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Discrimination Without Traits: From Social Construction to the Politics of Discrimination 没有特质的歧视:从社会建构到歧视政治
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000679
Diana Popescu-Sarry
Theories of discrimination typically select properties such as race, gender, sexuality, or ethnicity as being of special concern. These properties, which are customarily identified as genuine grounds of discrimination, are also at the forefront of constructionist efforts to understand reality as a product of social interactions. Theories of discrimination have so far neglected the important question of how understanding the nature of these properties impacts our theoretical views of the kind of phenomenon discrimination is. This article outlines some pitfalls of assuming away complexities regarding the ontology of the underlying properties, and systematically develops a constructionist account of discrimination, which I call Discrimination without Traits. I argue pursuing a constructionist view of grounds reveals discrimination to be not a discrete process involving a discriminator and a victim, but an ongoing process of (re)negotiating social reality that is fundamentally political. This uncovers neglected avenues for designing political remedies to discrimination.
歧视理论通常会选择种族、性别、性取向或民族等特性作为特别关注的对象。这些特性通常被认定为真正的歧视理由,也是建构主义者努力将现实理解为社会互动的产物的前沿。到目前为止,歧视理论忽略了一个重要问题,即理解这些性质的性质如何影响我们对歧视现象的理论观点,我称之为无特征的歧视。我认为,追求建构主义的理由观表明,歧视不是一个涉及歧视者和受害者的离散过程,而是一个从根本上讲是政治性的(重新)协商社会现实的持续过程。这揭示了为歧视制定政治补救措施而被忽视的途径。
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引用次数: 1
Drinking Tea with the Neighbors: Informal Clubs, General Trust, and Trustworthiness in Mali 和邻居一起喝茶:马里的非正式俱乐部、普遍信任和诚信
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000709
Jaimie Bleck, J. Bonan, Philippe LEMAY-BOUCHER, Bassirou Sarr
There has been scant empirical evidence linking associational membership to general trust and trustworthiness. This study explores urban youth clubs in Mali and asks: is membership in these groups associated with greater trust and trustworthiness toward society? It leverages 18 months of fieldwork, including 375 group surveys, 2,525 individual surveys, over 1,300 trust games, and transcripts from 66 focus groups. We use propensity score matching to analyze how members and nonmembers play the trust game with strangers. Members are more trustworthy; they return 12% more to their partners than nonmember peers. We do not find a systematic effect of membership on trust. Trustworthiness in the game is also positively correlated with self-reported trust and tolerance as well as real-world behaviors including volunteering and helping friends. Focus group data highlight five mechanisms by which membership fosters general trustworthiness: bonding among diverse members, bridging, public goods provision, socialization, and psychological support.
很少有经验证据表明协会会员资格与普遍信任和可信度有关。这项研究探讨了马里的城市青年俱乐部,并问道:加入这些团体是否与对社会的更大信任和可信度有关?它利用了18个月的实地调查,包括375项团体调查、2525项个人调查、1300多个信任游戏以及66个焦点小组的成绩单。我们使用倾向得分匹配来分析成员和非成员如何与陌生人玩信任游戏。会员更值得信赖;与非会员同行相比,他们对伴侣的回报高出12%。我们没有发现成员资格对信任的系统性影响。游戏中的可信度也与自我报告的信任和宽容以及现实世界中的行为(包括志愿服务和帮助朋友)呈正相关。焦点小组数据强调了成员培养普遍可信度的五种机制:不同成员之间的联系、沟通、公共产品提供、社会化和心理支持。
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引用次数: 1
Introducing HiSCoD: A New Gateway for the Study of Historical Social Conflict 论历史社会冲突:研究历史社会冲突的新途径
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-22 DOI: 10.1017/s000305542300076x
Cédric Chambru, Paul Maneuvrier‐Hervieu
The Historical Social Conflict Database (HiSCoD) is an ongoing project designed to provide to scholars and society at large with a set of resources for analyzing social conflict from the Middle Ages to the second half of the nineteenth century (c. 1000–c. 1870). Based on original archival research and existing repositories, the aim is to provide a global database of social conflict in past societies by collecting, aggregating, documenting, and harmonizing instances of conflict. As of today, the database contains data on more than twenty thousand events, from fiscal scuffles to urban revolts involving thousands of individuals. For every event, we provide information on the date, location, type of conflict, and, when possible, number of participants, participation of women, and a summary of events.
历史社会冲突数据库(HiSCoD)是一个正在进行的项目,旨在为学者和整个社会提供一套资源,用于分析中世纪至十九世纪下半叶(约1000–约1870)的社会冲突。在原始档案研究和现有储存库的基础上,其目的是通过收集、汇总、记录和协调冲突实例,提供过去社会中社会冲突的全球数据库。截至今天,该数据库包含了2万多起事件的数据,从财政混战到涉及数千人的城市起义。对于每一项活动,我们都会提供有关日期、地点、冲突类型的信息,并在可能的情况下提供参与者人数、妇女参与情况和活动摘要。
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引用次数: 1
What Do Americans Want from (Private) Government? Experimental Evidence Demonstrates that Americans Want Workplace Democracy 美国人想从(私人)政府那里得到什么?实验证据表明,美国人希望工作场所民主
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000667
SOUMYAJIT MAZUMDER, ALAN N. YAN
A majority of Americans spend a substantial amount of time at work where they have little to no say over many issues—a phenomenon that philosophers have likened to a “private government” that resembles a dictatorship. Is this because Americans are indifferent to or even prefer to work for firms that resemble dictatorships? To answer this question, we field a conjoint experiment on a nationally-representative sample of Americans to isolate public preferences over “corporate regime type.” We find that Americans prefer workplace democracy. In a second experiment, we find that most Americans support workplace democracy even after being exposed to framing emphasizing democratization’s costs. The results suggest that social scientists must look beyond public opinion to understand the lack of workplace democracy in the United States. This article forges new ground by applying a political science lens to corporate governance—a field ripe with politics but bereft of political science.
大多数美国人把大量的时间花在工作上,而他们在许多问题上几乎没有发言权——哲学家们把这种现象比作类似于独裁统治的“私人政府”。这是因为美国人对类似独裁统治的公司漠不关心,甚至更愿意为之工作吗?为了回答这个问题,我们对具有全国代表性的美国人样本进行了一项联合实验,以隔离公众对“公司制度类型”的偏好。我们发现,美国人更喜欢职场民主。在第二个实验中,我们发现大多数美国人支持工作场所的民主,即使在他们接触到强调民主化成本的框架之后。研究结果表明,社会科学家必须超越公众舆论来理解美国职场缺乏民主的原因。本文通过将政治科学的视角应用于公司治理——一个政治成熟但缺乏政治科学的领域——开辟了新天地。
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引用次数: 0
Four new species of Phytocoris Fallén (Hemiptera, Miridae) from the Davis Mountains in Texas and further documentation of known species of Jeff Davis County. 来自得克萨斯州戴维斯山脉的四种 Phytocoris Fallén(半翅目,Miridae)新种,以及杰夫-戴维斯县已知物种的进一步记录。
IF 1.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-08 eCollection Date: 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.3897/zookeys.1174.107083
Katrina L Menard, Michael D Schwartz

A recent survey of the entomofauna of the Davis Mountains in the state of Texas has revealed four new species in the genus Phytocoris Fallén (Miridae, Mirinae, Mirini): Phytocorismcivorsp. nov. and Phytocorisschmitzisp. nov. found on Quercusgrisea Liebmann, and Phytocorismarquasp. nov. and Phytocorisrileyisp. nov. found attracted to lights. Descriptions, habitus, and genitalic images for the new species are included herein. Further, habitus and genitalic photographs of known Phytocoris species from the county are included to aid in identification.

最近对得克萨斯州戴维斯山脉内动物群的调查发现了 Phytocoris Fallén 属(Miridae,Mirinae,Mirini)中的四个新物种:Nov. 和 Phytocorisschmitzisp. nov. 以及被灯光吸引的 Phytocorismarquasp.本文包括新种的描述、习性和生殖器图像。此外,还包括该县已知 Phytocoris 种类的习性和生殖器照片,以帮助识别。
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引用次数: 0
In the Mood for Democracy? Democratic Support as Thermostatic Opinion-CORRIGENDUM 想要民主吗?作为恒温意见的民主支持-勘误
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000746
CHRISTOPHER CLAASSEN
An abstract is not available for this content. As you have access to this content, full HTML content is provided on this page. A PDF of this content is also available in through the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
此内容没有摘要。当您可以访问此内容时,该页上会提供完整的HTML内容。此内容的PDF也可以通过“保存PDF”操作按钮获得。
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引用次数: 0
The Slaughter-House Dissents and the Reconstruction of American Liberalism 屠宰场的异议与美国自由主义的重建
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000710
Pamela Brandwein
American liberalism has long been divided between early “classic” and modern forms, a transformation associated with the rise of the social welfare state and the New Deal. The long-running critique of Hartzian consensus theory has left intact that division, which is likewise expressed in literature on the Reconstruction Amendments. This article offers a new staged theory of American liberal development in the nineteenth century, accomplished through the prism of public law. Newly elaborating and theorizing the governing frameworks of the antebellum “well-regulated society” and reading judicial disagreement in the Slaughter-House Cases (1873, 83 U.S. 36) in terms of these institutional frameworks, I show how the dual liberty paradigm of the well-regulated society was rearranged in Bradley’s dissent. By elevating a conceptual split between the dissents of Field and Bradley and by tracing in Bradley’s dissent the reorganization of police powers jurisprudence, I illuminate the fashioning and rapid diffusion of modern rights individualism.
长期以来,美国自由主义分为早期的“经典”和现代形式,这一转变与社会福利国家和新政的兴起有关。对哈茨共识理论的长期批判保留了这种分歧,这在关于重建修正案的文献中也得到了同样的表达。本文通过公法的棱镜,提出了19世纪美国自由主义发展的新阶段理论。我对南北战争前“监管良好的社会”的治理框架进行了新的阐述和理论化,并从这些制度框架的角度阅读了《屠宰场案》(1873,83 U.S.36)中的司法分歧,我展示了监管良好社会的双重自由范式是如何在布拉德利的异议中重新安排的。通过提升菲尔德和布拉德利的异议之间的概念分歧,并在布拉德利的异议中追溯警察权力判例的重组,我阐明了现代权利个人主义的形成和快速传播。
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引用次数: 0
The Long-Term Effects of Neighborhood Disadvantage on Voting Behavior: The “Moving to Opportunity” Experiment 邻里劣势对投票行为的长期影响:“向机会移动”实验
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000692
Elizabeth Mitchell Elder, Ryan D. Enos, Tali Mendelberg
Socioeconomic disadvantage is a major correlate of low political participation. This association is among the most robust findings in political science. However, it is based largely on observational data. The causal effects of early-life disadvantage in particular are even less understood, because long-term data on the political consequences of randomized early-life anti-poverty interventions is nearly nonexistent. We leverage the Moving to Opportunity (MTO) experiment to test the long-term effect of moving out of disadvantaged neighborhoods—and thus out of deep poverty—on turnout. MTO is one of the most ambitious anti-poverty experiments ever implemented in the United States. Although MTO ameliorated children’s poverty long term, we find that, contrary to expectations, the intervention did not increase children’s likelihood of voting later in life. Additional tests show the program did not ameliorate their poverty enough to affect turnout. These findings speak to the complex relationship between neighborhood disadvantage and low political participation.
社会经济劣势是政治参与度低的主要原因。这种关联是政治学中最有力的发现之一。然而,它主要基于观测数据。尤其是早期生活不利的因果影响更不为人所知,因为关于随机早期生活反贫困干预的政治后果的长期数据几乎不存在。我们利用“走向机会”(MTO)实验来测试搬出弱势社区——从而摆脱深度贫困——对投票率的长期影响。MTO是美国有史以来最雄心勃勃的反贫困实验之一。尽管MTO长期改善了儿童的贫困状况,但我们发现,与预期相反,干预措施并没有增加儿童以后投票的可能性。额外的测试表明,该项目并没有改善他们的贫困状况,足以影响投票率。这些发现说明了邻里劣势和政治参与度低之间的复杂关系。
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引用次数: 1
The Right to Hunger Strike – CORRIGENDUM 绝食权——腐败
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000734
Candice Delmas
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引用次数: 0
Consolidating Progress: The Selection of Female Ministers in Autocracies and Democracies 巩固进步:专制和民主国家中女性部长的选择
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-20 DOI: 10.1017/s000305542300062x
Jacob Nyrup, Hikaru Yamagishi, S. Bramwell
Though governments historically have been a men’s club, women are increasingly gaining access. We argue that democratic institutions are important drivers of women’s inclusion in government. This stems from the rationales of autocratic versus democratic leaders when selecting ministers. Autocrats fear a coup by inner-circle elites, who are mostly men, incentivizing them to assign ministerial positions as co-optation. In contrast, democratic leaders are accountable to the citizenry through elections and must satisfy increasing demands for gender equality. Furthermore, we argue that it is historical experience with democracy that matters, rather than the level, as it takes time to create an even playing field, change attitudes, and generate trust in democracy. To support this, we contribute with the first study using the most comprehensive dataset, WhoGov, on women’s access to cabinets. Overall, we show that democracy is a process that gradually enables women to enter the highest echelons of power.
尽管政府在历史上一直是一个男性俱乐部,但女性越来越多地进入。我们认为,民主制度是妇女参与政府的重要驱动力。这源于在选择部长时专制与民主领导人的理由。专制主义者担心核心圈子精英(大多数是男性)发动政变,激励他们将部长职位作为共同选择。相比之下,民主领导人通过选举对公民负责,必须满足日益增长的性别平等要求。此外,我们认为,重要的是民主的历史经验,而不是水平,因为创造一个公平的竞争环境、改变态度和建立对民主的信任需要时间。为了支持这一点,我们使用最全面的数据集WhoGov进行了第一项关于女性进入橱柜的研究。总的来说,我们表明,民主是一个逐渐使妇女能够进入最高权力阶层的过程。
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引用次数: 1
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American Political Science Review
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