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Wealth of Tongues: Why Peripheral Regions Vote for the Radical Right in Germany 语言的丰富:为什么德国的边缘地区会投票给激进的右翼
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000862
DANIEL ZIBLATT, HANNO HILBIG, DANIEL BISCHOF
Why is support the radical right higher in some geographic locations than others? This article argues that what is frequently classified as the “rural” bases of radical-right support in previous research is in part the result of something different: communities that were in the historical “periphery” in the center–periphery conflicts of modern nation-state formation. Inspired by a classic state-building literature that emphasizes the prevalence of a “wealth of tongues”—or nonstandard linguistic dialects in a region—as a definition of the periphery, we use data from more than 725,000 geo-coded responses in a linguistic survey in Germany to show that voters from historically peripheral geographic communities are more likely to vote for the radical right today.
为什么激进右翼在某些地区的支持率高于其他地区?本文认为,在以前的研究中,经常被归类为激进右翼支持的“农村”基础的部分原因是不同的:在现代民族国家形成的中心-边缘冲突中,处于历史“边缘”的社区。受经典的国家建设文献的启发,该文献强调“丰富的语言”——或一个地区的非标准语言方言——作为边缘的定义,我们使用了德国一项语言调查中超过72.5万个地理编码的回答数据,表明历史上边缘地理社区的选民今天更有可能投票给激进的右翼。
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引用次数: 5
They’re Still There, He’s All Gone: American Fatalities in Foreign Wars and Right-Wing Radicalization at Home 他们还在,他都走了:美国人在对外战争中的死亡人数和国内右翼激进化
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000904
RICHARD J. MCALEXANDER, MICHAEL A. RUBIN, ROB WILLIAMS
What explains right-wing radicalization in the United States? Existing research emphasizes demographic changes, economic insecurity, and elite polarization. This paper highlights an additional factor: the impact of foreign wars on society at home. We argue communities that bear the greatest costs of foreign wars are prone to higher rates of right-wing radicalization. To support this claim, we present robust correlations between activity on Parler, a predominantly right-wing social media platform, and fatalities among residents who served in U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, at both the county and census tract level. The findings contribute to understanding right-wing radicalization in the US in two key respects. First, it examines widespread, nonviolent radical-right activity that, because it is less provocative than protest and violence, has eluded systematic measurement. Second, it highlights that U.S. foreign wars have important implications for domestic politics beyond partisanship and voting, to potentially include radicalization.
如何解释美国的右翼激进主义?现有的研究强调人口变化、经济不安全感和精英极化。本文强调了另一个因素:对外战争对国内社会的影响。我们认为,承担对外战争最大代价的社区往往倾向于更高的右翼激进化率。为了支持这一说法,我们提出了在Parler(一个以右翼为主的社交媒体平台)上的活动与美国在伊拉克和阿富汗战争中服役的居民的死亡率之间的强大相关性,无论是在县一级还是在人口普查区一级。这些发现有助于从两个关键方面理解美国的右翼激进化。首先,它考察了广泛存在的非暴力激进右翼活动,由于这些活动不像抗议和暴力那样具有挑衅性,因此无法进行系统的衡量。其次,它强调了美国的对外战争对国内政治的重要影响,超出了党派和投票,可能包括激进化。
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引用次数: 0
Does Victim Gender Matter for Justice Delivery? Police and Judicial Responses to Women’s Cases in India 受害者性别对司法公正有影响吗?印度警察和司法部门对妇女案件的回应
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000916
NIRVIKAR JASSAL
Are women disadvantaged whilst accessing justice? I chart, for the first time, the full trajectory of accessing justice in India using an original dataset of roughly half a million crime reports, subsequently merged with court files. I demonstrate that particular complaints can be hindered when passing through nodes of the criminal justice system, and illustrate a pattern of “multi-stage” discrimination. In particular, I show that women's complaints are more likely to be delayed and dismissed at the police station and courthouse compared to men. Suspects that female complainants accuse of crime are less likely to be convicted and more likely to be acquitted, an imbalance that persists even when accounting for cases of violence against women (VAW). The application of machine learning to complaints reveals—contrary to claims by policymakers and judges—that VAW, including the extortive crime of dowry, are not “petty quarrels,” but may involve starvation, poisoning, and marital rape. In an attempt to make a causal claim about the impact of complainant gender on verdicts, I utilize topical inverse regression matching, a method that leverages high-dimensional text data. I show that those who suffer from cumulative disadvantage in society may face challenges across sequential stages of seeking restitution or punitive justice through formal state institutions.
妇女在诉诸司法时是否处于不利地位?我第一次用大约50万份犯罪报告的原始数据集绘制了印度诉诸司法的完整轨迹,这些数据集随后与法庭文件合并。我证明,在通过刑事司法系统的节点时,特定的投诉可能受到阻碍,并说明了“多阶段”歧视的模式。我特别指出,与男性相比,女性的投诉在警察局和法院更有可能被拖延和驳回。被女性投诉者指控犯罪的嫌疑人被定罪的可能性更小,被无罪释放的可能性更大,这种不平衡甚至在考虑暴力侵害妇女案件(VAW)时仍然存在。与政策制定者和法官的说法相反,机器学习在投诉中的应用表明,包括嫁妆勒索罪在内的暴力行为并不是“微不足道的争吵”,而是可能涉及饥饿、中毒和婚内强奸。为了试图对投诉人性别对判决的影响做出因果断言,我使用了主题逆回归匹配,这是一种利用高维文本数据的方法。我表明,那些在社会中遭受累积劣势的人可能会在通过正式的国家机构寻求赔偿或惩罚性正义的连续阶段面临挑战。
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引用次数: 1
Serious Conflicts with Benign Outcomes? The Electoral Consequences of Conflictual Cabinet Terminations 严重冲突与良性结果?冲突内阁解散的选举后果
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1017/s000305542300093x
FLORENCE SO
Conflictual cabinet terminations are seismic events in democracies, but their consequences are understudied. I argue that the electoral impacts of conflictual cabinet terminations depend on voters’ perceptions of them. Terminations following non-policy conflicts are electorally costly. They signal parties’ deteriorating governing competence, which reduces parties’ vote shares. In contrast, terminations following policy conflicts signal parties’ unwillingness to compromise their policy positions and clarify parties’ policy profiles, thus allowing them to evade voter punishment and junior coalition parties to reap electoral reward, particularly for those terminations preceded by interparty policy conflicts. Statistical analyses using the Party Government in Europe Database dataset support my argument on policy terminations and reveal more nuanced electoral effects of non-policy conflict terminations. These findings are robust to various alternative explanations, as well as multiple cabinet terminations and time passed from termination to election. The findings have large implications on electoral accountability of intra-cabinet conflicts and the quality of governance.
内阁解散冲突在民主国家是一件震撼性的事件,但其后果尚未得到充分研究。我认为,有冲突的内阁解散对选举的影响取决于选民对他们的看法。非政策冲突导致的终止在选举中代价高昂。这表明政党的执政能力正在恶化,从而降低了政党的选票份额。相比之下,政策冲突后的终止表明政党不愿意妥协其政策立场并澄清政党的政策形象,从而使他们能够逃避选民的惩罚,并使初级联合政党获得选举奖励,特别是对于那些在党内政策冲突之前终止的政党。使用欧洲政党政府数据库数据集的统计分析支持我关于政策终止的论点,并揭示了非政策冲突终止对选举的更细微影响。这些发现对于各种替代解释,以及多次内阁终止和从终止到选举的时间流逝都是稳健的。研究结果对内阁内部冲突的选举问责制和治理质量具有重大影响。
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引用次数: 1
PSR volume 117 issue 4 Cover and Back matter PSR第117卷第4期封面和封底
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000990
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引用次数: 0
Turnout Turnaround: Ethnic Minority Victories Mobilize White Voters 投票率逆转:少数族裔的胜利动员了白人选民
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1017/s000305542300103x
STEPHANIE ZONSZEIN, GUY GROSSMAN
In Western democracies, like the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany, the number of ethnic minority representatives has been steadily increasing. How is this trend shaping electoral behavior? Past work has focused on the effects of minority representation on ethnic minorities’ political engagement, with less attention to the electoral behavior of majority-group members. We argue that increased minorities’ representation can be experienced as a threat to a historically white-dominant political context. This, in turn, politically activates white constituents. Using data from four U.K. general elections and a regression discontinuity design, we find that the next election’s turnout in constituencies narrowly won by an ethnic minority candidate is 4.3 percentage points larger than in constituencies narrowly won by a white candidate. Consistent with our argument, this turnout difference is driven by majority-white constituencies. Our findings have implications for intergroup relations and party politics and help explain recent political dynamics.
在美国、英国和德国等西方民主国家,少数民族代表的数量一直在稳步增加。这种趋势是如何影响选举行为的?过去的研究主要集中在少数民族代表权对少数民族政治参与的影响上,而对多数群体成员的选举行为关注较少。我们认为,少数族裔代表人数的增加可能被视为对历史上白人占主导地位的政治背景的威胁。这反过来又在政治上激活了白人选民。利用四次英国大选的数据和回归不连续设计,我们发现少数民族候选人在下次选举中险胜的选区的投票率比白人候选人险胜的选区高4.3个百分点。与我们的论点一致,这种投票率差异是由白人占多数的选区造成的。我们的研究结果对群体间关系和政党政治具有启示意义,并有助于解释最近的政治动态。
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引用次数: 0
PSR volume 117 issue 4 Cover and Front matter PSR第117卷第4期封面和封面问题
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423001004
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引用次数: 0
Notes from the Editors 编者注
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000771
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引用次数: 0
Why Political Philosophy Should Be Robust 为什么政治哲学应该稳健
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000898
ALEXANDER S. KIRSHNER, JEFF SPINNER-HALEV
Political philosophers and theorists make arguments about high-stakes problems. This article shows that those theories would be more credible if political philosophers ensured their work was robust: capable of withstanding reasonable changes to their assumptions and to the cases to which their arguments apply. The world is varied and inconstant. As a result, scientists and social scientists recognize the virtue of robustness. This article shows why political philosophers should also do so. It defines robustness, demonstrates its value, and shows how it can be evaluated. Illustrating the stakes of robustness, the article assesses prominent arguments concerning multiculturalism and open borders. Avoiding misunderstanding and confusion should be a central aim of political philosophy. To sidestep these outcomes and to reassure scholars that one’s theory is not subject to concerns about its credibility, it will often be reasonable for philosophers to explicitly test their theories for robustness.
政治哲学家和理论家对高风险问题进行争论。这篇文章表明,如果政治哲学家确保他们的工作是稳健的,那么这些理论将更加可信:能够承受他们的假设和他们的论点所适用的情况的合理变化。世界是变化无常的。因此,科学家和社会科学家认识到稳健性的优点。这篇文章说明了为什么政治哲学家也应该这样做。它定义了健壮性,展示了它的价值,并展示了如何评估它。为了说明稳健的重要性,文章评估了有关多元文化主义和开放边界的突出论点。避免误解和混淆应该是政治哲学的中心目标。为了回避这些结果,并让学者们放心,一个人的理论不会受到对其可信度的担忧,哲学家们通常会明确地测试他们的理论的稳健性。
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引用次数: 0
A Group-Based Approach to Measuring Polarization 一种基于群的偏振测量方法
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423001041
ISAAC D. MEHLHAFF
Despite polarization’s growing importance in social science, its quantitative measurement has lagged behind its conceptual development. Political and social polarization are group-based phenomena characterized by intergroup heterogeneity and intragroup homogeneity, but existing measures capture only one of these features or make it difficult to compare across cases or over time. To bring the concept and measurement of polarization into closer alignment, I introduce the cluster-polarization coefficient (CPC), a measure of multimodality that allows scholars to incorporate multiple variables and compare across contexts with varying numbers of parties or social groups. Three applications to elite and mass polarization demonstrate that the CPC returns substantively sensible results, and an open-source software package implements the measure.
尽管两极分化在社会科学中越来越重要,但其定量测量滞后于其概念发展。政治和社会两极分化是一种以群体为基础的现象,其特征是群体间异质性和群体内部同质性,但现有的措施只能捕捉到这些特征中的一个,或者难以在不同情况下或不同时间内进行比较。为了使极化的概念和测量更接近一致,我引入了集群极化系数(CPC),这是一种多模态的度量,允许学者纳入多个变量,并在不同数量的政党或社会群体的背景下进行比较。对精英和大众两极分化的三个应用表明,中国共产党的结果实质上是合理的,一个开源软件包实现了这一措施。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
American Political Science Review
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