American Political Science Review最新文献

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Bringing in the New Votes: Turnout of Women after Enfranchisement 引入新选票:获得选举权后的妇女投票率

IF 6.8 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

American Political Science Review

Pub Date : 2023-06-06 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000473

Mona Morgan-Collins

Under what conditions did newly enfranchised women turn out to vote at levels approaching men? This question is important because if women’s turnout lagged behind men’s, politicians’ incentives to advocate for women’s interests could remain weak even after suffrage. I argue that women’s turnout approached parity with men’s in localities with strong incentives to vote and to mobilize among the general population. This is because women faced barriers to voting and were, therefore, more likely to vote and be mobilized under the most favorable circumstances. I then propose that electoral competition determines the strength of voting and mobilization incentives and, therefore, the gender turnout gap. Using sex-separated turnout data in Norway, I demonstrate that the gap narrows in high-turnout competitive districts in systems with single-member districts and in high-turnout within-district strongholds in proportional systems. I probe generalizability of my findings in New Zealand, Austria, and Sweden.

在什么条件下，新获得选举权的妇女的投票水平接近男性?这个问题很重要，因为如果女性的投票率落后于男性，那么即使在获得选举权之后，政客们倡导女性利益的动力可能仍然很弱。我认为，在有强烈动机投票和动员普通民众的地方，妇女的投票率接近于男子的投票率。这是因为妇女在投票方面面临障碍，因此在最有利的情况下更有可能投票和被动员起来。然后我提出，选举竞争决定了投票和动员激励的力度，因此也决定了性别投票率差距。我利用挪威按性别划分的投票率数据，证明了在单成员选区制度下的高投票率竞争选区和比例制度下的高投票率选区内据点的差距缩小。我在新西兰、奥地利和瑞典考察了我的发现的普遍性。

引用次数: 0

Activism versus Criticism? The Case for a Distinctive Role for Social Critics 激进主义与批判？社会评论家发挥独特作用的理由

IF 6.8 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

American Political Science Review

Pub Date : 2023-05-26 DOI: 10.1017/s000305542300045x

L. Gilson

This essay makes a distinction between the roles that activists and social critics can play in democratic societies and defends the separate tasks of a non-activist social critic. Drawing on Ralph Waldo Emerson’s writings, I argue that non-activist social critics are better situated than activists to reach certain audiences, cultivate certain democratic capacities, and preserve their audience’s agency while doing so. In Emerson’s case, his concerns about his activist contemporaries led him to craft new ways of critically engaging his peers. At the same time, as Emerson’s life also illustrates, non-activist critics are limited by their roles and must forgo some of their distinctive advantages in order to do activist work. Clarifying the scope of the social critic’s role in this way helps critics to draw on the benefits of their position and avoid overstepping its constraints, thereby allowing them to more effectively promote political reform.

本文区分了活动家和社会评论家在民主社会中可以扮演的角色，并为非活动家社会评论家的独立任务辩护。根据拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默生的著作，我认为非活动家社会评论家比活动家更适合接触某些受众，培养某些民主能力，并在这样做的同时保持受众的能动性。就爱默生而言，他对同时代活动家的担忧使他创造了新的方式来批判性地吸引同龄人。同时，正如爱默生的一生所表明的那样，非激进主义评论家受到他们角色的限制，必须放弃他们的一些独特优势才能从事激进主义工作。通过这种方式明确社会评论家的作用范围，有助于批评者利用其立场的好处，避免超越其限制，从而使他们能够更有效地推动政治改革。

引用次数: 0

Identifying the Rich: Registration, Taxation, and Access to the State in Tanzania 识别富人：坦桑尼亚的注册、税务和进入国家的途径

IF 6.8 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

American Political Science Review

Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000394

Jeremy Bowles

How do states build their informational capacity? This article argues that distributive politics conditions how the state’s capacity develops. I study civil registration, where citizens comply with the state’s informational demands in exchange for documentary proof of identity, which may simultaneously facilitate access to public resources and exposure to taxation. Though the rich are particularly threatened by taxation, the narrow benefits of registration induce their compliance over that of the poor. I leverage a set of reforms in early postindependence Tanzania which provide quasi-random variation in citizens’ registration status and show that registration promotes access to narrow-based resources, rather than broad-based ones, while increasing tax payment. In turn, citizens’ decisions to comply reflect the economically stratified local incidence of these net benefits. The results suggest how nominally universal state-building schemes can have regressive effects on the state’s coverage.

各州如何建设其信息能力？本文认为，分配政治决定了国家能力的发展。我学习民事登记，公民遵守国家的信息要求，以换取身份证明文件，这可能同时有助于获得公共资源和纳税。尽管富人尤其受到税收的威胁，但登记的狭隘好处使他们比穷人更顺从。我利用了独立后早期坦桑尼亚的一系列改革，这些改革为公民的登记身份提供了准随机的变化，并表明登记促进了获得基础狭窄的资源，而不是基础广泛的资源，同时增加了纳税额。反过来，公民遵守的决定反映了这些净福利在当地的经济分层发生率。研究结果表明，名义上普遍的国家建设计划会对国家的覆盖率产生倒退影响。

引用次数: 4

The Right to Hunger Strike 绝食的权利

IF 6.8 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

American Political Science Review

Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000400

Candice Delmas

Hunger strikes are commonly repressed in prison and seen as disruptive, coercive, and violent. Hunger strikers and their advocates insist that incarcerated persons have a right to hunger strike, which protects them against repression and force-feeding. Physicians and medical ethicists generally ground this right in the right to refuse medical treatment; lawyers and legal scholars derive it from incarcerated persons’ free speech rights. Neither account adequately grounds the right to hunger strike because both misrepresent the hunger strike as noncoercive and nonviolent. I articulate an alternative, dual account of the right to hunger strike. On the remedial argument, the right to hunger strike should be legally protected as a right to petition for redress, in light of incarcerated people’s structural vulnerability to abuse and given inadequate grievance mechanisms. The constructive argument derives the right to hunger strike from the right to resist oppression and stresses the normative permissibility of the use of coercive tactics to defend one’s liberty interests in the face of carceral oppression.

绝食抗议通常在监狱中被镇压，被视为破坏性的、胁迫性的和暴力的。绝食者及其支持者坚持认为，被监禁者有权绝食，这可以保护他们免受镇压和强迫喂食。医生和医学伦理学家通常将这一权利视为拒绝医疗的权利；律师和法律学者将其来源于被监禁者的言论自由权。这两种说法都没有充分证明绝食权，因为两者都将绝食描述为非商业性和非暴力性。我阐述了对绝食权的另一种双重解释。关于补救论点，鉴于被监禁者在结构上容易受到虐待，而且申诉机制不足，绝食权应作为申请补救的权利受到法律保护。建设性论点将绝食权源于抵抗压迫的权利，并强调在面对死刑压迫时使用胁迫策略捍卫自由利益的规范允许性。

引用次数: 0

Misclassification and Bias in Predictions of Individual Ethnicity from Administrative Records 行政记录中个人种族预测的错误分类和偏差

IF 6.8 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

American Political Science Review

Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000229

Lisa P. Argyle, Michael J. Barber

We show that a common method of predicting individuals’ race in administrative records, Bayesian Improved Surname Geocoding (BISG), produces misclassification errors that are strongly correlated with demographic and socioeconomic factors. In addition to the high error rates for some racial subgroups, the misclassification rates are correlated with the political and economic characteristics of a voter’s neighborhood. Racial and ethnic minorities who live in wealthy, highly educated, and politically active areas are most likely to be misclassified as white by BISG. Inferences about the relationship between sociodemographic factors and political outcomes, like voting, are likely to be biased in models using BISG to infer race. We develop an improved method in which the BISG estimates are incorporated into a machine learning model that accounts for class imbalance and incorporates individual and neighborhood characteristics. Our model decreases the misclassification rates among non-white individuals, in some cases by as much as 50%.

我们发现，在行政记录中预测个人种族的一种常见方法，贝叶斯改进姓氏地理编码（BISG），会产生与人口统计和社会经济因素密切相关的错误分类错误。除了一些种族亚组的高错误率外，错误分类率还与选民所在社区的政治和经济特征有关。生活在富裕、受过高等教育和政治活跃地区的种族和少数民族最有可能被BISG错误地归类为白人。在使用BISG推断种族的模型中，对社会人口因素和政治结果（如投票）之间关系的推断可能存在偏见。我们开发了一种改进的方法，在该方法中，BISG估计被纳入机器学习模型，该模型考虑了类不平衡，并纳入了个体和邻域特征。我们的模型降低了非白人个体的错误分类率，在某些情况下高达50%。

引用次数: 2

A case report of multimodal ultrasound imaging in the diagnosis of giant retroperitoneal ganglioneuroma. 多模式超声成像诊断腹膜后巨大神经节瘤的病例报告。

1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

American Political Science Review

Pub Date : 2023-05-10 eCollection Date: 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1002/cai2.73

Li Feng, Yong Wang

Retroperitoneal ganglioneuroma is a rare benign tumor that is challenging in terms of clinical diagnosis. Computed tomography and magnetic resonance imaging are usually performed for diagnosis rather than convenient and inexpensive ultrasonography. Here, we present the case of a 21-year-old female patient who was diagnosed by multimodal ultrasound imaging and whose diagnosis was confirmed by ultrasound-guided core needle biopsy before surgery. We hope that this rare case will help clinicians and radiologists realize the advantages of multimodal ultrasound imaging in the diagnosis of retropeitoneal solid tumors, and reduce misdiagnosis.

腹膜后神经节瘤是一种罕见的良性肿瘤，在临床诊断方面具有挑战性。通常采用计算机断层扫描和磁共振成像进行诊断，而不是采用方便廉价的超声波检查。在此，我们介绍了一例 21 岁女性患者的病例，该患者通过多模态超声成像确诊，并在手术前通过超声引导下的核心针活检确诊。我们希望这一罕见病例能帮助临床医生和放射科医生认识到多模态超声成像在腹膜后实体瘤诊断中的优势，减少误诊。

引用次数: 0

Repression and Dissent in Moments of Uncertainty: Panel Data Evidence from Zimbabwe 不确定时刻的镇压和异议:来自津巴布韦的小组数据证据

IF 6.8 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

American Political Science Review

Pub Date : 2023-05-08 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000230

A. LeBas, Lauren E. Young

State repression and protest are common in modern authoritarian and hybrid regimes, yet individual responses to these events are not well understood. This article draws on unique panel data from the months spanning Zimbabwe’s 2018 election, which we view as a moment of uncertainty for most Zimbabwean citizens. Using a difference-in-difference estimator, we estimate change in individual protest intentions following exposure to repression and dissent and we assess three individual-level mechanisms hypothesized to drive responses. We find evidence that exposure to local repression and dissent are mobilizing among opposition supporters and nonpartisans. Analysis of potential mechanisms suggests that the effects of exposure to dissent may be driven by information updating, whereas relational and emotional mechanisms seem to drive backlash against repression, despite increased perceptions of risk. We find no evidence of counter-mobilization by ruling party supporters, and little effect of exposure to contentious events over social media.

国家镇压和抗议在现代独裁政权和混合政权中很常见，但个人对这些事件的反应还不太清楚。本文引用了津巴布韦2018年大选期间的独特小组数据，我们认为这对大多数津巴布韦公民来说是一个不确定的时刻。使用差异中的差异估计器，我们估计了暴露于镇压和异议之后个人抗议意图的变化，并评估了三种假设驱动反应的个人层面机制。我们发现有证据表明，在反对派支持者和无党派人士中，暴露在当地镇压和异见情绪中的情况正在动员起来。对潜在机制的分析表明，暴露于异议的影响可能是由信息更新驱动的，而关系和情感机制似乎会驱动对镇压的强烈反对，尽管人们对风险的感知有所增加。我们没有发现执政党支持者进行反动员的证据，也没有发现在社交媒体上曝光有争议事件的影响。

引用次数: 2

Coordinated Dis-Coordination 协调Dis-Coordination

IF 6.8 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

American Political Science Review

Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000291

Mai Hassan

Dissidents mobilizing against a repressive regime benefit from using public information for tactical coordination since widespread knowledge about an upcoming event can increase participation. But public calls to protest make dissidents’ anticipated activities legible to the regime, allowing security forces to better stifle mobilization. I examine collective action during Sudan’s 2018–19 uprising and find that mobilization appeared to be publicly coordinated through social movement organizations and internet and communicative technology, consistent with common channels identified by existing literature. Yet embedded field research reveals that some dissidents independently used public calls to secretly organize simultaneous contentious events away from publicized protest sites, perceiving that their deviations would make the regime’s repressive response relatively less efficient than the resulting efficiency losses on the movement’s mobilization. These findings push future work to interrogate more deeply the mechanisms by which dissidents use coordination channels that are also legible to the regime they are mobilizing against.

动员起来反对专制政权的异见人士可以利用公共信息进行战术协调，因为对即将发生的事件的广泛了解可以增加参与。但公众要求抗议的呼声使异见人士预期的活动对政权来说变得清晰可辨，从而使安全部队能够更好地压制动员。我研究了苏丹2018-19年起义期间的集体行动，发现动员似乎是通过社会运动组织、互联网和通信技术公开协调的，与现有文献确定的共同渠道一致。然而，深入的实地研究表明，一些持不同政见者独立地利用公众呼吁，在远离公开抗议地点的地方秘密组织同时发生的有争议的事件，他们认为，与运动动员的效率损失相比，他们的偏离会使政权的镇压反应效率相对较低。这些发现促使未来的工作更深入地探究持不同政见者使用协调渠道的机制，这些渠道对他们动员反对的政权来说也很清晰。

引用次数: 1

State Terror and Long-Run Development: The Persistence of the Khmer Rouge 国家恐怖与长期发展:红色高棉的持续存在

IF 6.8 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

American Political Science Review

Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000382

Donald Grasse

Does mass repression have a long-term economic legacy, and if so, what explains persistence? I argue repression can undermine development by delimiting human capital. I study the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. The regime implemented a campaign of violence to reorganize society, yet governing elites varied across the communist ideological spectrum. I exploit an arbitrary border that allocated villages to either the loyalist Mok or the relatively moderate Sy in Kampong Speu province. Using a regression discontinuity design, I find villages in the more extremist Southwest zone are poorer today compared with villages in the adjacent West zone, and had lower human capital immediately after the regime. Exposure to more intense repression shapes labor markets and child health, explaining intergenerational persistence. I find no conclusive evidence for other persistence channels. My findings add a novel pathway to the library of mechanisms which explain why historical coercion undermines development.

大规模镇压是否会对经济产生长期影响?如果有，又该如何解释这种持续性?我认为，压制会限制人力资本，从而破坏发展。我研究柬埔寨红色高棉的后果。该政权实施了一场暴力运动来重组社会，但统治精英在共产主义意识形态范围内各不相同。我利用了一条随意划定的边界，将村庄分配给磅士卑省忠诚的莫氏和相对温和的赛氏。使用回归不连续设计，我发现与相邻的西部地区的村庄相比，更极端的西南地区的村庄今天更贫穷，并且在政权结束后立即拥有更低的人力资本。更强烈的压制影响了劳动力市场和儿童健康，解释了代际间的持久性。我没有找到其他持久性通道的确凿证据。我的发现为解释为什么历史胁迫会破坏发展的机制库增添了一条新的途径。

引用次数: 1

A network-based analysis to assess COVID-19 disruptions in the Bogotá BRT system. 基于网络的分析，评估 COVID-19 在波哥大快速公交系统中的中断情况。

IF 2.6 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

American Political Science Review

Pub Date : 2023-05-01 Epub Date: 2023-01-11 DOI: 10.1177/23998083221150646

Juan D Garcia-Arteaga, Laura Lotero

The global COVID-19 crisis has severely affected mass transit in the cities of the global south. Fear of widespread propagation in public spaces and the dramatic decrease in human mobility due to lockdowns have resulted in a significant reduction of public transport options. We analyze the case of TransMilenio in Bogotá, a massive Bus Rapid Transit system that is the main mode of transport for an urban area of roughly 10 million inhabitants. Concerns over social distancing and new health regulations reduced the number of trips to under 20% of its historical values during extended periods of time during the lockdowns. This has sparked a renewed interest in developing innovative data-driven responses to COVID-19 resulting in large corpora of TransMilenio data being made available to the public. In this paper we use a database updated daily with individual passenger card swipe validation microdata including entry time, entry station, and a hash of the card's ID. The opportunity of having daily detailed minute-to-minute ridership information and the challenge of extracting useful insights from the massive amount of raw data (∼1,000,000 daily records) require the development of tailored data analysis approaches. Our objective is to use the natural representation of urban mobility offered by networks to make pairwise quantitative similarity measurements between daily commuting patterns and then use clustering techniques to reveal behavioral disruptions as well as the most affected geographical areas due to the different pandemic stages. This method proved to be efficient for the analysis of large amount of data and may be used in the future to make temporal analysis of similarly large datasets in urban contexts.

全球 COVID-19 危机严重影响了全球南部城市的公共交通。对公共场所广泛传播的恐惧以及因封锁而导致的人员流动性急剧下降，导致公共交通选择大幅减少。我们分析了波哥大 TransMilenio 的案例，这是一个庞大的快速公交系统，是拥有约 1000 万居民的城市地区的主要交通方式。在封锁期间的很长一段时间内，由于对社会疏远的担忧和新的卫生法规，出行次数减少到历史值的 20% 以下。这重新激发了人们对开发创新数据驱动的 COVID-19 应对措施的兴趣，导致 TransMilenio 的大型数据集向公众开放。在本文中，我们使用了一个每日更新的数据库，其中包含单个乘客刷卡验证的微观数据，包括进入时间、进入车站和卡的 ID 哈希值。要从海量原始数据（每日记录达 1,000,000 条）中获取有用的见解，需要开发定制的数据分析方法。我们的目标是利用网络提供的城市流动性的自然表征，对日常通勤模式进行成对的定量相似性测量，然后利用聚类技术揭示不同流行病阶段的行为干扰以及受影响最严重的地理区域。事实证明，这种方法在分析大量数据时非常有效，今后可用于对城市环境中类似的大量数据集进行时间分析。

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引用次数: 0

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American Political Science Review

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