Pub Date : 2022-12-05DOI: 10.1177/00220221221134737
S. Harkness
Culture is a puzzle. Despite decades of discussion about what “culture” is, the term remains elusive. Within the academic context, culture was long the domain of anthropology, and definitions by anthropologists abound. At the most general level, anthropologists have described culture as the way of life of a people, including both the external, socially constructed environments for living and the internalized rules, expectations and values that guide communication, thinking and behavior. More recently, anthropologists have focused on the inner, cognitive aspects of culture as experienced by individuals: as Robert LeVine puts it, “a shared organization of ideas that includes the intellectual, moral, and aesthetic standards prevalent in a community and the meanings of communicative actions” (LeVine, 1984, p. 67). Roy D’Andrade’s definition of culture extends this focus to the emotions and motivations that accompany cognitions—as he states, culture consists of “learned systems of meaning, communicated by means of natural language and other symbol systems, having representational, directive, and affective functions, and capable of creating cultural entities and particular senses of reality” (D’Andrade, 1984, p. 116). As implied by both these anthropologists, the “culture” of a people is not a random collection of customs, beliefs and values, but rather an organized and meaningful system, even though it may (and probably does) contain internal contradictions. Within this system, parents play a crucial role as mediators and creators of culture for their children (Harkness & Super, 1996). This brings us to a second way that culture is a puzzle: metaphorically, cultures can be seen as multi-dimensional puzzles (as in the table-top games that sometimes occupy families on vacation) consisting of many pieces—some large, some tiny—that together form a meaningful picture. In putting together such a puzzle, one looks for pieces that may fit with the piece already in one’s hand, and from there to larger groupings of pieces. Color as well as shape may provide a clue to how pieces fit together; if this seems too challenging, one can always start from pieces that evidently form the border of the puzzle. As the groups of pieces grow and merge, aspects of the whole picture become increasingly evident. In this paper, the authors present us with one tiny piece of the cultural puzzle of each place they studied, namely parents’ beliefs about characteristics of an “ideal parent.” This one piece of the whole cultural puzzle is diminished even further by the method used to elicit it from individual participants: requiring that responses consist of five (no more, no less) one-word descriptors. The results are intriguing, both for the analytic strategy used and for the interpretations suggested by the authors. This project, and its outcomes, invite us to ask how much
{"title":"Commentary for “Parenting Culture(s): Ideal Parent Beliefs Across 37 Countries”","authors":"S. Harkness","doi":"10.1177/00220221221134737","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220221221134737","url":null,"abstract":"Culture is a puzzle. Despite decades of discussion about what “culture” is, the term remains elusive. Within the academic context, culture was long the domain of anthropology, and definitions by anthropologists abound. At the most general level, anthropologists have described culture as the way of life of a people, including both the external, socially constructed environments for living and the internalized rules, expectations and values that guide communication, thinking and behavior. More recently, anthropologists have focused on the inner, cognitive aspects of culture as experienced by individuals: as Robert LeVine puts it, “a shared organization of ideas that includes the intellectual, moral, and aesthetic standards prevalent in a community and the meanings of communicative actions” (LeVine, 1984, p. 67). Roy D’Andrade’s definition of culture extends this focus to the emotions and motivations that accompany cognitions—as he states, culture consists of “learned systems of meaning, communicated by means of natural language and other symbol systems, having representational, directive, and affective functions, and capable of creating cultural entities and particular senses of reality” (D’Andrade, 1984, p. 116). As implied by both these anthropologists, the “culture” of a people is not a random collection of customs, beliefs and values, but rather an organized and meaningful system, even though it may (and probably does) contain internal contradictions. Within this system, parents play a crucial role as mediators and creators of culture for their children (Harkness & Super, 1996). This brings us to a second way that culture is a puzzle: metaphorically, cultures can be seen as multi-dimensional puzzles (as in the table-top games that sometimes occupy families on vacation) consisting of many pieces—some large, some tiny—that together form a meaningful picture. In putting together such a puzzle, one looks for pieces that may fit with the piece already in one’s hand, and from there to larger groupings of pieces. Color as well as shape may provide a clue to how pieces fit together; if this seems too challenging, one can always start from pieces that evidently form the border of the puzzle. As the groups of pieces grow and merge, aspects of the whole picture become increasingly evident. In this paper, the authors present us with one tiny piece of the cultural puzzle of each place they studied, namely parents’ beliefs about characteristics of an “ideal parent.” This one piece of the whole cultural puzzle is diminished even further by the method used to elicit it from individual participants: requiring that responses consist of five (no more, no less) one-word descriptors. The results are intriguing, both for the analytic strategy used and for the interpretations suggested by the authors. This project, and its outcomes, invite us to ask how much","PeriodicalId":48354,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology","volume":"54 1","pages":"25 - 29"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49148492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-05DOI: 10.1177/00220221221134915
Vaishali V. Raval
In “Parenting Culture(s): Ideal-Parent Beliefs Across 37 Countries,” Lin et al. examine reports of parents from 37 countries regarding the qualities they consider in an ideal parent and then use a method called Leximancer Semantic Network Analysis to identify broad culture zones across the 37 countries based on shared notions of an ideal parent. I appreciate this substantial effort to explore parenting beyond Euro-American samples, upon which a bulk of parenting science literature is based. I also concur with a data-driven exploratory approach and examination of ideal-parent beliefs across parents with differing educational levels. However, I argue that to advance parenting science, we need more than inclusion of samples from the Majority World (i.e., regions where the majority of the world’s population resides). Future parenting research should be grounded in (a) decolonial epistemology that involves generating localized knowledge by exploring parenting in various communities in the Majority World that are formed through intersecting influences of neighborhood composition, religion, region, social class, urban, rural, and suburban residence, along with other locally relevant social dimensions, (b) decolonial research methodology that values different ways of generating knowledge and includes local communities as partners in the knowledge generation process, and (c) understanding and interpreting parenting in Majority World communities from a cultural resource rather than a deficit framework.
{"title":"Toward a Decolonial Parenting Science Through Centering Majority World Parenting: A Commentary on “Parenting Culture(s): Ideal-Parent Beliefs Across 37 Countries”","authors":"Vaishali V. Raval","doi":"10.1177/00220221221134915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220221221134915","url":null,"abstract":"In “Parenting Culture(s): Ideal-Parent Beliefs Across 37 Countries,” Lin et al. examine reports of parents from 37 countries regarding the qualities they consider in an ideal parent and then use a method called Leximancer Semantic Network Analysis to identify broad culture zones across the 37 countries based on shared notions of an ideal parent. I appreciate this substantial effort to explore parenting beyond Euro-American samples, upon which a bulk of parenting science literature is based. I also concur with a data-driven exploratory approach and examination of ideal-parent beliefs across parents with differing educational levels. However, I argue that to advance parenting science, we need more than inclusion of samples from the Majority World (i.e., regions where the majority of the world’s population resides). Future parenting research should be grounded in (a) decolonial epistemology that involves generating localized knowledge by exploring parenting in various communities in the Majority World that are formed through intersecting influences of neighborhood composition, religion, region, social class, urban, rural, and suburban residence, along with other locally relevant social dimensions, (b) decolonial research methodology that values different ways of generating knowledge and includes local communities as partners in the knowledge generation process, and (c) understanding and interpreting parenting in Majority World communities from a cultural resource rather than a deficit framework.","PeriodicalId":48354,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology","volume":"54 1","pages":"30 - 35"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41375461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-05DOI: 10.1177/00220221221119720
Jason Moy, Angelina Van Dyne, Kate Hattrup
This study investigated the combined effects of national culture and perceptions of employability on relationships between job insecurity and work and non-work outcomes for individual employees. Data from 28,674 participants in 35 nations were obtained from the 2015 European Working Conditions Survey. Results showed that nation-level differences in individualism/collectivism (I/C), uncertainty avoidance (UA), and masculinity/femininity (M/F) accounted for variation in the degree to which perceptions of employability buffered the negative effects of job insecurity on job satisfaction, work engagement, and subjective well-being. Among more collectivist cultures, employability did less to minimize the effects of job insecurity on job satisfaction than in more individualistic cultures. Employability also had a weaker effect on buffering the consequences of job insecurity for job satisfaction and work engagement when cultural uncertainty avoidance was higher. And across all three outcome measures, higher levels of job insecurity combined with lower perceptions of employability were consistently more detrimental to individuals in more masculine cultures. Results support the prevailing theory regarding the mechanisms underlying the effects of job insecurity on individuals and suggest several important practical implications for managing a global workforce.
{"title":"An Investigation of the Moderating Effects of National Culture Values on the Interaction Between Job Insecurity and Employability on Employee Outcomes","authors":"Jason Moy, Angelina Van Dyne, Kate Hattrup","doi":"10.1177/00220221221119720","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220221221119720","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigated the combined effects of national culture and perceptions of employability on relationships between job insecurity and work and non-work outcomes for individual employees. Data from 28,674 participants in 35 nations were obtained from the 2015 European Working Conditions Survey. Results showed that nation-level differences in individualism/collectivism (I/C), uncertainty avoidance (UA), and masculinity/femininity (M/F) accounted for variation in the degree to which perceptions of employability buffered the negative effects of job insecurity on job satisfaction, work engagement, and subjective well-being. Among more collectivist cultures, employability did less to minimize the effects of job insecurity on job satisfaction than in more individualistic cultures. Employability also had a weaker effect on buffering the consequences of job insecurity for job satisfaction and work engagement when cultural uncertainty avoidance was higher. And across all three outcome measures, higher levels of job insecurity combined with lower perceptions of employability were consistently more detrimental to individuals in more masculine cultures. Results support the prevailing theory regarding the mechanisms underlying the effects of job insecurity on individuals and suggest several important practical implications for managing a global workforce.","PeriodicalId":48354,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology","volume":"54 1","pages":"114 - 141"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46968292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-25DOI: 10.1177/00220221221137749
Ceren Günsoy, S. Cross, Vanessa A. Castillo, Ayse K. Uskul, S. Wasti, P. Salter, Pelin Gul, A. Carter‐Sowell, Afşar Yegin, Betül Altunsu, Jaren D. Crist, M. J. Perez
In honor cultures, maintaining a positive moral reputation (e.g., being known as an honest person) is highly important, whereas in dignity cultures, self-respect (e.g., competence and success) is strongly emphasized. Depending on their cultural background, people respond differently to threats to these two dimensions of honor. In two studies, we examined the effects of morality-focused and competence-focused threats on people’s goal pursuit in two honor cultures (Turkey, Southern United States, and Latinx) and in a dignity culture (Northern United States). In Study 1, Turkish participants were more likely to reject a highly qualified person as a partner in a future task if that person threatened their morality (vs. no-threat), even though this meant letting go of the goal of winning an award. Participants from the U.S. honor and dignity groups, however, were equally likely to choose the people who gave them threatening and neutral feedback. In Study 2, Turkish and U.S. honor participants were more likely to persist in a subsequent goal after receiving a morality threat (vs. no-threat), whereas U.S. dignity participants were more likely to persist in a subsequent goal after receiving a competence threat (vs. no-threat). These results show that people’s responses to honor threats are influenced by the dominant values of their culture and by the tools that are available to them to potentially restore their reputation (e.g., punishing the offender vs. working hard on a different task). This research can have implications for multicultural contexts in which people can have conflicting goals such as diverse work environments.
{"title":"Goal Derailment and Goal Persistence in Response to Honor Threats","authors":"Ceren Günsoy, S. Cross, Vanessa A. Castillo, Ayse K. Uskul, S. Wasti, P. Salter, Pelin Gul, A. Carter‐Sowell, Afşar Yegin, Betül Altunsu, Jaren D. Crist, M. J. Perez","doi":"10.1177/00220221221137749","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220221221137749","url":null,"abstract":"In honor cultures, maintaining a positive moral reputation (e.g., being known as an honest person) is highly important, whereas in dignity cultures, self-respect (e.g., competence and success) is strongly emphasized. Depending on their cultural background, people respond differently to threats to these two dimensions of honor. In two studies, we examined the effects of morality-focused and competence-focused threats on people’s goal pursuit in two honor cultures (Turkey, Southern United States, and Latinx) and in a dignity culture (Northern United States). In Study 1, Turkish participants were more likely to reject a highly qualified person as a partner in a future task if that person threatened their morality (vs. no-threat), even though this meant letting go of the goal of winning an award. Participants from the U.S. honor and dignity groups, however, were equally likely to choose the people who gave them threatening and neutral feedback. In Study 2, Turkish and U.S. honor participants were more likely to persist in a subsequent goal after receiving a morality threat (vs. no-threat), whereas U.S. dignity participants were more likely to persist in a subsequent goal after receiving a competence threat (vs. no-threat). These results show that people’s responses to honor threats are influenced by the dominant values of their culture and by the tools that are available to them to potentially restore their reputation (e.g., punishing the offender vs. working hard on a different task). This research can have implications for multicultural contexts in which people can have conflicting goals such as diverse work environments.","PeriodicalId":48354,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology","volume":"54 1","pages":"365 - 384"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47163779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-24DOI: 10.1177/00220221221138908
D. Best
{"title":"Beliefs About Ideal Parents: A Discussion","authors":"D. Best","doi":"10.1177/00220221221138908","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220221221138908","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48354,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology","volume":"54 1","pages":"3 - 3"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49474634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-22DOI: 10.1177/00220221221138907
Gisela Trommsdorff
The authors of the current article advocate a culture-sensitive approach in research and interven-tions, including a culture-informed methodology. They examine how “ideal-parent” beliefs in different countries comprise “parenting cultures,” conceptualized as shared “ideal-parent” beliefs. The authors define “ideal-parent” beliefs as “a higher level construct—the meaning system and lens through which parents perceive, understand
{"title":"Must We Abandon Context and Meaning to Avoid Bias in Cultural Parenting Research? Commentary on “Parenting Culture(s): Ideal-Parent Beliefs Across 37 Countries”","authors":"Gisela Trommsdorff","doi":"10.1177/00220221221138907","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220221221138907","url":null,"abstract":"The authors of the current article advocate a culture-sensitive approach in research and interven-tions, including a culture-informed methodology. They examine how “ideal-parent” beliefs in different countries comprise “parenting cultures,” conceptualized as shared “ideal-parent” beliefs. The authors define “ideal-parent” beliefs as “a higher level construct—the meaning system and lens through which parents perceive, understand","PeriodicalId":48354,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology","volume":"54 1","pages":"36 - 42"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46682819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-18DOI: 10.1177/00220221221130978
T. Lomas, Pablo Diego-Rosell, K. Shiba, Priscilla Standridge, Matthew T. Lee, B. Case, A. Lai, T. VanderWeele
A wealth of research has suggested the West tends toward individualism and the East toward collectivism. We explored this topic on an unprecedented scale through two new items in the 2020 Gallup World Poll, involving 121,207 participants in 116 countries. The first tapped into orientations toward self-care versus other-care (“Do you think people should focus more on taking care of themselves or on taking care of others?”). The second enquired into self-orientation versus other-orientation (“Which of the following is closest to your main purpose in life? Being good at what you do in your daily life, Caring for family and close friends, or Helping other people who need help?”). We anticipated that self-care and self-orientation would index individualism (hence be higher in the West), while other-care and other-orientation would index collectivism (hence be higher in the East). However, contrary to expectation, there was greater self-care in the East (45.82%) than in the West (41.58%). As predicted though, there was greater self-orientation in the West (30.20%) than in the East (23.08.%). Greater self-care in the East invites one of two interpretations. Either these items: (a) index individualism and collectivism as anticipated, so in some ways the East is more individualistic and the West less individualistic than assumed; or (b) do not index individualism and collectivism as anticipated, so the concepts are more complex than often realized (e.g., collectivism may involve prioritizing self-care over other-care). Either way, the findings help complexify these concepts, challenging common cross-cultural generalizations in this area.
{"title":"Complexifying Individualism Versus Collectivism and West Versus East: Exploring Global Diversity in Perspectives on Self and Other in the Gallup World Poll","authors":"T. Lomas, Pablo Diego-Rosell, K. Shiba, Priscilla Standridge, Matthew T. Lee, B. Case, A. Lai, T. VanderWeele","doi":"10.1177/00220221221130978","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220221221130978","url":null,"abstract":"A wealth of research has suggested the West tends toward individualism and the East toward collectivism. We explored this topic on an unprecedented scale through two new items in the 2020 Gallup World Poll, involving 121,207 participants in 116 countries. The first tapped into orientations toward self-care versus other-care (“Do you think people should focus more on taking care of themselves or on taking care of others?”). The second enquired into self-orientation versus other-orientation (“Which of the following is closest to your main purpose in life? Being good at what you do in your daily life, Caring for family and close friends, or Helping other people who need help?”). We anticipated that self-care and self-orientation would index individualism (hence be higher in the West), while other-care and other-orientation would index collectivism (hence be higher in the East). However, contrary to expectation, there was greater self-care in the East (45.82%) than in the West (41.58%). As predicted though, there was greater self-orientation in the West (30.20%) than in the East (23.08.%). Greater self-care in the East invites one of two interpretations. Either these items: (a) index individualism and collectivism as anticipated, so in some ways the East is more individualistic and the West less individualistic than assumed; or (b) do not index individualism and collectivism as anticipated, so the concepts are more complex than often realized (e.g., collectivism may involve prioritizing self-care over other-care). Either way, the findings help complexify these concepts, challenging common cross-cultural generalizations in this area.","PeriodicalId":48354,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology","volume":"54 1","pages":"61 - 89"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46004471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-15DOI: 10.1177/00220221221123043
Gao-Xian Lin, Moïra Mikolajczak, H. Keller, Ege Akgun, G. Arıkan, K. Aunola, E. Barham, E. Besson, M. A. Blanchard, E. Boujut, M. Brianda, A. Brytek-Matera, Filipa César, Bin-Bin Chen, G. Dorard, Luciana Carla dos Santos Elias, S. Dunsmuir, N. Egorova, M. Escobar, N. Favez, A. Fontaine, H. Foran, Kaichiro Furutani, M. Gannagé, M. Gaspar, L. Godbout, Amit Goldenberg, J. Gross, Maria Ancuta Gurza, Ogma Hatta, Alexandre Heeren, Mai Helmy, M. Huynh, Emérence Kaneza, T. Kawamoto, Nassima Kellou, Bassantéa Lodegaèna Kpassagou, L. Lazarević, S. Le Vigouroux, Astrid Lebert-Charron, V. Leme, C. MacCann, Denisse Manrique-Millones, Oussama Medjahdi, Rosa Bertha Millones Rivalles, María Isabel Miranda Orrego, M. Miscioscia, Seyyedeh Fatemeh Mousavi, Badra Moutassem-Mimouni, H. Murphy, Alexis Ndayizigiye, Tenkue Josué Ngnombouowo, S. Olderbak, Sophie Ornawka, Daniela Oyarce Cadiz, P. Pérez-Díaz, K. Petrides, Alena Prikhidko, Fernando Salinas-Quiroz, M. Santelices, Charlotte Schrooyen, Paola Silva, A. Simonelli, M. Sor
What is it to be “an ideal parent”? Does the answer differ across countries and social classes? To answer these questions in a way that minimizes bias and ethnocentrism, we used open-ended questions to explore ideal-parent beliefs among 8,357 mothers and 3,517 fathers from 37 countries. Leximancer Semantic Network Analysis was utilized to first determine parenting culture zones (i.e., countries with shared ideal-parent beliefs) and then extract the predominant themes and concepts in each culture zone. The results yielded specific types of ideal-parent beliefs in five parenting culture zones: being “responsible and children/family-focused” for Asian parents, being “responsible and proper demeanor-focused” for African parents, and being “loving and responsible” for Hispanic-Italian parents. Although the most important themes and concepts were the same in the final two zones—being “loving and patient,” there were subtle differences: English-speaking, European Union, and Russian parents emphasized “being caring,” while French-speaking parents valued “listening” or being “present.” Ideal-parent beliefs also differed by education levels within culture zones, but no general pattern was discerned across culture zones. These findings suggest that the country in which parents were born cannot fully explain their differences in ideal-parent beliefs and that differences arising from social class or education level cannot be dismissed. Future research should consider how these differences affect the validity of the measurements in question and how they can be incorporated into parenting intervention research within and across cultures.
{"title":"Parenting Culture(s): Ideal-Parent Beliefs Across 37 Countries","authors":"Gao-Xian Lin, Moïra Mikolajczak, H. Keller, Ege Akgun, G. Arıkan, K. Aunola, E. Barham, E. Besson, M. A. Blanchard, E. Boujut, M. Brianda, A. Brytek-Matera, Filipa César, Bin-Bin Chen, G. Dorard, Luciana Carla dos Santos Elias, S. Dunsmuir, N. Egorova, M. Escobar, N. Favez, A. Fontaine, H. Foran, Kaichiro Furutani, M. Gannagé, M. Gaspar, L. Godbout, Amit Goldenberg, J. Gross, Maria Ancuta Gurza, Ogma Hatta, Alexandre Heeren, Mai Helmy, M. Huynh, Emérence Kaneza, T. Kawamoto, Nassima Kellou, Bassantéa Lodegaèna Kpassagou, L. Lazarević, S. Le Vigouroux, Astrid Lebert-Charron, V. Leme, C. MacCann, Denisse Manrique-Millones, Oussama Medjahdi, Rosa Bertha Millones Rivalles, María Isabel Miranda Orrego, M. Miscioscia, Seyyedeh Fatemeh Mousavi, Badra Moutassem-Mimouni, H. Murphy, Alexis Ndayizigiye, Tenkue Josué Ngnombouowo, S. Olderbak, Sophie Ornawka, Daniela Oyarce Cadiz, P. Pérez-Díaz, K. Petrides, Alena Prikhidko, Fernando Salinas-Quiroz, M. Santelices, Charlotte Schrooyen, Paola Silva, A. Simonelli, M. Sor","doi":"10.1177/00220221221123043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220221221123043","url":null,"abstract":"What is it to be “an ideal parent”? Does the answer differ across countries and social classes? To answer these questions in a way that minimizes bias and ethnocentrism, we used open-ended questions to explore ideal-parent beliefs among 8,357 mothers and 3,517 fathers from 37 countries. Leximancer Semantic Network Analysis was utilized to first determine parenting culture zones (i.e., countries with shared ideal-parent beliefs) and then extract the predominant themes and concepts in each culture zone. The results yielded specific types of ideal-parent beliefs in five parenting culture zones: being “responsible and children/family-focused” for Asian parents, being “responsible and proper demeanor-focused” for African parents, and being “loving and responsible” for Hispanic-Italian parents. Although the most important themes and concepts were the same in the final two zones—being “loving and patient,” there were subtle differences: English-speaking, European Union, and Russian parents emphasized “being caring,” while French-speaking parents valued “listening” or being “present.” Ideal-parent beliefs also differed by education levels within culture zones, but no general pattern was discerned across culture zones. These findings suggest that the country in which parents were born cannot fully explain their differences in ideal-parent beliefs and that differences arising from social class or education level cannot be dismissed. Future research should consider how these differences affect the validity of the measurements in question and how they can be incorporated into parenting intervention research within and across cultures.","PeriodicalId":48354,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology","volume":"54 1","pages":"4 - 24"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48086125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-14DOI: 10.1177/00220221221132778
Lonnie A. Nelson, S. Collins, Jasmine Birch, Raven Burns, Grace McPhail, Jemima Onih, Cameron Cupp, Tatiana Ubay, Victorio L. King, Emily M Taylor, Karissa Masciel, Trevor Slaney, Joseph Bunch, Roxanna King, Celina Mahinalani-Garza, Benjamin K. S. Piper, Annette Squetimkin-Anquoe
Approximately three fourths of the American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN) population lives in urban areas, and urban AI/ANs are disproportionately affected by alcohol-related morbidity and mortality. Although no studies have documented alcohol use disorder (AUD) treatment outcomes specific to urban AI/ANs, studies in other Native communities highlight concerns about the cultural acceptability of directive, abstinence-based approaches, such as cognitive behavioral therapy and 12-step programs. Understanding this population’s desired recovery pathways in their own words may help providers create more culturally appropriate, patient-centered, and effective approaches. Participants (N = 31) were urban AI/ANs who screened positive for AUD using the AUDIT-C. They participated in semi-structured interviews eliciting their experiences in AUD treatment to date and suggestions for redesigning AUD treatment in their own vision. Conventional content analysis was used to create a thematic description. Findings indicated that intrinsic motivation and not extrinsic pressure (e.g., mandated treatment) was associated with positive treatment engagement and outcomes. Participants appreciated feeling safe and supported in AUD treatment, but also felt AUD treatment could be institutional and oppressive. Participants preferred compassionate counselors with lived experience who could provide insights into recovery; they largely did not appreciate a “tough love” approach or power struggles with counselors. Native-led treatment centers providing access to cultural practices were preferred. Moving forward, participants suggested AUD treatment providers should help patients meet basic needs, prioritize patient-driven versus provider-driven goal-setting, support patients’ reconnection with meaningful activities, facilitate access to a supportive community network, and recognize cultural activities as important recovery pathways.
{"title":"Content Analysis of Preferred Recovery Pathways Among Urban American Indians and Alaska Natives Experiencing Alcohol Use Disorders","authors":"Lonnie A. Nelson, S. Collins, Jasmine Birch, Raven Burns, Grace McPhail, Jemima Onih, Cameron Cupp, Tatiana Ubay, Victorio L. King, Emily M Taylor, Karissa Masciel, Trevor Slaney, Joseph Bunch, Roxanna King, Celina Mahinalani-Garza, Benjamin K. S. Piper, Annette Squetimkin-Anquoe","doi":"10.1177/00220221221132778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220221221132778","url":null,"abstract":"Approximately three fourths of the American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN) population lives in urban areas, and urban AI/ANs are disproportionately affected by alcohol-related morbidity and mortality. Although no studies have documented alcohol use disorder (AUD) treatment outcomes specific to urban AI/ANs, studies in other Native communities highlight concerns about the cultural acceptability of directive, abstinence-based approaches, such as cognitive behavioral therapy and 12-step programs. Understanding this population’s desired recovery pathways in their own words may help providers create more culturally appropriate, patient-centered, and effective approaches. Participants (N = 31) were urban AI/ANs who screened positive for AUD using the AUDIT-C. They participated in semi-structured interviews eliciting their experiences in AUD treatment to date and suggestions for redesigning AUD treatment in their own vision. Conventional content analysis was used to create a thematic description. Findings indicated that intrinsic motivation and not extrinsic pressure (e.g., mandated treatment) was associated with positive treatment engagement and outcomes. Participants appreciated feeling safe and supported in AUD treatment, but also felt AUD treatment could be institutional and oppressive. Participants preferred compassionate counselors with lived experience who could provide insights into recovery; they largely did not appreciate a “tough love” approach or power struggles with counselors. Native-led treatment centers providing access to cultural practices were preferred. Moving forward, participants suggested AUD treatment providers should help patients meet basic needs, prioritize patient-driven versus provider-driven goal-setting, support patients’ reconnection with meaningful activities, facilitate access to a supportive community network, and recognize cultural activities as important recovery pathways.","PeriodicalId":48354,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology","volume":"54 1","pages":"142 - 160"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44447779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1177/00220221221132833
T. Bakir-Demir, E. Reese, Basak Sahin-Acar, M. Taumoepeau
Stories that have not been personally experienced by children and are only told by their parents are called vicarious family stories. An emerging body of literature has shown that vicarious family stories are an important part of children’s narrative ecology. However, to date, only two studies from the same cross-cultural project have examined the role of culture in vicarious family stories. The aims of this study were to examine vicarious mother stories in Turkey and New Zealand (NZ) and to investigate individual variations in national groups with regard to the internalization of cultural orientations (i.e., self-construals). There were 108 Turkish and 79 NZ women in this study. We found that Turkish women’s stories were more thematically coherent and included more social interactions and other-related words than NZ women’s. When reporting reasons for why they thought family members told stories, didactic purposes and expressing emotions were more common reasons for Turkish women, whereas sharing family history and entertainment were more common reasons for NZ women. However, Turkish and NZ women’s vicarious stories were similar in terms of identity connections and affective tone. Unexpectedly, we did not find a significant role of individuals’ self-construals in the link between national groups and vicarious stories. This study contributes to the growing area of research on family narratives by showing the commonalities and differences in the construction of vicarious stories across national groups.
{"title":"How I Remember My Mother’s Story: A Cross-National Investigation of Vicarious Family Stories in Turkey and New Zealand","authors":"T. Bakir-Demir, E. Reese, Basak Sahin-Acar, M. Taumoepeau","doi":"10.1177/00220221221132833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220221221132833","url":null,"abstract":"Stories that have not been personally experienced by children and are only told by their parents are called vicarious family stories. An emerging body of literature has shown that vicarious family stories are an important part of children’s narrative ecology. However, to date, only two studies from the same cross-cultural project have examined the role of culture in vicarious family stories. The aims of this study were to examine vicarious mother stories in Turkey and New Zealand (NZ) and to investigate individual variations in national groups with regard to the internalization of cultural orientations (i.e., self-construals). There were 108 Turkish and 79 NZ women in this study. We found that Turkish women’s stories were more thematically coherent and included more social interactions and other-related words than NZ women’s. When reporting reasons for why they thought family members told stories, didactic purposes and expressing emotions were more common reasons for Turkish women, whereas sharing family history and entertainment were more common reasons for NZ women. However, Turkish and NZ women’s vicarious stories were similar in terms of identity connections and affective tone. Unexpectedly, we did not find a significant role of individuals’ self-construals in the link between national groups and vicarious stories. This study contributes to the growing area of research on family narratives by showing the commonalities and differences in the construction of vicarious stories across national groups.","PeriodicalId":48354,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology","volume":"54 1","pages":"340 - 364"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45610850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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