度上——更喜欢与盟友而不是对手进行贸易。这种偏好是由对对手的负面先前信念造成的，而对贸易将增强合作伙伴军事实力的担忧又放大了这种信念。然而，作者还发现，很大一部分公众认为贸易可以带来和平，而贸易的和平诱导方面可以使选民克服对与对手进行贸易的厌恶。本文有助于解释受公众舆论约束的政府何时以及为何会在冲突的阴影下寻求经济合作。

引用次数: 13

Explaining Out-Group Bias in Weak States 弱状态下群外偏倚的解释

IF 5 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

World Politics

Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S004388712100023X

Volha Charnysh

Abstract Two dominant explanations for ethnic bias in distributional outcomes are electoral incentives and out-group prejudice. This article proposes a novel and complementary explanation for the phenomenon: variation in legibility across ethnic groups. The author argues that states will allocate fewer resources to groups from which they cannot gather accurate information or collect taxes. The argument is supported by original data on state aid from the 1891/1892 famine in the Russian Empire. Qualitative and quantitative analyses show that districts with a larger Muslim population experienced higher famine mortality and received less generous public assistance. The Muslims, historically ruled via religious intermediaries, were less legible to state officials and generated lower fiscal revenues. State officials could not count on the repayment of food loans or collect tax arrears from Muslim communes, so they were more likely to withhold aid. State relief did not vary with the presence of other minorities that were more legible and generated more revenue.

摘要分配结果中种族偏见的两种主要解释是选举激励和群体外偏见。本文对这一现象提出了一种新颖而互补的解释：不同种族群体的易读性差异。作者认为，各州将减少向无法收集准确信息或征税的群体分配的资源。这一论点得到了1891/1892年俄罗斯帝国饥荒期间国家援助的原始数据的支持。定性和定量分析表明，穆斯林人口较多的地区饥荒死亡率较高，获得的公共援助较少。历史上通过宗教中介统治的穆斯林，对国家官员来说不太容易辨认，财政收入也较低。国家官员无法指望偿还粮食贷款，也无法向穆斯林社区收取拖欠税款，因此他们更有可能扣留援助。国家救济并不因其他少数群体的存在而有所不同，这些少数群体更容易辨认，并产生更多收入。

引用次数: 1

WPO volume 74 issue 2 Cover and Back matter 世界卫生组织第74卷第2期封面和封底

IF 5 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

World Politics

Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887122000089

引用次数: 0

Foreign Occupation and Support for International Cooperation 外国占领与支持国际合作

IF 5 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

World Politics

Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S004388712200003X

Lasse Aaskoven

Abstract A growing literature investigates how historical state repression affects later political outcomes, but little attention has been given to whether violence during foreign occupation affects support for international cooperation. This article investigates this issue by analyzing the 1972 Danish referendum on membership in the European Economic Community (eec)—an organization seen at the time as being dominated by Germany. The analysis shows that municipalities that experienced more German-inflicted violence during the German occupation of Denmark (1940–1945) in World War II had a higher rate of no votes in this referendum. This effect seems to have worked through increased support for Danish far-left parties that were associated with the Danish resistance movement and that actively used anti-German sentiment in their campaigns against eec membership. The results suggest that foreign-inflicted violence can be a substantial hindrance for popular support for international cooperation and that political parties play an important role in translating historical grievances into mass political behavior.

越来越多的文献研究历史上的国家镇压如何影响后来的政治结果，但很少有人关注外国占领期间的暴力是否会影响对国际合作的支持。本文通过分析1972年丹麦关于加入欧洲经济共同体(eec)的全民公决来研究这个问题——当时这个组织被认为是由德国主导的。分析表明，在第二次世界大战德国占领丹麦(1940-1945)期间，经历了更多德国暴力的城市在这次全民公决中有更高的反对票。这种效应似乎通过增加对丹麦极左翼政党的支持而起作用，这些政党与丹麦抵抗运动有关，并在反对加入欧洲经济共同体的运动中积极利用反德情绪。研究结果表明，外国施加的暴力可能会严重阻碍民众对国际合作的支持，而政党在将历史上的不满转化为大规模政治行为方面发挥着重要作用。

引用次数: 0

WPO volume 74 issue 2 Cover and Front matter WPO第74卷第2期封面和封面

IF 5 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

World Politics

Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887122000077

引用次数: 0

When Coethnicity Fails 当Coethnicity失败时

IF 5 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

World Politics

Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887121000241

Giuliana Pardelli, A. Kustov

Abstract Why do communities with larger shares of ethnic and racial minorities have worse public goods provision? Many studies have emphasized the role of diversity in hindering public outcomes, but the question of causality remains elusive. The authors contribute to this debate by tracing the roots of both contemporary racial demography and public goods provision to the uneven historical expansion of the state. Focusing on new historical data from Brazil, the authors show that more remote municipalities with lower levels of state capacity in the past were more frequently selected by escaped slaves to serve as permanent settlements. Consequently, such municipalities have worse public services and larger shares of Afro-descendants today. These results highlight the pervasive endogeneity of the relationship between ethnic demography and public outcomes. The failure to account for context-dependent historical confounders raises concerns about the validity of previous findings regarding the social costs and benefits of any particular demographic composition.

为什么少数民族社区的公共产品供应较差?许多研究都强调了多样性在阻碍公共成果方面的作用，但因果关系的问题仍然难以捉摸。作者通过追溯当代种族人口统计和公共产品供应的根源，对国家不平衡的历史扩张做出了贡献。关注巴西的新历史数据，作者表明，过去国家能力水平较低的偏远城市更经常被逃跑的奴隶选择作为永久定居点。因此，这些城市的公共服务更差，非洲后裔的比例更高。这些结果突出了种族人口与公共结果之间关系的普遍内生性。由于未能考虑到与环境相关的历史混杂因素，人们对以往关于任何特定人口构成的社会成本和收益的研究结果的有效性感到担忧。

引用次数: 4

Where Have the Guardians Gone? Law Enforcement and the Politics of Supranational Forbearance in the European Union 守护者去哪儿了?欧盟的执法与超国家容忍政治

IF 5 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

World Politics

Pub Date : 2022-01-05 DOI: 10.33774/apsa-2022-c0qjl

B. R. D. Kelemen, Tommaso PAVONEb

abstract:Why would a supranational law enforcer suddenly refrain from wielding its powers? The authors theorize the supranational politics of forbearance—the deliberate underenforcement of the law—and explain how they arise from cross-pressures between prosecutorial discretion and intergovernmental policy-making. The article then traces why an exemplary supranational enforcer—the European Commission—became reluctant to launch infringements against European Union member states. While the Commission's policy-making role as engine of integration has been controversial, its prosecutorial role as guardian of the Treaties has been viewed as less contentious. Yet after 2004, infringements launched by the Commission plummeted. The authors demonstrate that the Commission's political leadership grew alarmed that aggressive enforcement was eroding intergovernmental support for its policy agenda. By reining in the bureaucrats managing enforcement and embracing conciliatory dialogues with governments, the Commission sacrificed its role as guardian of the Treaties to safeguard its role as engine of integration. The article's findings highlight the consequences of politicizing international institutions and the tradeoffs facing executives double-hatting as prosecutors and policymakers.

为什么一个超国家的执法者会突然停止行使其权力?作者将超国家的宽容政治——故意执法不足——理论化，并解释了它们是如何从检察官自由裁量权和政府间政策制定之间的交叉压力中产生的。文章随后追溯了超国家执法者——欧盟委员会——不愿对欧盟成员国发起侵权行为的原因。虽然委员会作为一体化引擎的决策作用一直存在争议，但其作为《条约》守护者的起诉作用被认为争议较少。然而，2004年之后，欧盟委员会发起的侵权案件大幅减少。作者表明，委员会的政治领导对积极的执法正在侵蚀政府间对其政策议程的支持感到震惊。通过控制管理执法的官僚和接受与各国政府的和解对话，委员会牺牲了其作为《条约》守护者的作用，以维护其作为一体化引擎的作用。这篇文章的研究结果强调了将国际机构政治化的后果，以及高管们同时担任检察官和政策制定者所面临的权衡。

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引用次数: 10

Expressive Power of Anti-Violence Legislation 反暴力立法的表达力

IF 5 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

World Politics

Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887121000186

Mala Htun, Francesca R. Jensenius

abstract We know more about why laws on violence against women (vaw) were adopted than about how much and in what ways these laws affect society. The authors argue that even weakly enforced laws can contribute to positive social change. They theorize the expressive power of vaw legislation, and present evidence for a cautiously optimistic assessment of current trends on violence against women and the ways that vaw laws affect social norms. Focusing on a time of major legal change related to vaw in Mexico, this article explores trends in behavior and attitudes related to violence by analyzing four waves of the National Survey on the Dynamics of Household Relations (endireh), which include detailed interviews with thousands of Mexican women. The authors find that over this period, the share of women experiencing intimate-partner abuse declined, attitudes condoning violence shifted, reporting rates rose, and most women learned about legislation to protect their rights. These changes are consistent with the authors’ expectations about the expressive power of anti-violence legislation.

我们对禁止对妇女施暴的法律为什么会被通过的了解，比对这些法律对社会影响的程度和方式了解得更多。作者认为，即使是执行不力的法律也能促进积极的社会变革。他们将法律的表达能力理论化，并提供证据，对目前暴力侵害妇女行为的趋势和法律对社会规范的影响方式进行谨慎乐观的评估。本文聚焦于墨西哥与《反暴力法》相关的重大法律变革时期，通过分析四波全国家庭关系动态调查(endireh)，探讨了与暴力相关的行为和态度的趋势，其中包括对数千名墨西哥妇女的详细采访。作者发现，在此期间，遭受亲密伴侣虐待的女性比例下降，宽恕暴力的态度转变，报告率上升，大多数女性都了解了保护自己权利的立法。这些变化与笔者对反暴力立法表达力的期许是一致的。

引用次数: 2

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