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WPO volume 74 issue 4 Cover and Back matter 世界卫生组织第74卷第4期封面和封底
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887122000181
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引用次数: 0
WPO volume 74 issue 4 Cover and Front matter 世界卫生组织第74卷第4期封面和封面事项
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s004388712200017x
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引用次数: 0
Democratic Deliberation and the Resource Curse 民主审议与资源诅咒
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-23 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887122000090
J. Sandefur, N. Birdsall, James S. Fishkin, Mujobu Moyo
Abstract Oil and gas discoveries in developing countries are often associated with shortsighted economic policies and, in response, with calls to insulate resource management from populist impulses. The authors report on a randomized experiment that tested methods to overcome this apparent tension between sound resource governance and democratic politics. Soon after Tanzania's discovery of major natural gas reserves, the authors invited a nationally representative sample of voters to take part in an intensive public deliberation of policy options, at an event featuring nationally recognized experts and small-group discussions. Democratic deliberation reinforced the public's strong preference for rapid spending of gas revenues, but also increased support for various prudential and economically orthodox measures, such as the independent oversight of gas revenues, limits on government borrowing, and selling gas abroad rather than subsidizing fuel at home. These effects were driven by deliberation per se, rather than a pure information treatment, and show no evidence of contamination by facilitator effects or peer effects in group deliberations.
发展中国家的石油和天然气发现往往与短视的经济政策有关,作为回应,人们呼吁将资源管理与民粹主义冲动隔离开来。作者报告了一项随机实验,该实验测试了克服健全的资源管理与民主政治之间这种明显紧张关系的方法。在坦桑尼亚发现主要的天然气储量后不久,作者邀请了一个具有全国代表性的选民样本,在一个由全国公认的专家和小组讨论组成的活动中,参加对政策选择的密集公共审议。民主审议加强了公众对天然气收入迅速支出的强烈偏好,但也增加了对各种审慎和经济正统措施的支持,例如对天然气收入的独立监督,限制政府借款,向国外出售天然气而不是补贴国内燃料。这些影响是由审议本身驱动的,而不是纯粹的信息处理,并且没有证据表明在小组审议中受到促进者效应或同伴效应的污染。
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引用次数: 1
Group Ties amid Industrial Change 产业变革中的集团关系
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887122000168
Noah Zucker
Abstract Coethnics often work in the same industries. How does this ethnic clustering affect individuals’ political loyalties amid industrial growth and decline? Focusing on migrant groups, the author contends that ethnic groups’ distribution across industries alters the political allegiances of their members. When a group is concentrated in a growing industry, economic optimism and resources flow between coethnics, bolstering migrants’ confidence in their economic security and dissuading investments in local political incorporation. When a group is concentrated in a declining industry, these gains dissipate, leading migrants to integrate into out-groups with greater access to political rents. Analyses of immigrants near US coal mines in the early twentieth century support this theory. The article shows how ethnic groups’ distribution across industries shapes the evolution of group cleavages and illuminates how decarbonizing transitions away from fossil fuels may reshape identity conflicts.
摘要Coethnics经常在同一行业工作。在工业增长和衰落的过程中,这种种族聚集如何影响个人的政治忠诚度?以移民群体为中心,作者认为,种族群体在各个行业的分布改变了其成员的政治忠诚。当一个群体集中在一个不断发展的行业时,经济乐观主义和资源在男女之间流动,增强了移民对经济安全的信心,并劝阻了对当地政治融合的投资。当一个群体集中在一个衰落的行业时,这些收益就会消散,导致移民融入更容易获得政治租金的外部群体。对20世纪初美国煤矿附近移民的分析支持了这一理论。这篇文章展示了种族群体在行业中的分布如何影响群体分裂的演变,并阐明了从化石燃料转向脱碳可能如何重塑身份冲突。
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引用次数: 0
The Political Economy of NGO Service Provision 非政府组织服务提供的政治经济学
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-29 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887122000107
Jeremy Springman
Abstract The share of basic services that NGOs deliver has grown dramatically in developing countries due to increased receipt of aid and philanthropy in these countries. Many scholars and practitioners worry that NGOs reduce reliance on government services and, in turn, lower demand for government provision and undermine political engagement. Others argue that NGOs prop-up poorly performing governments that receive undeserved credit for the production, allocation, or welfare effects of NGO services. Using original surveys and a randomized health intervention, implemented in parallel to a similar universal government program, this article investigates the long-term effect of NGO provision on political attitudes and behavior. Access to NGO services increased preferences for NGO, relative to government, provision. However, political engagement and perceptions of government legitimacy were unaffected. Instead, the intervention generated political credit for the incumbent president. This study finds that citizens see NGOs as a resource that powerful government actors control, and they reward actors who they see as responsible for allocation of those resources.
摘要非政府组织提供的基本服务在发展中国家的份额急剧增长,这是由于这些国家获得的援助和慈善事业的增加。许多学者和从业者担心,非政府组织减少了对政府服务的依赖,进而降低了对政府提供服务的需求,破坏了政治参与。其他人则认为,非政府组织支持表现不佳的政府,这些政府因非政府组织服务的生产、分配或福利影响而获得了不应有的信贷。本文采用原始调查和随机健康干预,与类似的普遍政府计划并行实施,调查了非政府组织提供的服务对政治态度和行为的长期影响。与政府相比,获得非政府组织服务增加了对非政府组织的偏好。然而,政治参与和对政府合法性的看法没有受到影响。相反,这次干预为现任总统赢得了政治赞誉。这项研究发现,公民将非政府组织视为强大的政府行为者控制的资源,并奖励他们认为对这些资源分配负责的行为者。
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引用次数: 4
Imagining a World without the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 想象一个没有《世界人权宣言》的世界
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-12 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887122000065
Zachary Elkins, Tom Ginsburg

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is thought to have shaped constitutions profoundly since its adoption in 1948. The authors identify two empirical implications that should follow from such influence. First, UDHR content should be reflected in subsequent national constitutions. Second, such reflections should bear the particular marks of the UDHR itself, not those of the postwar zeitgeist more broadly. The authors examine the historical evidence at various levels to identify and untangle the UDHR's impact. In a macro analysis, they leverage an original data set on the content of constitutions since 1789. They explore historical patterns in the creation and spread of rights, and test whether 1948 exhibits a noticeable disruption in rights provision. The authors build a multivariate model that predicts rights provision with constitution- and rights-level covariates. To gain further analytic leverage, they unearth the process that produced the UDHR and identify plausible alternative formulations evident in a set of discarded proposals. The authors further test the plausibility of UDHR influence by searching for direct references to the document in subsequent constitutional texts and constitutional proceedings. The evidence suggests that the UDHR significantly accelerated the adoption of a particular set of constitutional rights.

自1948年通过以来,《世界人权宣言》(UDHR)被认为对宪法产生了深远的影响。作者确定了这种影响应该带来的两个实证意义。首先,《世界人权宣言》的内容应反映在以后的国家宪法中。其次,这种反思应该带有《世界人权宣言》本身的特殊印记,而不是更广泛意义上的战后时代精神。作者研究了不同层次的历史证据,以确定和理清《世界人权宣言》的影响。在宏观分析中,他们利用了1789年以来宪法内容的原始数据集。他们探讨了权利创造和传播的历史模式,并检验了1948年在权利规定方面是否出现了明显的中断。作者建立了一个多元模型,用宪法和权利水平的协变量来预测权利的提供。为了获得进一步的分析优势,他们挖掘了产生《世界人权宣言》的过程,并从一组被抛弃的提案中找出了明显的合理的替代方案。作者通过在随后的宪法文本和宪法诉讼中寻找对该文件的直接引用,进一步检验了《世界人权宣言》影响的合理性。有证据表明,《世界人权宣言》大大加快了对一套特定宪法权利的采纳。
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引用次数: 13
WPO volume 74 issue 3 Cover and Front matter WPO第74卷第3期封面和封面
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887122000144
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引用次数: 0
WPO volume 74 issue 3 Cover and Back matter 世界卫生组织第74卷第3期封面和封底
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887122000156
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引用次数: 0
Never Again 再也没有
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-24 DOI: 10.1017/S0043887122000053
C. Wayne, Y. Zhukov
Abstract Do individuals previously targeted by genocide become more supportive of other victimized groups? How are these political lessons internalized and passed down across generations? To answer these questions, the authors leverage original survey data collected among Holocaust survivors in the United States and their descendants, Jews with no immediate family connection to the Holocaust, and non-Jewish Americans. They find that historical victimization is associated with increased support for vulnerable out-groups, generating stable political attitudes that endure across generations. Holocaust survivors are most supportive of aiding refugees, followed by descendants, especially those who grew up discussing the Holocaust with their survivor relatives. An embedded experiment demonstrates the steadfastness of these attitudes: unlike non-Jews or Jews without survivor relatives, survivors’ and descendants’ views toward refugees do not change after reading an in-group versus out-group–protective interpretation of the “never again” imperative. Histories of victimization can play an ameliorative role in intergroup relations.
以前成为种族灭绝目标的个人是否变得更加支持其他受害群体?这些政治教训是如何内化并代代相传的?为了回答这些问题,作者利用了从美国大屠杀幸存者及其后代、与大屠杀没有直系亲属关系的犹太人以及非犹太裔美国人中收集的原始调查数据。他们发现,历史上的受害与对弱势群体的支持增加有关,从而产生稳定的政治态度,并在几代人之间持续下去。大屠杀幸存者最支持帮助难民,其次是他们的后代,特别是那些从小就与幸存者亲属讨论大屠杀的人。一项嵌入式实验证明了这些态度的坚定性:与非犹太人或没有幸存者亲属的犹太人不同,幸存者和后代对难民的看法在阅读了群体内与群体外对“永不再来”命令的保护解释后并没有改变。受害历史可以在群体间关系中发挥改善作用。
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引用次数: 6
Explaining Out-Group Bias in Weak States: Religion and Legibility in the 1891/1892 Russian Famine — CORRIGENDUM 解读弱势国家的群体偏见:1891/1892年俄罗斯饥荒中的宗教与合法性——CORRIGENDUM
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0043887122000119
Volha Charnysh
Two dominant explanations for ethnic bias in distributional outcomes are electoral incen- tives and out-group prejudice. This article proposes a novel and complementaryexplanation for the phenomenon: variation in legibility across ethnic groups. The author argues that states will allocate fewer resources to groups from which they cannot gather accurate information or collect taxes. The argument is supported by original data on state aid from the 1891/1892 famine in the Russian Empire. Qualitative and quantitative analyses show that districts with a larger Muslim population experienced higher famine mortality and received less generous public assistance. The Muslims, historically ruled via religious intermediaries, were less legible to state of fi cials and generated lower fi scal revenues. State of fi - cials could not count on the repayment of food loans or collect tax arrears from Muslim communes, so they were more likely to withhold aid. State relief did not vary with the presence of other minorities that were more legible and generated more revenue.
对分配结果中种族偏见的两种主要解释是选举动机和群体外偏见。本文对这一现象提出了一种新颖的补充解释:族群间的易读性差异。作者认为,各州将分配更少的资源给那些它们无法从中收集准确信息或征税的群体。这一论点得到了1891/1892年俄罗斯帝国饥荒期间国家援助的原始数据的支持。定性和定量分析表明,穆斯林人口较多的地区饥荒死亡率较高,得到的公共援助较少。历史上通过宗教中介进行统治的穆斯林,对国家官员来说不太容易辨认,财政收入也较低。政府官员不能指望穆斯林社区偿还粮食贷款或征收欠税,因此他们更有可能扣留援助。国家救济并不因其他少数民族的存在而有所不同,这些少数民族更容易辨认,产生更多的收入。
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World Politics
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