Journal of Experimental Child Psychology最新文献

The current study employed the Multilingual Assessment Instrument for Narratives (MAIN) to test comprehension of narrative macrostructure in Russian in a visual world eye-tracking paradigm. The four MAIN visual narratives are structurally similar and question referents’ goals and internal states (IS). Previous research revealed that children’s MAIN comprehension differed among the four narratives in German, Swedish, Russian, and Turkish, but it is not clear why. We tested whether the difference in comprehension was (a) present, (b) caused by complicated inferences in understanding IS compared with goals, and (c) ameliorated by orienting visual attention to the referents whose IS was critical for accurate comprehension. Our findings confirmed (a) and (b) but found no effect of attentional cues on accuracy for (c). The multidimensional theory of narrative organization of children’s knowledge of macrostructure needs to consider the type of inferences necessary for IS that are influenced by subjective interpretation and reasoning.

Research on goal-predictive gaze shifts in infancy so far has mostly focused on the effect of infants’ experience with observed actions or the effect of agency cues that the observed agent displays. However, the perspective from which an action is presented to the infants (egocentric vs. allocentric) has received only little attention from researchers despite the fact that the natural observation of own actions is always linked to an egocentric perspective, whereas the observation of others’ actions is often linked to an allocentric perspective. The current study investigated the timing of 6-, 9-, and 12-month-olds’ goal-predictive gaze behavior, as well as that of adults, during the observation of simple human grasping actions that were presented from either an egocentric or allocentric perspective (within-participants design). The results showed that at 6 and 9 months of age, the infants predicted the action goal only when observing the action from the egocentric perspective. The 12-month-olds and adults, in contrast, predicted the action in both perspectives. The results therefore are in line with accounts proposing an advantage of egocentric versus allocentric processing of social stimuli, at least early in development. This study is among the first to show this egocentric bias already during the first year of life.

Motivated by theories of music-to-language transfer, we investigated whether and how musicianship benefits phonological and lexical prosodic awareness in first language (L1) Cantonese and second language (L2) English. We assessed 86 Cantonese–English bilingual children on rhythmic sensitivity, pitch sensitivity, nonverbal intelligence, inhibitory control, working memory, Cantonese phonological awareness, Cantonese tone awareness, English phonological awareness, and English stress awareness. Based on their prior music learning experience, we classified the children as musicians and non-musicians. The musicians performed better than the non-musicians on Cantonese phonological awareness, Cantonese tone awareness, and English phonological awareness. In addition, the musicians had superior pitch sensitivity, nonverbal intelligence, inhibitory control, and working memory than the non-musicians. For Cantonese and English phonological awareness, neither cognitive abilities nor pitch and rhythmic sensitivities turned out to be a unique predictor. However, working memory uniquely predicted Cantonese tone awareness, with age, rhythmic sensitivity, and pitch sensitivity controlled. From a theoretical perspective, our findings on Cantonese tone awareness favors the cognitive perspective of music-to-language transfer, in which working memory enhancement could explain the musicians’ superior performance in Cantonese tone awareness. However, our findings on phonological awareness do not favor the cognitive perspective, nor do they favor the perceptual perspective, in which enhanced rhythmic and pitch sensitivities could explain musicians’ advantage.

Expectations about how others’ actions unfold in the future are crucial for our everyday social interactions. The current study examined the development of the use of kinematic cues for action anticipation and prediction in 3-year-olds, 4-year-olds, 10-year-olds, and adults in two experiments. Participants observed a hand repeatedly reaching for either a close or far object. The motor kinematics of the hand varied depending on whether the hand reached for the close or far object. We assessed whether participants would use kinematic cues to visually anticipate (Experiment 1; N=98) and verbally predict (Experiment 2; N=80) which object the hand was going to grasp. We found that only adults, but not 3- to 10-year-olds, based their visual anticipations on kinematic cues (Experiment 1). This speaks against claims that action anticipations are based on simulating others’ motor processes and instead provides evidence that anticipations are based on perceptual mechanisms. Interestingly, 10-year-olds used kinematic cues to correctly verbally predict the target object, and 4-year-olds learned to do so over the trials (Experiment 2). Thus, kinematic cues are used earlier in life for explicit action predictions than for visual action anticipations. This adds to a recent debate on whether or not an implicit understanding of others’ actions precedes their ability to verbally reason about the same actions.

What behaviors make people happy? In the current studies, we investigated 4- to 7-year-old children’s (N = 148) emotion attributions for people who follow or violate a conventional norm when doing so aligns or conflicts with other psychological motivations. In Study 1, we tested whether children believe people are happier when they desire (vs. do not desire) adhering to (vs. violating) a norm. In Study 2, we tested whether children believe people are happier when freely choosing (vs. being told) to adhere to (vs. violate) a norm. In both studies, children predicted the highest happiness levels for people who followed norms even when doing so conflicted with other psychological motivators (e.g., wanting or freely choosing to do something). Children also explained their emotion attributions by making reference to norms more often than to desires or personal choices. Results are discussed in terms of implications for children’s own norm adherence and early socialization practices in Western cultures.

Individuals revise their beliefs based on the evidential strength of others’ claims. Unlike English, in languages such as Turkish evidential marking is obligatory; speakers must express whether their claims are based on direct observation or not. We investigated whether Turkish- and English-speaking 3- and 5-year-olds (N = 146; 72 girls; based in Turkey and Canada) differed in their belief revision after hearing claims based on direct observation, indirect observation, or inference. We found the same pattern in both linguistic groups; the 3-year-olds revised their beliefs more often when they heard claims based on direct observation and inference than on indirect observation, whereas the 5-year-olds showed no difference across different claims. By age 3, Turkish- and English-speaking children are sensitive to the strength of claims when revising their beliefs.

It has been established that young children who use their fingers to solve arithmetic problems outperform those who do not. However, it remains unclear whether finger counting itself enhances arithmetic performance or if children with already advanced numerical abilities are more inclined to use this strategy. In the current study, to shed light on this matter, we observed the behavior of 189 4- and 5-year-old children in an addition task and a task assessing their knowledge of the three “how-to-count” principles (i.e., stable order, one-to-one correspondence, and cardinality principles). Of these children, 169 were reassessed 1 year later (the second testing point). At the first testing point, our results revealed that finger users better know the counting principles than non-finger users. Nevertheless, some children use their fingers without knowing the principles, but in this case they present low performance in the addition task. Moreover, we found that knowing the counting principles does not naturally prompt finger use. Finally, we did not find evidence supporting the idea that finger use has a specific role in the development of counting principles, which questions the idea that finger counting has a functional role in the construction of the number concept. All in all, our results tend to show that children need to know the counting principles to be efficient finger users. Therefore, finger counting seems to be a useful tool when used by children who already possess advanced numerical knowledge.