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State science, risk and agricultural biotechnology: Bt cotton to Bt Brinjal in India 国家科学、风险和农业生物技术:印度的Bt棉花到Bt茄子
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.951835
R. Herring
Agricultural biotechnology has been a project of India's developmental state since 1986, but implementation generated significant conflict. Sequential cases of two crops carrying the same transgene – Bt cotton and Bt brinjal (eggplant/aubergine) – facing the same authorization procedures produced different outcomes. The state science that approved Bt cotton was attacked as biased and dangerously inadequate by opponents, but the technology spread to virtually universal adoption by farmers. Bt aubergine was approved by the same Genetic Engineering Approval Committee (GEAC), but the decision was overruled, the GEAC downgraded and a moratorium imposed on the crop. Resultant conflicts engaged international networks, expanded the domestic arena in which science is contested and instigated restructuring of institutions for governance of genetic engineering. Divergent trajectories of the two crops corresponded to global patterns, but also reflected differences in agro-ecologies and state interests. In Bt cotton, state and cultivator interests dominated precautionary logics; in Bt eggplant, politics of risk dominated questions of agro-economics. The cases illustrate both the inherent vulnerability of science in politics and specific vulnerabilities of science embedded in particular institutions. Differences in institutional specificity of state science matter politically in explaining variation across countries in adoption and rejection of genetically engineered crops.
自1986年以来,农业生物技术一直是印度发展国家的一个项目,但是实施过程产生了重大冲突。携带相同转基因的两种作物——Bt棉花和Bt茄子(茄子/茄子)——相继面临相同的授权程序,产生了不同的结果。批准Bt棉花的国家科学被反对者抨击为有偏见和危险的不充分,但这项技术几乎被农民普遍采用。Bt茄子也得到了同一个基因工程批准委员会(GEAC)的批准,但该决定被推翻,GEAC降级并暂停了该作物的种植。由此产生的冲突涉及到国际网络,扩大了科学受到争议的国内舞台,并推动了基因工程治理机构的重组。这两种作物的不同轨迹与全球模式相对应,但也反映了农业生态和国家利益的差异。在Bt棉花中,国家和种植者的利益主导了预防逻辑;在Bt茄子中,风险政治主导了农业经济问题。这些案例既说明了科学在政治中的固有脆弱性,也说明了科学在特定制度中的具体脆弱性。国家科学制度特殊性的差异在解释各国在采用和拒绝转基因作物方面的差异方面具有政治意义。
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引用次数: 37
Cook, eat, man, woman: understanding the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, nutritionism and its alternatives from Malawi 做饭、吃饭、男人、女人:了解马拉维粮食安全和营养新联盟、营养主义及其替代品
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.971767
Raj Patel, R. Bezner Kerr, L. Shumba, L. Dakishoni
The Group of Eight Countries (G8) launched the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition to improve nutritional outcomes through private sector involvement in agricultural development. The accession of Malawi to the Alliance reveals the assumptions behind the intervention. We show that while the New Alliance may seem to have little to do with nutrition, its emergence as a frame for the privatization of food and agriculture has been decades in the making, and is best understood as an outcome of a project of nutritionism. To highlight the failings of the approach, we present findings from the Soils, Food and Healthy Communities Initiative in northern Malawi, which has demonstrated success in combatting malnutrition through a combination of agroecological farming practices, community mobilization, women's empowerment and changes in intrahousehold gender dynamics. Contrasting a political economic analysis of the New Alliance alongside that of the Soils, Food and Healthy Communities Initiative shows the difference between a concern with the gendered social context of malnutrition, and nutritionism. We conclude with an analysis of the ways that nutrition can play a part in interventions that are inimical, or conducive, to freedom.
八国集团(G8)发起了新的粮食安全和营养联盟,通过私营部门参与农业发展来改善营养结果。马拉维加入该联盟揭示了干预背后的假设。我们表明,虽然新联盟似乎与营养没有什么关系,但它作为粮食和农业私有化框架的出现已经酝酿了几十年,最好被理解为营养主义项目的结果。为了突出这一方法的缺陷,我们介绍马拉维北部土壤、粮食和健康社区倡议的调查结果,该倡议通过结合生态农业耕作做法、社区动员、赋予妇女权力和改变家庭内部性别动态,成功地解决了营养不良问题。将新联盟的政治经济分析与土壤、粮食和健康社区倡议的政治经济分析进行对比,可以看出对营养不良的性别社会背景的关注与营养主义之间的区别。最后,我们分析了营养在不利于或有利于自由的干预中发挥作用的方式。
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引用次数: 63
Social movements, law and the politics of land reform: lessons from Brazil 土地改革的社会运动、法律和政治:来自巴西的教训
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.978142
Gabriel Ondetti
University Press. Taussig, M.T. 1986. Shamanism, colonialism, and the wild man: a study in terror and healing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Thomas, E., M. van Zonneveld, J. Loo, T. Hodgkin, G. Galluzzi, and J. van Etten. 2012. Present Spatial Diversity Patterns of Theobroma cacao L. in the Neotropics Reflect Genetic Differentiation in Pleistocene Refugia Followed by Human-Influenced Dispersal. PLoS ONE 7, no. 10.
大学出版社。陶西格,M.T. 1986。萨满教、殖民主义和野人:恐怖与治愈的研究。芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社。Thomas, E., M. van Zonneveld, J. Loo, T. Hodgkin, G. Galluzzi, J. van Etten。2012。新热带地区可可树的空间多样性格局反映了更新世避难所的遗传分化和人类影响的扩散。PLoS ONE 7, no。10.
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引用次数: 4
Peasant-driven agricultural growth and food sovereignty 农民主导的农业增长和粮食主权
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2014-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2013.876997
J. van der Ploeg
The concept of food sovereignty presents us with an important theoretical and practical challenge. The political economy of agriculture can only take up this gauntlet through improving its understanding of the processes of agricultural growth. It is very difficult to address the issue of food sovereignty without such an understanding. Developing such an understanding involves (re)combining the political economy of agriculture with the Chayanovian approach. This paper gives several explanations (all individually valid but stronger in combination) as to why peasant agriculture results in sturdy and sustainable growth and also identifies the factors that undermine this capacity. The paper also argues that peasant agriculture is far from being a remnant of the past. While different peasantries around the world are shaped and reproduced by today's capital (and more specifically by current food empires), they equally help to shape and contribute to the further unfolding of the forms of capital related to food and agriculture. It is important to understand this two-way interaction between capital and peasant agriculture as this helps to ground the concept of food sovereignty. The article argues that the capacity to produce enough food (at different levels, distinguishing different needs, and so on) needs to be an integral part of the food sovereignty discourse. It concludes by suggesting that peasant agriculture has the best potential for meeting food sovereignty largely because it has the capacity to produce (more than) sufficient good food for the growing world population and that it can do so in a way that is sustainable.
粮食主权的概念给我们提出了一个重要的理论和实践挑战。农业政治经济学只有通过提高对农业增长过程的理解,才能接受这一挑战。如果没有这样的理解,就很难解决粮食主权问题。发展这样一种理解需要(重新)将农业的政治经济学与恰亚诺夫的方法结合起来。本文给出了几个解释(所有的单独有效,但更强大的组合),为什么农民农业导致稳健和可持续的增长,也确定了破坏这种能力的因素。文章还认为,农民农业远不是过去的残余。虽然世界各地不同的农民是由今天的资本塑造和再生产的(更具体地说,是由当前的粮食帝国),但它们同样有助于塑造和促进与粮食和农业相关的资本形式的进一步发展。理解资本和农民农业之间的这种双向互动是很重要的,因为这有助于建立粮食主权的概念。本文认为,生产足够粮食的能力(在不同的水平上,区分不同的需求,等等)需要成为粮食主权话语的一个组成部分。它的结论是,农民农业最有可能实现粮食主权,主要是因为它有能力为不断增长的世界人口生产(超过)足够的优质粮食,而且它可以以可持续的方式做到这一点。
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引用次数: 26
Re-purposing the master's tools: the open source seed initiative and the struggle for seed sovereignty 重新利用大师的工具:开源种子倡议和种子主权的斗争
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2014-10-15 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2013.875897
J. Kloppenburg
‘Food sovereignty’ must necessarily encompass ‘seed sovereignty’. Corporate appropriation of plant genetic resources, development of transgenic crops and the global imposition of intellectual property rights are now widely recognized as serious constraints on the free exchange of seeds and the development of new cultivars by farmers, public breeders and small seed companies. In response, an Open Source Seed Initiative (OSSI) has been launched in the United States to apply legal mechanisms drawn from the open source software movement to plant breeding. An open source license is a tool constituted by the provisions of contract law. It is a tool of the master inasmuch as the structure of the legal system has been designed to facilitate the activities of the dominant stakeholders in the overarching social formation. This paper assesses the problematics of re-purposing such a tool by examining the issues that have been raised in OSSI's efforts to develop its licenses and to transmit its sense of their potential to prospective allies. Through an examination of the expressed positions of La Vía Campesina and Navdanya on the nature of ‘seed sovereignty’, the compatibilities and disjunctures of OSSI's stance with those of potential allies in the food sovereignty movement are assessed.
“粮食主权”必须包含“种子主权”。企业占有植物遗传资源、开发转基因作物和在全球强加知识产权,现在被广泛认为是严重限制了农民、公共育种者和小型种子公司自由交换种子和开发新品种。作为回应,美国发起了一个开源种子倡议(OSSI),将开源软件运动中的法律机制应用于植物育种。开源许可证是由合同法条款构成的工具。它是主人的工具,因为法律制度的结构旨在促进总体社会形态中占主导地位的利益相关者的活动。本文通过研究OSSI在开发其许可证和向潜在盟友传达其潜力意识的努力中提出的问题,评估了重新利用这种工具的问题。通过考察Vía Campesina和Navdanya对“种子主权”的性质所表达的立场,评估OSSI的立场与粮食主权运动中潜在盟友的立场的兼容性和分歧。
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引用次数: 157
Diálogo de saberes in La Vía Campesina: food sovereignty and agroecology La via Campesina的知识对话:粮食主权与农业生态学
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2014-10-15 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2013.872632
M. Martínez-Torres, P. Rosset
The transnational rural social movement La Vía Campesina has been critically sustained and shaped by the encounter and diálogo de saberes (dialog among different knowledges and ways of knowing) between different rural cultures (East, West, North and South; peasant, indigenous, farmer, pastoralist and rural proletarian, etc.) that takes place within it, in the context of the increasingly politicized confrontation with neoliberal reality and agribusiness in the most recent phase of capital expansion. This dialog among the ‘absences’ left out by the dominant monoculture of ideas has produced important ‘emergences’ that range from mobilizing frames for collective action – like the food sovereignty framework – to social methodologies for the spread of agroecology among peasant families.
跨国农村社会运动La Vía Campesina一直受到不同农村文化(东、西、北、南;农民、土著、农民、牧民和农村无产者等),在资本扩张的最新阶段,与新自由主义现实和农业企业日益政治化的对抗背景下,发生在其中。主导的单一文化观念所遗漏的“缺乏者”之间的这种对话产生了重要的“涌现”,从动员集体行动的框架——如粮食主权框架——到在农民家庭中传播生态农业的社会方法。
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引用次数: 198
The ‘state’ of food sovereignty in Latin America: political projects and alternative pathways in Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia 拉丁美洲粮食主权的“状态”:委内瑞拉、厄瓜多尔和玻利维亚的政治项目和替代途径
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2014-10-15 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.964217
Ben M. McKay, R. Nehring, M. Walsh-Dilley
The concept of food sovereignty has been enshrined in the constitutions of a number of countries around the world without any clear consensus around what state-sponsored ‘food sovereignty’ might entail. At the forefront of this movement are the countries of the so-called ‘pink tide’ of Latin America – chiefly Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia. This paper examines how state commitments to food sovereignty have been put into practice in these three countries, asking if and how efforts by the state contribute to significant transformation or if they simply serve the political purposes of elites. Understanding the state as a complex arena of class struggle, we suggest that state efforts around food sovereignty open up new political spaces in an ongoing struggle around control over food systems at different scales. Embedded in food sovereignty is a contradictory notion of sovereignty, requiring simultaneously a strong developmentalist state and the redistribution of power to facilitate direct control over food systems in ways that may threaten the state. State-society relations, particularly across scales, are therefore a central problematic of food sovereignty projects.
世界上许多国家的宪法都明文规定了粮食主权的概念,但对于国家支持的“粮食主权”可能意味着什么,却没有达成任何明确的共识。在这场运动的前沿是所谓的“粉红潮”的拉丁美洲国家-主要是委内瑞拉,厄瓜多尔和玻利维亚。本文考察了国家对粮食主权的承诺是如何在这三个国家付诸实践的,询问国家的努力是否以及如何有助于重大变革,或者它们是否只是服务于精英的政治目的。将国家理解为阶级斗争的复杂舞台,我们建议国家围绕粮食主权的努力在围绕不同规模的粮食系统控制的持续斗争中开辟了新的政治空间。在粮食主权中嵌入了一个相互矛盾的主权概念,同时要求一个强大的发展主义国家和权力的再分配,以促进以可能威胁国家的方式对粮食系统的直接控制。因此,国家-社会关系,特别是跨尺度的关系,是粮食主权项目的一个核心问题。
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引用次数: 112
Historicizing food sovereignty 将粮食主权历史化
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2014-10-15 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2013.876999
P. McMichael
To historicize food sovereignty is not simply to recognize its multiple forms and circumstances across time and space, but also to recognize its relation to the politics of capital in a crisis conjuncture. This paper traces the evolution of the food sovereignty vision from the initial stages of the food sovereignty countermovement to the present, arguing that food sovereignty politics have not only traveled from countryside to city as consumers/citizens anticipate ecological constraints and compensate for unequal food distributions, but also they have been confronted with transitions in the food regime following the recent food crisis. New enclosures, in the forms of land grabs and value-chains, administered by public-private ‘governance’ partnerships, have contradictory effects: threatening the peasant base of the food sovereignty countermovement, but also threatening to exacerbate the food crisis, as evidenced in recent food riot politics animated by the food sovereignty vision. As the food regime restructures, it reconditions the possibilities of food sovereignty politics. Arguably, the ultimate historicization of food sovereignty possibility is immanent in cumulative energy and climate feedbacks.
将粮食主权历史化,不仅要认识到它跨越时间和空间的多种形式和情况,还要认识到它与危机关头资本政治的关系。本文追溯了从粮食主权反运动的初始阶段到现在的粮食主权愿景的演变,认为粮食主权政治不仅随着消费者/公民对生态约束的预期和对不平等粮食分配的补偿而从农村传播到城市,而且在最近的粮食危机之后,他们还面临着粮食制度的转变。新的圈地,以土地掠夺和价值链的形式,由公私“治理”伙伴关系管理,具有矛盾的效果:威胁到粮食主权反运动的农民基础,但也有可能加剧粮食危机,正如最近由粮食主权愿景激发的粮食骚乱政治所证明的那样。随着粮食制度的重构,它重新设定了粮食主权政治的可能性。可以说,粮食主权可能性的最终历史化是内在的累积能量和气候反馈。
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引用次数: 192
Food sovereignty: forgotten genealogies and future regulatory challenges 粮食主权:被遗忘的宗谱和未来的监管挑战
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2014-10-15 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2013.876998
M. Edelman
‘Food sovereignty’ has become a mobilizing frame for social movements, a set of legal norms and practices aimed at transforming food and agriculture systems, and a free-floating signifier filled with varying kinds of content. Canonical accounts credit the Vía Campesina transnational agrarian movement with coining and elaborating the term, but its proximate origins are actually in an early 1980s Mexican government program. Central American activists nonetheless appropriated and redefined it in the late 1980s. Advocates typically suggest that ‘food sovereignty’ is diametrically opposed to ‘food security’, but historically there actually has been considerable slippage and overlap between these concepts. Food sovereignty theory has usually failed to indicate whether the ‘sovereign’ is the nation, region or locality, or ‘the people’. This lack of specificity about the sovereign feeds a reluctance to think concretely about the regulatory mechanisms necessary to consolidate and enforce food sovereignty, particularly limitations on long-distance and international trade and on firm and farm size. Several regulatory possibilities are mentioned and found wanting. Finally, entrenched consumer needs and desires related to internationally-traded products – from coffee to pineapples – imply additional obstacles to the localisation of production, distribution and consumption that many food sovereignty proponents support.
“粮食主权”已成为社会运动的动员框架,一套旨在改变粮食和农业系统的法律规范和做法,以及一个充满各种内容的自由浮动的能指。规范的说法认为Vía Campesina跨国农业运动创造和阐述了这个术语,但它的直接起源实际上是20世纪80年代初墨西哥政府的一个项目。尽管如此,中美洲的积极分子还是在20世纪80年代末挪用并重新定义了它。倡导者通常认为,“粮食主权”与“粮食安全”是截然相反的,但从历史上看,这两个概念之间实际上存在相当大的滑移和重叠。粮食主权理论通常未能指明“主权者”是国家、地区或地方,还是“人民”。由于缺乏对主权的专一性,人们不愿具体考虑巩固和执行粮食主权所必需的监管机制,特别是对长途和国际贸易以及公司和农场规模的限制。文中提到了几种监管的可能性,但发现存在不足。最后,与国际贸易产品(从咖啡到菠萝)相关的根深蒂固的消费者需求和愿望意味着,许多粮食主权支持者支持的生产、分销和消费本地化存在额外障碍。
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引用次数: 242
Life in a shrimp zone: aqua- and other cultures of Bangladesh's coastal landscape 虾区的生活:孟加拉国沿海景观的水和其他文化
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2014-10-15 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.937709
K. Paprocki, J. Cons
This essay questions the possibilities of food sovereignty for producing a radical egalitarian politics. Specifically, it explores the class-differentiated implications of food sovereignty in a zone of ecological crisis – Bangladesh's coastal Khulna district. Much land in this deltaic zone that had previously been employed for various forms of peasant production has been transformed by the introduction of brackish-water shrimp aquaculture. This has, in turn, caused massive depeasantization and ecological crisis throughout the region. Through an examination of two markedly different polders (embanked islands) – one which has been overrun by shrimp production and one that has resisted it – we ask how coastal communities and their members have variously negotiated their rapidly changing ecologies and food systems based on their relative class position and access to land. We highlight the multiple meanings that peasants from different classes ascribe not just to shrimp, but also to broader questions of adaptation, community and life in uncertain terrains. We show that while food sovereignty in non-shrimp areas has averted the depeasantization affecting shrimp areas, it has not necessarily led to greater equality in agrarian class relations. To achieve such ends, we suggest that a broader conception of agrarian sovereignty provides a critical and necessary corollary to self-determination in agricultural production.
本文质疑粮食主权产生激进平等主义政治的可能性。具体来说,它探讨了在生态危机区-孟加拉国沿海库尔纳地区粮食主权的阶级分化含义。在这个三角洲地区,以前用于各种形式的农民生产的许多土地,由于引进咸淡水虾养殖而发生了变化。这反过来又在整个地区造成了大规模的非农化和生态危机。通过对两个明显不同的圩田(堤岸岛屿)的考察——一个是虾类生产过剩,另一个是抵制虾类生产——我们询问沿海社区及其成员如何根据他们的相对阶级地位和获得土地的途径,以不同的方式协商他们迅速变化的生态和食物系统。我们强调,来自不同阶层的农民不仅赋予虾多种含义,而且还赋予虾在不确定地形中的适应、社区和生活等更广泛的问题。我们表明,虽然非虾类地区的粮食主权避免了影响虾类地区的非农化,但它并不一定导致农业阶级关系中更大的平等。为了实现这些目标,我们建议,一个更广泛的土地主权概念为农业生产中的自决提供了一个关键和必要的推论。
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引用次数: 116
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Journal of Peasant Studies
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