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How the Trump Administration’s Quota Policy Transformed Immigration Judging 特朗普政府的配额政策如何改变了移民审判
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423001028
ELISE N. BLASINGAME, CHRISTINA L. BOYD, ROBERTO F. CARLOS, JOSEPH T. ORNSTEIN
The Trump administration implemented a controversial performance quota policy for immigration judges in October 2018. The policy’s political motivations were clear: to pressure immigration judges to order more immigration removals and deportations as quickly as possible. Previous attempts by U.S. presidents to control immigration judges were ineffective, but this quota policy was different because it credibly threatened judges’ job security and promotion opportunities if they failed to follow the policy. Our analysis of hundreds of thousands of judicial decisions before and after the policy’s implementation demonstrates that the quota policy successfully led immigration judges to issue more immigration removal orders (both in absentia and merits orders). The post-policy change in behavior was strongest among those judges who were less inclined, pre-policy, to issue immigration removal decisions. These findings have important implications for immigration judge independence, due process protections for noncitizens, and presidential efforts to control the federal bureaucracy.
特朗普政府于2018年10月对移民法官实施了一项有争议的绩效配额政策。这项政策的政治动机很明显:向移民法官施压,要求他们尽快下令遣返更多的移民。以往美国总统试图控制移民法官的努力都是无效的,但这次的配额政策不同,因为它确实威胁到法官的工作保障和晋升机会,如果他们不遵守政策。我们对该政策实施前后数十万个司法判决的分析表明,配额政策成功地导致移民法官发布了更多的移民遣返令(包括缺席令和案情令)。在那些在政策出台前不太倾向于发布移民遣返决定的法官中,政策出台后行为变化最为明显。这些发现对移民法官的独立性、对非公民的正当程序保护以及总统控制联邦官僚机构的努力具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 1
Willing but Unable: Reassessing the Relationship between Racial Group Consciousness and Black Political Participation 愿意但不能:重新评估种族群体意识与黑人政治参与的关系
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000370
JASMINE CARRERA SMITH, JARED CLEMONS, ARVIND KRISHNAMURTHY, MIGUEL MARTINEZ, LEANN MCLAREN, ISMAIL K. WHITE
In this article, we offer a framework for understanding the role that racial group consciousness (RGC) plays in influencing Black Americans’ engagement in costly political action. Attempting to add clarity to decades of inconsistent and at times contradictory findings, we argue that the effect of RGC at inspiring political action among Black Americans is conditional on (1) the relevance of the political activity to achieving a well-recognized racial group outcome and (2) individual capacity to assume the cost of engaging in the activity. Analyzing data from the ANES and two behavioral experiments, we find that RGC exhibits a consistently strong relationship with engagement in low-cost political behavior, regardless of whether the behavior has some explicit group-relevant outcome. When engagement becomes more costly, however, Blacks high in RGC are only willing to assume these costs if the engagement has some clear potential for racial group benefit.
在本文中,我们提供了一个框架来理解种族群体意识(RGC)在影响美国黑人参与代价高昂的政治行动方面所起的作用。为了澄清几十年来不一致、有时相互矛盾的研究结果,我们认为,研究资助局在激励美国黑人政治行动方面的效果取决于(1)政治活动与实现公认的种族群体结果的相关性,以及(2)个人承担参与活动成本的能力。通过分析来自ANES和两个行为实验的数据,我们发现,无论行为是否具有一些明确的群体相关结果,RGC都与参与低成本政治行为表现出一致的强关系。然而,当参与的成本变得更高时,在RGC中得分较高的黑人只有在参与对种族群体有明显潜在利益的情况下才愿意承担这些成本。
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引用次数: 0
Wealth of Tongues: Why Peripheral Regions Vote for the Radical Right in Germany 语言的丰富:为什么德国的边缘地区会投票给激进的右翼
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000862
DANIEL ZIBLATT, HANNO HILBIG, DANIEL BISCHOF
Why is support the radical right higher in some geographic locations than others? This article argues that what is frequently classified as the “rural” bases of radical-right support in previous research is in part the result of something different: communities that were in the historical “periphery” in the center–periphery conflicts of modern nation-state formation. Inspired by a classic state-building literature that emphasizes the prevalence of a “wealth of tongues”—or nonstandard linguistic dialects in a region—as a definition of the periphery, we use data from more than 725,000 geo-coded responses in a linguistic survey in Germany to show that voters from historically peripheral geographic communities are more likely to vote for the radical right today.
为什么激进右翼在某些地区的支持率高于其他地区?本文认为,在以前的研究中,经常被归类为激进右翼支持的“农村”基础的部分原因是不同的:在现代民族国家形成的中心-边缘冲突中,处于历史“边缘”的社区。受经典的国家建设文献的启发,该文献强调“丰富的语言”——或一个地区的非标准语言方言——作为边缘的定义,我们使用了德国一项语言调查中超过72.5万个地理编码的回答数据,表明历史上边缘地理社区的选民今天更有可能投票给激进的右翼。
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引用次数: 5
They’re Still There, He’s All Gone: American Fatalities in Foreign Wars and Right-Wing Radicalization at Home 他们还在,他都走了:美国人在对外战争中的死亡人数和国内右翼激进化
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000904
RICHARD J. MCALEXANDER, MICHAEL A. RUBIN, ROB WILLIAMS
What explains right-wing radicalization in the United States? Existing research emphasizes demographic changes, economic insecurity, and elite polarization. This paper highlights an additional factor: the impact of foreign wars on society at home. We argue communities that bear the greatest costs of foreign wars are prone to higher rates of right-wing radicalization. To support this claim, we present robust correlations between activity on Parler, a predominantly right-wing social media platform, and fatalities among residents who served in U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, at both the county and census tract level. The findings contribute to understanding right-wing radicalization in the US in two key respects. First, it examines widespread, nonviolent radical-right activity that, because it is less provocative than protest and violence, has eluded systematic measurement. Second, it highlights that U.S. foreign wars have important implications for domestic politics beyond partisanship and voting, to potentially include radicalization.
如何解释美国的右翼激进主义?现有的研究强调人口变化、经济不安全感和精英极化。本文强调了另一个因素:对外战争对国内社会的影响。我们认为,承担对外战争最大代价的社区往往倾向于更高的右翼激进化率。为了支持这一说法,我们提出了在Parler(一个以右翼为主的社交媒体平台)上的活动与美国在伊拉克和阿富汗战争中服役的居民的死亡率之间的强大相关性,无论是在县一级还是在人口普查区一级。这些发现有助于从两个关键方面理解美国的右翼激进化。首先,它考察了广泛存在的非暴力激进右翼活动,由于这些活动不像抗议和暴力那样具有挑衅性,因此无法进行系统的衡量。其次,它强调了美国的对外战争对国内政治的重要影响,超出了党派和投票,可能包括激进化。
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引用次数: 0
Does Victim Gender Matter for Justice Delivery? Police and Judicial Responses to Women’s Cases in India 受害者性别对司法公正有影响吗?印度警察和司法部门对妇女案件的回应
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000916
NIRVIKAR JASSAL
Are women disadvantaged whilst accessing justice? I chart, for the first time, the full trajectory of accessing justice in India using an original dataset of roughly half a million crime reports, subsequently merged with court files. I demonstrate that particular complaints can be hindered when passing through nodes of the criminal justice system, and illustrate a pattern of “multi-stage” discrimination. In particular, I show that women's complaints are more likely to be delayed and dismissed at the police station and courthouse compared to men. Suspects that female complainants accuse of crime are less likely to be convicted and more likely to be acquitted, an imbalance that persists even when accounting for cases of violence against women (VAW). The application of machine learning to complaints reveals—contrary to claims by policymakers and judges—that VAW, including the extortive crime of dowry, are not “petty quarrels,” but may involve starvation, poisoning, and marital rape. In an attempt to make a causal claim about the impact of complainant gender on verdicts, I utilize topical inverse regression matching, a method that leverages high-dimensional text data. I show that those who suffer from cumulative disadvantage in society may face challenges across sequential stages of seeking restitution or punitive justice through formal state institutions.
妇女在诉诸司法时是否处于不利地位?我第一次用大约50万份犯罪报告的原始数据集绘制了印度诉诸司法的完整轨迹,这些数据集随后与法庭文件合并。我证明,在通过刑事司法系统的节点时,特定的投诉可能受到阻碍,并说明了“多阶段”歧视的模式。我特别指出,与男性相比,女性的投诉在警察局和法院更有可能被拖延和驳回。被女性投诉者指控犯罪的嫌疑人被定罪的可能性更小,被无罪释放的可能性更大,这种不平衡甚至在考虑暴力侵害妇女案件(VAW)时仍然存在。与政策制定者和法官的说法相反,机器学习在投诉中的应用表明,包括嫁妆勒索罪在内的暴力行为并不是“微不足道的争吵”,而是可能涉及饥饿、中毒和婚内强奸。为了试图对投诉人性别对判决的影响做出因果断言,我使用了主题逆回归匹配,这是一种利用高维文本数据的方法。我表明,那些在社会中遭受累积劣势的人可能会在通过正式的国家机构寻求赔偿或惩罚性正义的连续阶段面临挑战。
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引用次数: 1
Serious Conflicts with Benign Outcomes? The Electoral Consequences of Conflictual Cabinet Terminations 严重冲突与良性结果?冲突内阁解散的选举后果
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1017/s000305542300093x
FLORENCE SO
Conflictual cabinet terminations are seismic events in democracies, but their consequences are understudied. I argue that the electoral impacts of conflictual cabinet terminations depend on voters’ perceptions of them. Terminations following non-policy conflicts are electorally costly. They signal parties’ deteriorating governing competence, which reduces parties’ vote shares. In contrast, terminations following policy conflicts signal parties’ unwillingness to compromise their policy positions and clarify parties’ policy profiles, thus allowing them to evade voter punishment and junior coalition parties to reap electoral reward, particularly for those terminations preceded by interparty policy conflicts. Statistical analyses using the Party Government in Europe Database dataset support my argument on policy terminations and reveal more nuanced electoral effects of non-policy conflict terminations. These findings are robust to various alternative explanations, as well as multiple cabinet terminations and time passed from termination to election. The findings have large implications on electoral accountability of intra-cabinet conflicts and the quality of governance.
内阁解散冲突在民主国家是一件震撼性的事件,但其后果尚未得到充分研究。我认为,有冲突的内阁解散对选举的影响取决于选民对他们的看法。非政策冲突导致的终止在选举中代价高昂。这表明政党的执政能力正在恶化,从而降低了政党的选票份额。相比之下,政策冲突后的终止表明政党不愿意妥协其政策立场并澄清政党的政策形象,从而使他们能够逃避选民的惩罚,并使初级联合政党获得选举奖励,特别是对于那些在党内政策冲突之前终止的政党。使用欧洲政党政府数据库数据集的统计分析支持我关于政策终止的论点,并揭示了非政策冲突终止对选举的更细微影响。这些发现对于各种替代解释,以及多次内阁终止和从终止到选举的时间流逝都是稳健的。研究结果对内阁内部冲突的选举问责制和治理质量具有重大影响。
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引用次数: 1
PSR volume 117 issue 4 Cover and Back matter PSR第117卷第4期封面和封底
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000990
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
此内容的摘要不可用,因此提供了预览。当您可以访问此内容时,可以通过“保存PDF”操作按钮获得完整的PDF。
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引用次数: 0
Turnout Turnaround: Ethnic Minority Victories Mobilize White Voters 投票率逆转:少数族裔的胜利动员了白人选民
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1017/s000305542300103x
STEPHANIE ZONSZEIN, GUY GROSSMAN
In Western democracies, like the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany, the number of ethnic minority representatives has been steadily increasing. How is this trend shaping electoral behavior? Past work has focused on the effects of minority representation on ethnic minorities’ political engagement, with less attention to the electoral behavior of majority-group members. We argue that increased minorities’ representation can be experienced as a threat to a historically white-dominant political context. This, in turn, politically activates white constituents. Using data from four U.K. general elections and a regression discontinuity design, we find that the next election’s turnout in constituencies narrowly won by an ethnic minority candidate is 4.3 percentage points larger than in constituencies narrowly won by a white candidate. Consistent with our argument, this turnout difference is driven by majority-white constituencies. Our findings have implications for intergroup relations and party politics and help explain recent political dynamics.
在美国、英国和德国等西方民主国家,少数民族代表的数量一直在稳步增加。这种趋势是如何影响选举行为的?过去的研究主要集中在少数民族代表权对少数民族政治参与的影响上,而对多数群体成员的选举行为关注较少。我们认为,少数族裔代表人数的增加可能被视为对历史上白人占主导地位的政治背景的威胁。这反过来又在政治上激活了白人选民。利用四次英国大选的数据和回归不连续设计,我们发现少数民族候选人在下次选举中险胜的选区的投票率比白人候选人险胜的选区高4.3个百分点。与我们的论点一致,这种投票率差异是由白人占多数的选区造成的。我们的研究结果对群体间关系和政党政治具有启示意义,并有助于解释最近的政治动态。
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PSR volume 117 issue 4 Cover and Front matter PSR第117卷第4期封面和封面问题
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423001004
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Notes from the Editors 编者注
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000771
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American Political Science Review
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