Pub Date : 2024-07-01Epub Date: 2023-08-07DOI: 10.1177/17585732231193285
Sandeep Krishan Nayar, David Butt, Aditya Prinja, Will Rudge, Addie Majed, Deborah Higgs, Mark Falworth
Background: Glenoid bone loss represents a challenge in shoulder arthroplasty and often precludes standard implants. The CAD-CAM total shoulder replacement (TSR) is an option in these cases. This study aimed to assess survivorship and long-term patient outcomes of the CAD-CAM TSR.
Methods: Fifty-eight patients that underwent a CAD-CAM TSR by three surgeons at a single tertiary referral centre between 2009 and 2017 were reviewed. The mean follow-up was 70 months (28-130). Data was collected on survivorship, range of movement, Oxford shoulder score (OSS, 0-48), subjective shoulder value (SSV, 0-100%), pain score (0-10), and overall patient satisfaction.
Results: CAD-CAM TSR was undertaken as a primary procedure in 28% (n = 16) for end-stage arthritis with severe glenoid bone loss, and as a revision procedure in 72% (n = 42). Of the total, 17% (n = 10) required component revision at a mean of 24 months (4x prosthesis loosening, 3x infection, 3x periprosthetic fracture). Forward elevation improved from 45° ± 27° to 59° ± 29° (P = 0.0056), abduction from 43° ± 29° to 55° ± 26° (P = 0.034) and external rotation from 8° ± 11° to 16° ± 14° (P = 0.031). OSS improved from 15 ± 8 to 29 ± 9 (P = 0.0009), SSV from 18 ± 16 to 62 ± 23 (P < 0.0001), and pain score from 8 ± 2 to 2 ± 2 (P < 0.0001). 88% of patients would undergo the procedure again.
Conclusion: CAD-CAM TSR is reserved for complex cases involving severe glenoid bone loss, offering significant improvements in pain and function with overall positive patient satisfaction.
{"title":"Survivorship analysis of CAD-CAM total shoulder replacement.","authors":"Sandeep Krishan Nayar, David Butt, Aditya Prinja, Will Rudge, Addie Majed, Deborah Higgs, Mark Falworth","doi":"10.1177/17585732231193285","DOIUrl":"10.1177/17585732231193285","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Background: </strong>Glenoid bone loss represents a challenge in shoulder arthroplasty and often precludes standard implants. The CAD-CAM total shoulder replacement (TSR) is an option in these cases. This study aimed to assess survivorship and long-term patient outcomes of the CAD-CAM TSR.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>Fifty-eight patients that underwent a CAD-CAM TSR by three surgeons at a single tertiary referral centre between 2009 and 2017 were reviewed. The mean follow-up was 70 months (28-130). Data was collected on survivorship, range of movement, Oxford shoulder score (OSS, 0-48), subjective shoulder value (SSV, 0-100%), pain score (0-10), and overall patient satisfaction.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>CAD-CAM TSR was undertaken as a primary procedure in 28% (<i>n</i> = 16) for end-stage arthritis with severe glenoid bone loss, and as a revision procedure in 72% (<i>n</i> = 42). Of the total, 17% (<i>n</i> = 10) required component revision at a mean of 24 months (4x prosthesis loosening, 3x infection, 3x periprosthetic fracture). Forward elevation improved from 45° ± 27° to 59° ± 29° (P = 0.0056), abduction from 43° ± 29° to 55° ± 26° (P = 0.034) and external rotation from 8° ± 11° to 16° ± 14° (P = 0.031). OSS improved from 15 ± 8 to 29 ± 9 (P = 0.0009), SSV from 18 ± 16 to 62 ± 23 (P < 0.0001), and pain score from 8 ± 2 to 2 ± 2 (P < 0.0001). 88% of patients would undergo the procedure again.</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>CAD-CAM TSR is reserved for complex cases involving severe glenoid bone loss, offering significant improvements in pain and function with overall positive patient satisfaction.</p>","PeriodicalId":48451,"journal":{"name":"American Political Science Review","volume":"96 1","pages":"390-396"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2024-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11418713/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78767045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-22DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423001168
Tanushree Goyal, C. Sells
This article highlights a new way in which descriptive representation enhances democracy through inclusive party building. We theorize that parties retain and promote incumbents based on gendered criteria, disproportionately incentivizing women to recruit party members. However, gendered resource inequalities lower women’s access to the patronage required for recruitment. Women respond by recruiting more women members, as it lowers recruitment costs, is role-congruent, and eases credit claiming. Using rich administrative data on party membership from 2004 to 2020 and a regression discontinuity design in Brazil, we find that, despite resource disparities, women mayors recruit new members at similar rates as men but reduce the gender gap in party membership. As expected, women are more likely to be promoted in constituencies where they most lower the gender gap in party membership. We also find that women’s increased membership improves party resilience. Our findings suggest that descriptive representation strengthens party building by including underrepresented citizens.
{"title":"Descriptive Representation and Party Building: Evidence from Municipal Governments in Brazil","authors":"Tanushree Goyal, C. Sells","doi":"10.1017/s0003055423001168","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0003055423001168","url":null,"abstract":"This article highlights a new way in which descriptive representation enhances democracy through inclusive party building. We theorize that parties retain and promote incumbents based on gendered criteria, disproportionately incentivizing women to recruit party members. However, gendered resource inequalities lower women’s access to the patronage required for recruitment. Women respond by recruiting more women members, as it lowers recruitment costs, is role-congruent, and eases credit claiming. Using rich administrative data on party membership from 2004 to 2020 and a regression discontinuity design in Brazil, we find that, despite resource disparities, women mayors recruit new members at similar rates as men but reduce the gender gap in party membership. As expected, women are more likely to be promoted in constituencies where they most lower the gender gap in party membership. We also find that women’s increased membership improves party resilience. Our findings suggest that descriptive representation strengthens party building by including underrepresented citizens.","PeriodicalId":48451,"journal":{"name":"American Political Science Review","volume":"15 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":6.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138947632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-20DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423001284
Soyoung Lee
What international issues become national interests worth fighting for, and why? Contrary to conventional wisdom, I argue that issues without clear economic value, such as barren lands, are more likely to be perceived as national interests because they do not benefit any single domestic group. Since who benefits is unclear, politicians have an easier time framing such issues as benefiting the whole nation. I test this argument using survey experiments on the American public. The results show that first, issues providing diffuse benefits to citizens are more likely to be considered national interests than issues providing concentrated benefits to certain domestic groups. Second, issues with clearer economic value are harder to frame as having diffuse benefits because they are more easily associated with specific beneficiaries. This study proposes a new theory of national interest and offers a potential explanation for why people frequently support conflict over issues without obvious benefits.
{"title":"Domestic Distributional Roots of National Interest","authors":"Soyoung Lee","doi":"10.1017/s0003055423001284","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0003055423001284","url":null,"abstract":"What international issues become national interests worth fighting for, and why? Contrary to conventional wisdom, I argue that issues without clear economic value, such as barren lands, are more likely to be perceived as national interests because they do not benefit any single domestic group. Since who benefits is unclear, politicians have an easier time framing such issues as benefiting the whole nation. I test this argument using survey experiments on the American public. The results show that first, issues providing diffuse benefits to citizens are more likely to be considered national interests than issues providing concentrated benefits to certain domestic groups. Second, issues with clearer economic value are harder to frame as having diffuse benefits because they are more easily associated with specific beneficiaries. This study proposes a new theory of national interest and offers a potential explanation for why people frequently support conflict over issues without obvious benefits.","PeriodicalId":48451,"journal":{"name":"American Political Science Review","volume":"88 19","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":6.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138954249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-14DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423001223
Yoshiko M. Herrera, Andrew H. Kydd
States in conflict often have divergent interpretations of the past. They blame each other for starting the conflict and view their own actions as justified retaliation, which makes them reluctant to cooperate. This phenomenon, while common in international relations, is not well understood by existing formal theories of cooperation. In the context of the Repeated Prisoner’s Dilemma framework, we show that strategies that demand atonement for past misdeeds are outperformed by strategies that do not. The latter are able to get out of retaliatory cycles and return to cooperation more quickly when there are divergent perceptions of the past. We conclude with a case study of Chinese and U.S. responses to the Tiananmen protests of 1989. China and the United States strongly disagree about the cause of the Tiananmen uprising and the legitimacy of the Chinese response, but nevertheless returned to cooperation after a limited period of mutual punishment.
{"title":"Don’t Look Back in Anger: Cooperation Despite Conflicting Historical Narratives","authors":"Yoshiko M. Herrera, Andrew H. Kydd","doi":"10.1017/s0003055423001223","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0003055423001223","url":null,"abstract":"States in conflict often have divergent interpretations of the past. They blame each other for starting the conflict and view their own actions as justified retaliation, which makes them reluctant to cooperate. This phenomenon, while common in international relations, is not well understood by existing formal theories of cooperation. In the context of the Repeated Prisoner’s Dilemma framework, we show that strategies that demand atonement for past misdeeds are outperformed by strategies that do not. The latter are able to get out of retaliatory cycles and return to cooperation more quickly when there are divergent perceptions of the past. We conclude with a case study of Chinese and U.S. responses to the Tiananmen protests of 1989. China and the United States strongly disagree about the cause of the Tiananmen uprising and the legitimacy of the Chinese response, but nevertheless returned to cooperation after a limited period of mutual punishment.","PeriodicalId":48451,"journal":{"name":"American Political Science Review","volume":"26 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":6.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139002811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-14DOI: 10.1017/s000305542300117x
Nicholas Haas, Emmy Lindstam
Ongoing, spirited debates from around the globe over statues, street names, symbols, and textbooks call for a greater understanding of the political effects of different historical representations. In this paper, we theorize that inclusive (exclusive) historical representations can increase (decrease) marginalized group members’ perceived centrality to the nation, entitlement to speak on its behalf, and likelihood of becoming leaders. In an online experiment in India ( $ N=1,592 $ ), we randomly assign participants exercises sourced from official state textbooks containing either an exclusive, inclusive, or a neutral representation of history. We subsequently assess the supply of and demand for Muslim leadership using both an original, incentivized game and additional survey and behavioral measures. We find that inclusive historical narratives increase Muslim participants’ perceived centrality and entitlement, desire to lead, and demand for real-world Muslim leaders. Battles over history can carry consequences for the leadership ambitions of marginalized individuals, for themselves and their communities.
{"title":"My History or Our History? Historical Revisionism and Entitlement to Lead","authors":"Nicholas Haas, Emmy Lindstam","doi":"10.1017/s000305542300117x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s000305542300117x","url":null,"abstract":"Ongoing, spirited debates from around the globe over statues, street names, symbols, and textbooks call for a greater understanding of the political effects of different historical representations. In this paper, we theorize that inclusive (exclusive) historical representations can increase (decrease) marginalized group members’ perceived centrality to the nation, entitlement to speak on its behalf, and likelihood of becoming leaders. In an online experiment in India (\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 $ N=1,592 $\u0000 \u0000 ), we randomly assign participants exercises sourced from official state textbooks containing either an exclusive, inclusive, or a neutral representation of history. We subsequently assess the supply of and demand for Muslim leadership using both an original, incentivized game and additional survey and behavioral measures. We find that inclusive historical narratives increase Muslim participants’ perceived centrality and entitlement, desire to lead, and demand for real-world Muslim leaders. Battles over history can carry consequences for the leadership ambitions of marginalized individuals, for themselves and their communities.","PeriodicalId":48451,"journal":{"name":"American Political Science Review","volume":"1998 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":6.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139002207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-12DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423001302
Matthew Tyler, S. Iyengar
Affective polarization (AP)—the tendency of political partisans to view their opponents as a stigmatized “out group”—is now a major field of research. Relevant evidence in the United States derives primarily from a single source, the American National Election Studies (ANES) feeling thermometer time series. We investigate whether the design of the ANES produces overestimates of AP. We consider four mechanisms: overrepresentation of strong partisans, selection bias conditional on strong identification, priming effects of partisan content, and survey mode variation. Our analysis uses the first-ever collaboration between ANES and the General Social Survey and a novel experiment that manipulates the amount of political content in surveys. Our tests show that variation in survey mode has caused an artificial increase in the mixed-mode ANES time series, but the general increase in out-party animus is nonetheless real and not merely an artifact of selection bias or priming effects.
情感极化（Affective polarization，AP）--政治党派人士将对手视为被污名化的 "出局群体 "的倾向--现已成为一个重要的研究领域。美国的相关证据主要来自一个单一来源，即美国全国选举研究（ANES）的感觉温度计时间序列。我们研究了美国全国选举研究的设计是否会导致对 AP 的高估。我们考虑了四种机制：强烈党派的过度代表、强烈认同条件下的选择偏差、党派内容的引申效应以及调查模式的变化。我们的分析使用了 ANES 和一般社会调查之间的首次合作，以及一项操纵调查中政治内容数量的新实验。我们的检验结果表明，调查模式的变化造成了混合模式 ANES 时间序列的人为增加，但党外敌意的普遍增加却是真实的，而不仅仅是选择偏差或引物效应的产物。
{"title":"Testing the Robustness of the ANES Feeling Thermometer Indicators of Affective Polarization","authors":"Matthew Tyler, S. Iyengar","doi":"10.1017/s0003055423001302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0003055423001302","url":null,"abstract":"Affective polarization (AP)—the tendency of political partisans to view their opponents as a stigmatized “out group”—is now a major field of research. Relevant evidence in the United States derives primarily from a single source, the American National Election Studies (ANES) feeling thermometer time series. We investigate whether the design of the ANES produces overestimates of AP. We consider four mechanisms: overrepresentation of strong partisans, selection bias conditional on strong identification, priming effects of partisan content, and survey mode variation. Our analysis uses the first-ever collaboration between ANES and the General Social Survey and a novel experiment that manipulates the amount of political content in surveys. Our tests show that variation in survey mode has caused an artificial increase in the mixed-mode ANES time series, but the general increase in out-party animus is nonetheless real and not merely an artifact of selection bias or priming effects.","PeriodicalId":48451,"journal":{"name":"American Political Science Review","volume":"29 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":6.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139007374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-12DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423001272
Mariana GIUSTI-RODRÍGUEZ
While existing scholarship recognizes the centrality of social organizations for party-building efforts, how network structures condition party-building remains underexamined. This article argues that a core property of the network environments within which proto-parties emerge—structural resilience—shapes opportunities for proto-parties’ expansion and consolidation. More resilient network structures—those with multiple pathways available for expansion—decrease proto-parties’ vulnerability to structural threats and allow them to circumvent competition. To evaluate this theory, I examine the organizational networks of three comparable indigenous party-building efforts in Bolivia. Using original network data and a mixed-methods approach, I demonstrate that MAS-IPSP succeeded in establishing itself as the indigenous party because of the structural resilience of the network environment within which it originated. By contrast, its counterparts failed when targeted network attacks undermined their access to organizational spaces critical to their expansion strategies. The findings reveal often-overlooked variation in the relationship between social organizations and political parties.
{"title":"From Social Networks to Political Parties: Indigenous Party-Building in Bolivia","authors":"Mariana GIUSTI-RODRÍGUEZ","doi":"10.1017/s0003055423001272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0003055423001272","url":null,"abstract":"While existing scholarship recognizes the centrality of social organizations for party-building efforts, how network structures condition party-building remains underexamined. This article argues that a core property of the network environments within which proto-parties emerge—structural resilience—shapes opportunities for proto-parties’ expansion and consolidation. More resilient network structures—those with multiple pathways available for expansion—decrease proto-parties’ vulnerability to structural threats and allow them to circumvent competition. To evaluate this theory, I examine the organizational networks of three comparable indigenous party-building efforts in Bolivia. Using original network data and a mixed-methods approach, I demonstrate that MAS-IPSP succeeded in establishing itself as the indigenous party because of the structural resilience of the network environment within which it originated. By contrast, its counterparts failed when targeted network attacks undermined their access to organizational spaces critical to their expansion strategies. The findings reveal often-overlooked variation in the relationship between social organizations and political parties.","PeriodicalId":48451,"journal":{"name":"American Political Science Review","volume":"22 15","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":6.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139008895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-05DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000813
Léonard Wantchékon, Jenny Guardado
The article provides experimental evidence of the effect of candidate-citizen town-hall meetings on voters’ political behavior. The intervention took place prior to the March 2011 elections in Benin and involved 150 randomly selected villages. In the treatment group, candidates held town-hall meetings where voters deliberated over their electoral platforms. The control group was exposed to the standard campaign—that is, one-way communication of the candidate’s platform by himself or his local broker. We find that town-hall meetings led to a more informed citizenry and higher electoral participation, which diverged little along socioeconomic lines. We also observe a lower effectiveness of vote-buying attempts where town halls took place. This is consistent with town-hall deliberation promoting what we call more “ethical” voters.
{"title":"Deliberation and Ethical Voting Behavior: Evidence from a Campaign Experiment in Benin","authors":"Léonard Wantchékon, Jenny Guardado","doi":"10.1017/s0003055423000813","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0003055423000813","url":null,"abstract":"The article provides experimental evidence of the effect of candidate-citizen town-hall meetings on voters’ political behavior. The intervention took place prior to the March 2011 elections in Benin and involved 150 randomly selected villages. In the treatment group, candidates held town-hall meetings where voters deliberated over their electoral platforms. The control group was exposed to the standard campaign—that is, one-way communication of the candidate’s platform by himself or his local broker. We find that town-hall meetings led to a more informed citizenry and higher electoral participation, which diverged little along socioeconomic lines. We also observe a lower effectiveness of vote-buying attempts where town halls took place. This is consistent with town-hall deliberation promoting what we call more “ethical” voters.","PeriodicalId":48451,"journal":{"name":"American Political Science Review","volume":"120 45","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":6.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138599374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423001211
S. Hobolt, Katharina Lawall, James Tilley
We are witnessing increasing partisan polarization across the world. It is often argued that partisan “echo chambers” are one of the drivers of both policy and affective polarization. In this article, we develop and test the argument that the political homogeneity of people’s social environment shapes polarization. Using an innovative, large-scale pre-registered “lab-in-the-field” experiment in the United Kingdom, we examine how polarization is influenced by partisan group homogeneity. We recruit nationally representative partisans and assign them to discuss a salient policy issue, either with like-minded partisans (an echo chamber) or in a mixed-partisan group. This allows us to examine how group composition affects polarization. In line with our expectations, we find that partisan echo chambers increase both policy and affective polarization compared to mixed discussion groups. This has important implications for our understanding of the drivers of polarization and for how out-group animosity might be ameliorated in the mass public.
{"title":"The Polarizing Effect of Partisan Echo Chambers","authors":"S. Hobolt, Katharina Lawall, James Tilley","doi":"10.1017/s0003055423001211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0003055423001211","url":null,"abstract":"We are witnessing increasing partisan polarization across the world. It is often argued that partisan “echo chambers” are one of the drivers of both policy and affective polarization. In this article, we develop and test the argument that the political homogeneity of people’s social environment shapes polarization. Using an innovative, large-scale pre-registered “lab-in-the-field” experiment in the United Kingdom, we examine how polarization is influenced by partisan group homogeneity. We recruit nationally representative partisans and assign them to discuss a salient policy issue, either with like-minded partisans (an echo chamber) or in a mixed-partisan group. This allows us to examine how group composition affects polarization. In line with our expectations, we find that partisan echo chambers increase both policy and affective polarization compared to mixed discussion groups. This has important implications for our understanding of the drivers of polarization and for how out-group animosity might be ameliorated in the mass public.","PeriodicalId":48451,"journal":{"name":"American Political Science Review","volume":" 32","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":6.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138616563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Medical practitioners in peripheral remote areas face challenges in treating patients, that are much different from those who are working in an institute or accessible regions. We are discussing two cases, which were clinically diagnosed at our centre and were biopsy proven at a tertiary care institute. First case is of a benign adnexal neoplasm while the second is dreaded midline granuloma. Both the patients received satisfactory consultation and management.
{"title":"Nasal Masses: A Report of Two Rare Cases, from Benign to Malignant.","authors":"Riddhi Jaiswal, Vinay Prakash Singh, Shishir Mishra, Rinka Yadav, Lord Karnwallis","doi":"10.1007/s12070-023-04007-6","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s12070-023-04007-6","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Medical practitioners in peripheral remote areas face challenges in treating patients, that are much different from those who are working in an institute or accessible regions. We are discussing two cases, which were clinically diagnosed at our centre and were biopsy proven at a tertiary care institute. First case is of a benign adnexal neoplasm while the second is dreaded midline granuloma. Both the patients received satisfactory consultation and management.</p>","PeriodicalId":48451,"journal":{"name":"American Political Science Review","volume":"68 1","pages":"3971-3974"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10645762/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90662779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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