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Expressive Power of Anti-Violence Legislation 反暴力立法的表达力
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887121000186
Mala Htun, Francesca R. Jensenius
abstract We know more about why laws on violence against women (vaw) were adopted than about how much and in what ways these laws affect society. The authors argue that even weakly enforced laws can contribute to positive social change. They theorize the expressive power of vaw legislation, and present evidence for a cautiously optimistic assessment of current trends on violence against women and the ways that vaw laws affect social norms. Focusing on a time of major legal change related to vaw in Mexico, this article explores trends in behavior and attitudes related to violence by analyzing four waves of the National Survey on the Dynamics of Household Relations (endireh), which include detailed interviews with thousands of Mexican women. The authors find that over this period, the share of women experiencing intimate-partner abuse declined, attitudes condoning violence shifted, reporting rates rose, and most women learned about legislation to protect their rights. These changes are consistent with the authors’ expectations about the expressive power of anti-violence legislation.
我们对禁止对妇女施暴的法律为什么会被通过的了解,比对这些法律对社会影响的程度和方式了解得更多。作者认为,即使是执行不力的法律也能促进积极的社会变革。他们将法律的表达能力理论化,并提供证据,对目前暴力侵害妇女行为的趋势和法律对社会规范的影响方式进行谨慎乐观的评估。本文聚焦于墨西哥与《反暴力法》相关的重大法律变革时期,通过分析四波全国家庭关系动态调查(endireh),探讨了与暴力相关的行为和态度的趋势,其中包括对数千名墨西哥妇女的详细采访。作者发现,在此期间,遭受亲密伴侣虐待的女性比例下降,宽恕暴力的态度转变,报告率上升,大多数女性都了解了保护自己权利的立法。这些变化与笔者对反暴力立法表达力的期许是一致的。
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引用次数: 2
Buying Brokers 购买经纪人
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887121000216
A. Hicken, E. Aspinall, Meredith L. Weiss, Burhanuddin Muhtadi
Abstract Studies of electoral clientelism—the contingent exchange of material benefits for electoral support—frequently presume the presence of strong parties. Parties facilitate monitoring and enforcement of vote buying and allow brokers to identify core voters for turnout buying. Where money fuels campaigns but elections center around candidates, not parties, how do candidates pitch electoral handouts? The authors analyze candidates’ distribution of cash during an Indonesian election. Drawing upon varied data, including surveys of voters and brokers, candidates’ cash-distribution lists, and focus-group discussions, they find heavy spending but little evidence of vote buying or turnout buying. Instead, candidates buy brokers. With little loyalty or party brand to draw on, candidates seek to establish credibility with well-networked brokers, who then protect their turf with token payments for their own presumed bloc of voters. The authors find little evidence of monitoring of either voter or broker behavior, which is consistent with their argument that these payments are noncontingent.
摘要对选举客户主义的研究——以物质利益换取选举支持的偶然交换——经常假设存在强大的政党。政党有助于监督和执行贿选,并允许经纪人确定核心选民进行投票购买。在资金推动竞选但选举围绕候选人而非政党的地方,候选人如何推销选举救济品?作者分析了印尼大选期间候选人的现金分配情况。根据各种数据,包括对选民和经纪人的调查、候选人的现金分配名单和焦点小组讨论,他们发现支出巨大,但几乎没有证据表明有人购买选票或投票率。相反,候选人购买经纪人。由于几乎没有忠诚度或政党品牌可供利用,候选人寻求与网络良好的经纪人建立信誉,然后经纪人通过为自己假定的选民群体支付象征性费用来保护自己的地盘。作者几乎没有发现对选民或经纪人行为进行监控的证据,这与他们的论点一致,即这些付款是非接触的。
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引用次数: 2
WPO volume 74 issue 1 Cover and Front matter 世界卫生组织第74卷第1期封面和封面事项
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887122000016
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引用次数: 0
Government Policies, New Voter Coalitions, and the Emergence of Ethnic Dimension in Party Systems 政府政策、新选民联盟与政党制度中民族维度的出现
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887121000228
Maayan Mor
Abstract Conventional theories of ethnic politics argue that political entrepreneurs form ethnic parties where there is ethnic diversity. Yet empirical research finds that diversity is a weak predictor for the success of ethnic parties. When does ethnicity become a major element of party competition? Scholars have explained the emergence of an ethnic dimension in party systems as the result of institutions, mass organizations, and elite initiatives. But these factors can evolve in response to an emerging ethnic coalition of voters. The author advances a new theory: ethnic cleavages emerge when voters seek to form a parliamentary opposition to government policies that create grievances along ethnic identities. The theory is tested on rare cases of government policies in Prussia between 1848 and 1874 that aggrieved Catholics but were not based on existing policies or initiated by entrepreneurs to encourage ethnic competition. Using process tracing, case comparisons, and statistical analysis of electoral returns, the author shows that Catholics voted together when aggrieved by policies, regardless of the actions of political entrepreneurs. In contrast, when policies were neutral to Catholics, the Catholic party dissolved.
传统的民族政治理论认为,在存在民族多样性的地方,政治企业家会形成民族政党。然而,实证研究发现,多样性并不能很好地预测族裔政党的成功。种族什么时候成为政党竞争的主要因素?学者们解释说,政党制度中出现的民族维度是制度、群众组织和精英倡议的结果。但这些因素可能会随着种族选民联盟的出现而发生变化。作者提出了一种新的理论:当选民试图在议会中形成反对政府政策的力量时,种族分裂就会出现。这一理论在1848年至1874年间的普鲁士政府政策的罕见案例中得到了检验,这些政策使天主教徒感到不满,但不是基于现有政策,也不是由企业家发起的,以鼓励种族竞争。通过过程追踪、案例比较和选举结果的统计分析,作者表明,天主教徒在对政策感到不满时,无论政治企业家的行为如何,都会一起投票。相反,当政策对天主教徒保持中立时,天主教徒党就会解散。
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引用次数: 1
WPO volume 74 issue 1 Cover and Back matter 世界卫生组织第74卷第1期封面和封底
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887122000028
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引用次数: 0
Control, Coercion, and Cooptation 控制、强制和合作
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-12-22 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887121000174
Shelley X. Liu
Abstract This article examines how rebels govern after winning a civil war. During war, both sides—rebels and their rivals—form ties with civilians to facilitate governance and to establish control. To consolidate power after war, the new rebel government engages in control through its ties in its wartime strongholds, through coercion in rival strongholds where rivals retain ties, and through cooptation by deploying loyal bureaucrats to oversee development in unsecured terrain where its ties are weak. These strategies help to explain subnational differences in postwar development. The author analyzes Zimbabwe's Liberation War (1972–1979) and its postwar politics (1980–1987) using a difference-in-differences identification strategy that leverages large-scale education reforms. Quantitative results show that development increased most quickly in unsecured terrain and least quickly in rival strongholds. Qualitative evidence from archival and interview data confirms the theorized logic. The findings deepen understanding of transitions from conflict to peace and offer important insights about how wartime experiences affect postwar politics.
本文探讨了叛军在赢得内战后是如何治理国家的。在战争期间,双方——反叛者和他们的对手——都与平民建立联系,以促进治理和建立控制。为了在战后巩固权力,新的反叛政府通过在战时据点的关系,在对手保持联系的敌对据点进行胁迫,以及通过调动忠诚的官僚来监督其关系薄弱的不安全地区的发展,从而进行控制。这些策略有助于解释战后发展中的次国家差异。作者分析了津巴布韦的解放战争(1972-1979)及其战后政治(1980-1987),使用了利用大规模教育改革的差异中差异识别策略。定量结果表明,在不安全的地形中发展最快,而在敌对的据点中发展最慢。来自档案和访谈数据的定性证据证实了理论逻辑。这些发现加深了人们对从冲突到和平的转变的理解,并为战争经历如何影响战后政治提供了重要的见解。
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引用次数: 6
WPO volume 73 issue 4 Cover and Back matter WPO第73卷第4期封面和封底
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887121000204
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引用次数: 0
WPO volume 73 issue 4 Cover and Front matter 世界卫生组织第73卷第4期封面和封面事项
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887121000198
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引用次数: 0
Why Non-Democracy Engages with Western Democracy-Promotion Programs 为什么非民主与西方民主促进计划
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887121000137
Sungmin Cho
ABSTRACT Between the mid-1990s and the mid-2010s, the Chinese government was distinctly open to the Western offer of democracy-assistance programs. It cooperated with a number of Western organizations to improve the rule of law, village elections, administrative capacity, and civil society in China. Why did the Chinese government engage with democracy promoters who tried to develop these democratic attributes within China? The author argues that the government intended to use Western aid to its advantage. The Chinese Communist Party had launched governance reforms to strengthen its regime legitimacy, and Chinese officials found that Western democracy assistance could be used to facilitate their own governance-reform programs. The article traces the process of how the government’s strategic intention translated into policies of selective openness, and includes evidence from firsthand interviews, propaganda materials, and research by Chinese experts. The findings show how democracy promoters and authoritarian leaders have different expectations of the effects of limited democratic reform within nondemocratic systems. Empirically, reflecting on the so-called golden years of China’s engagement with the West sheds new light on the Chinese Communist Party’s survival strategy through authoritarian legitimation.
在20世纪90年代中期至2010年代中期,中国政府对西方提供的民主援助项目明显持开放态度。它与一些西方组织合作,改善了中国的法治、村选举、行政能力和公民社会。为什么中国政府与那些试图在中国发展这些民主属性的民主推动者接触?作者认为,政府打算利用西方的援助为自己谋利。中国共产党已经启动了治理改革,以加强其政权的合法性,中国官员发现,西方的民主援助可以用来促进他们自己的治理改革计划。这篇文章追溯了政府的战略意图如何转化为选择性开放政策的过程,并包括来自第一手采访、宣传材料和中国专家研究的证据。研究结果表明,民主推动者和威权领导人对有限的民主改革在非民主制度中的效果有不同的预期。从经验上看,反思中国与西方交往的所谓黄金年代,可以让我们对中国共产党通过威权合法化的生存策略有新的认识。
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引用次数: 3
Geographically Targeted Spending in Mixed-Member Majoritarian Electoral Systems 混合成员多数派选举制度中的地域目标支出
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887121000113
A. Catalinac, Lucia Motolinia
ABSTRACT Can governments elected under mixed-member majoritarian (mmm) electoral systems use geographically targeted spending to increase their chances of staying in office, and if so, how? Although twenty-eight countries use mmm electoral systems, scant research has addressed this question. The authors explain how mmm’s combination of electoral systems in two unlinked tiers creates a distinct strategic environment in which a large party and a small party can trade votes in one tier for votes in the other tier in a way that increases the number of seats won by both. They then explain how governing parties dependent on vote trading can use geographically targeted spending to cement it. These propositions are tested using original data from Japan (2003–2013) and Mexico (2012–2016). In both cases, municipalities in which the supporters of governing parties split their ballots as instructed were found to have received more money after elections. The findings have broad implications for research on mmm electoral systems, distributive politics, and the politics of Japan and Mexico.
在混合成员多数选举制度下当选的政府是否可以使用地理上有针对性的支出来增加其留任的机会,如果可以,如何使用?虽然有28个国家使用mmm选举制度,但很少有研究解决这个问题。作者解释了mmm如何将两个不相关的选举制度结合在一起,创造了一种独特的战略环境,在这种环境中,大党和小党可以在一个层次上交换另一个层次的选票,从而增加双方赢得的席位数量。然后,他们解释了依赖于选票交易的执政党如何利用有地域针对性的支出来巩固它。使用日本(2003-2013)和墨西哥(2012-2016)的原始数据对这些命题进行了检验。在这两个案例中,执政党的支持者按照指示分票的市政当局在选举后都获得了更多的资金。这些发现对mmm选举制度、分配政治以及日本和墨西哥政治的研究具有广泛的意义。
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引用次数: 8
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World Politics
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