Pub Date : 2024-07-08DOI: 10.1017/s0009838824000077
Luca Beltramini
This article deals with the fight between the river Trebia and Scipio the Elder in Silius Italicus’ Punica (4.525–703), notoriously based on the Homeric battle between Achilles and Scamander (Il. 21.1–382). By means of a close reading of the geographical details of Silius’ account, this article aims at highlighting the peculiar role given to the landscape in this episode. By intertwining well-established epic topoi and historiographical reflections, the poet imbues Italy's landscape with a profound ideological meaning. His depiction of the natural environment thematizes key issues relating to the Second Punic War, such as the disruptive effects of Hannibal's invasion on the bond between Italian communities, the problematic nature of shared Italian identity, and the contagious nature of rebellion.
本文论述了西利乌斯-伊塔利库斯（Silius Italicus）的《布匿》（Punica，4.525-703）中特雷比亚河与长者西庇阿（Scipio the Elder）之间的战斗，众所周知，这场战斗是根据荷马史诗中阿喀琉斯（Achilles）与斯卡曼德（Scamander）之间的战斗（Il. 21.1-382）改编的。本文通过细读 Silius 叙述中的地理细节，旨在强调景观在这一情节中的特殊作用。诗人通过将史诗中已经确立的主题和历史学的思考交织在一起，为意大利的风景赋予了深刻的意识形态意义。他对自然环境的描绘将与第二次布匿战争有关的关键问题主题化，如汉尼拔的入侵对意大利社区之间纽带的破坏性影响、意大利人共同身份的问题性以及叛乱的传染性。
{"title":"NATURE, LANDSCAPE AND IDENTITY IN SILIUS ITALICUS’ ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE AT THE TREBIA","authors":"Luca Beltramini","doi":"10.1017/s0009838824000077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0009838824000077","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article deals with the fight between the river Trebia and Scipio the Elder in Silius Italicus’ Punica (4.525–703), notoriously based on the Homeric battle between Achilles and Scamander (Il. 21.1–382). By means of a close reading of the geographical details of Silius’ account, this article aims at highlighting the peculiar role given to the landscape in this episode. By intertwining well-established epic topoi and historiographical reflections, the poet imbues Italy's landscape with a profound ideological meaning. His depiction of the natural environment thematizes key issues relating to the Second Punic War, such as the disruptive effects of Hannibal's invasion on the bond between Italian communities, the problematic nature of shared Italian identity, and the contagious nature of rebellion.","PeriodicalId":510528,"journal":{"name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"118 32","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141666869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-24DOI: 10.1017/s0009838824000223
David Kovacs
This paper raises objections to the constitution of these lines in the OCT. The lines are gnomic but they generalize based on an actual sequence of events just described and should contain an allusion to the offence that will cause the Greeks to perish, the outrage against Athena's temple. This, it is argued, stood in a lacuna best marked after 95. The article has three theses: (1) sacking ‘cities, temples, and tombs’ is implausible because the latter two are parts of the first; (2) plundering tombs refers to nothing in the play, nor was this thought of as an offence against the gods; (3) 96–7 do not refer to the offence that causes the fool's death but are a description of his success, the destruction of the hated enemy population. That success stands in ironic contrast with his subsequent death.
{"title":"EURIPIDES, TROADES 95–7: IS SOMETHING MISSING?","authors":"David Kovacs","doi":"10.1017/s0009838824000223","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0009838824000223","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper raises objections to the constitution of these lines in the OCT. The lines are gnomic but they generalize based on an actual sequence of events just described and should contain an allusion to the offence that will cause the Greeks to perish, the outrage against Athena's temple. This, it is argued, stood in a lacuna best marked after 95. The article has three theses: (1) sacking ‘cities, temples, and tombs’ is implausible because the latter two are parts of the first; (2) plundering tombs refers to nothing in the play, nor was this thought of as an offence against the gods; (3) 96–7 do not refer to the offence that causes the fool's death but are a description of his success, the destruction of the hated enemy population. That success stands in ironic contrast with his subsequent death.","PeriodicalId":510528,"journal":{"name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"59 14","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140664527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-24DOI: 10.1017/s0009838824000338
Elia R. Rudoni
At Aur. Vict. Caes. 10.5, the reading lautus should be retained; -que is a dittography and should be deleted. At 13.3, satis should be emended into sagatis. This article also provides a brief analysis of Victor's references to clothing and attempts to explain why he comments on the Dacian costume at 13.3, the only ethnographic reference to clothing in the entire work.
{"title":"TWO NOTES ON AURELIUS VICTOR'S LIBER DE CAESARIBVS (10.5 LAVTVSQVE AND 13.3 SATISQVE)","authors":"Elia R. Rudoni","doi":"10.1017/s0009838824000338","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0009838824000338","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 At Aur. Vict. Caes. 10.5, the reading lautus should be retained; -que is a dittography and should be deleted. At 13.3, satis should be emended into sagatis. This article also provides a brief analysis of Victor's references to clothing and attempts to explain why he comments on the Dacian costume at 13.3, the only ethnographic reference to clothing in the entire work.","PeriodicalId":510528,"journal":{"name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"58 20","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140664545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-24DOI: 10.1017/s0009838824000120
M. Nichols
This article argues that Vitruvius’ description of Julius Caesar's ‘discovery’ of the larch (larix, De arch. 2.9.15–16), previously read as a journalistic account of the author's first-hand experience in Caesar's military entourage, should instead be interpreted as a highly crafted morality tale illustrating human progress thwarted. In the passage, the use of larch wood to construct a defensive tower renders the Alpine fortress at Larignum impregnable to assault by fire; only the fear aroused by siege provokes the inhabitants to surrender to Caesar and his troops (2.9.15–16). Nevertheless, the outcome of this discovery is not a complete victory, because the logistics of importing this remarkable timber to Rome are as yet insurmountable (2.9.16). Once the siege of Larignum is recognized as a diptych to Vitruvius’ narrative of the origins of civilization, in which fire and wood likewise play essential roles (2.1.1–7), and compared with similar aitia and source histories across the De architectura, it becomes clear that Larignum and its resources emblematize obstacles to a Vitruvian conception of imperial success, in which the city of Rome catalogues and indexes architectural knowledge amassed throughout the empire.
{"title":"JULIUS CAESAR AND THE LARCH: BURNING QUESTIONS AT VITRUVIUS’ DE ARCHITECTVRA 2.9.15–16","authors":"M. Nichols","doi":"10.1017/s0009838824000120","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0009838824000120","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article argues that Vitruvius’ description of Julius Caesar's ‘discovery’ of the larch (larix, De arch. 2.9.15–16), previously read as a journalistic account of the author's first-hand experience in Caesar's military entourage, should instead be interpreted as a highly crafted morality tale illustrating human progress thwarted. In the passage, the use of larch wood to construct a defensive tower renders the Alpine fortress at Larignum impregnable to assault by fire; only the fear aroused by siege provokes the inhabitants to surrender to Caesar and his troops (2.9.15–16). Nevertheless, the outcome of this discovery is not a complete victory, because the logistics of importing this remarkable timber to Rome are as yet insurmountable (2.9.16). Once the siege of Larignum is recognized as a diptych to Vitruvius’ narrative of the origins of civilization, in which fire and wood likewise play essential roles (2.1.1–7), and compared with similar aitia and source histories across the De architectura, it becomes clear that Larignum and its resources emblematize obstacles to a Vitruvian conception of imperial success, in which the city of Rome catalogues and indexes architectural knowledge amassed throughout the empire.","PeriodicalId":510528,"journal":{"name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"53 40","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140661961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1017/s0009838824000053
Cristalle N. Watson
The mid-fourth-century c.e.Cento Vergilianus de laudibus Christi retells the biblical story using cento technique (recombining excerpted lines and partial lines from Virgil into a new poem). Its author, the Christian poet Faltonia Betitia Proba, states that her aim in writing the Cento is to demonstrate that Virgil ‘sang the pious deeds of Christ’ (Vergilium cecinisse … pia munera Christi). Her compositional strategy reflects the exegetical method of typology, as explored in detail by Cullhed: by reusing particular Virgilian verses for biblical characters, Proba creates an implicit typological relationship whereby a Virgilian type both prefigures and is fulfilled by a biblical antitype. This paper first presents an extended model of typology, whereby the type not only prefigures the antitype but also enfigures it, providing the reader with a novel conceptual paradigm through which to understand a particular supernatural reality. The paper then turns to a case study: the baptism scene (380–414), the only passage in the Cento depicting all three members of the Trinity. For each, Proba reuses passages which in the Aeneid describe female characters, hinting at a feminine typological Trinity, one which highlights often-overlooked aspects of the three Christian antitypes. In so doing, she convincingly advances her thesis that Virgil's poetic works reflect typological correspondences to the Christian narrative in a similar way to Old Testament prophecy.
公元前四世纪中期的 Cento Vergilianus de laudibus Christi 采用 Cento 技术（将维吉尔的节选诗句和部分诗句重新组合成一首新诗）重述了圣经故事。该诗的作者是基督徒诗人法尔托尼亚-贝蒂西亚-普罗巴（Faltonia Betitia Proba），她表示自己创作这首 Cento 的目的是为了证明维吉尔 "歌颂了基督的虔诚事迹"（Vergilium cecinisse ... pia munera Christi）。她的创作策略反映了类型学的注释方法，库勒德对此进行了详细探讨：通过重复使用维吉尔的特定诗句来描写圣经人物，普罗巴创造了一种隐含的类型学关系，即维吉尔的类型既预示了圣经的对立面，又被圣经的对立面所实现。本文首先提出了一个扩展的类型学模型，在这个模型中，类型不仅预示了反例，而且还使之形象化，为读者提供了一个新颖的概念范式，通过这个范式，读者可以理解特定的超自然现实。然后，本文转向一个案例研究：洗礼场景（380-414），这是《圣训集》中唯一描绘三位一体中所有三位成员的段落。普罗巴重新使用了《埃涅伊特》中描写女性角色的段落，暗示了女性类型的三位一体，突出了基督教三位对立面中经常被忽视的方面。因此，她令人信服地提出了自己的论点，即维吉尔的诗歌作品反映了与基督教叙事的类型学对应关系，其方式与《旧约》预言相似。
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{"title":"MORS INDIVIDVA AND AEQVA (SENECA, TROADES 401 AND 434)","authors":"Diane Coomans","doi":"10.1017/s0009838824000235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0009838824000235","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This note highlights an original echo between two passages of Seneca's Troades that draws attention to one of Andromache's personality traits.","PeriodicalId":510528,"journal":{"name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140674590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-19DOI: 10.1017/s0009838824000284
John Godwin
Lucretius (3.894–9) puts words into the mouths of mourners as part of his attack on the fear of death. The language of the passage has been read simply as mockery of the bereaved, but the poet is using language strongly reminiscent of Homer, in particular from Circe's speech advising Odysseus about the dangers of hearing the Sirens’ singing. This adds a level of irony to the passage as the poet has a complex relationship with the bewitching power of poetry.
{"title":"LUCRETIUS’ HOMERIC MOURNERS","authors":"John Godwin","doi":"10.1017/s0009838824000284","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0009838824000284","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Lucretius (3.894–9) puts words into the mouths of mourners as part of his attack on the fear of death. The language of the passage has been read simply as mockery of the bereaved, but the poet is using language strongly reminiscent of Homer, in particular from Circe's speech advising Odysseus about the dangers of hearing the Sirens’ singing. This adds a level of irony to the passage as the poet has a complex relationship with the bewitching power of poetry.","PeriodicalId":510528,"journal":{"name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":" 519","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140682414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-19DOI: 10.1017/s0009838824000260
Matthew P. Loar
This article argues that Virgil includes an allusion to the fourth-century censor Appius Claudius Caecus in Book 8 of the Aeneid. Three pieces of evidence point to this allusion: (1) wordplay, especially the near echo of ‘Caecus’ in ‘Cacus’; (2) semantic associations between Cacus and darkness; and (3) repeated references to sight and Cacus’ eyes. By invoking the memory of Appius, whose blinding in 312 b.c.e. allegedly came at the hands of Hercules as punishment for transferring control of the god's rites at the Ara Maxima to the state, Virgil underscores the importance of properly observing religious rituals. This aligns with Evander's original intent with the Hercules–Cacus story to prove to Aeneas and the Trojans that the Arcadians’ religious practices are no uana superstitio (8.187).
本文认为，维吉尔在《埃涅伊德》第 8 卷中引用了四世纪审查官阿皮乌斯-克劳狄乌斯-卡库斯的典故。有三个证据表明了这一典故：(1) 文字游戏，尤其是 "Cacus "与 "Caecus "的近似呼应；(2) Cacus 与黑暗之间的语义关联；(3) 反复提及视觉和 Cacus 的眼睛。据说阿庇乌斯在公元前 312 年被海格力斯打瞎了双眼，海格力斯将阿庇乌斯在 Ara Maxima 举行的祭神仪式的控制权移交给了国家，维吉尔通过唤起人们对阿庇乌斯的记忆，强调了正确遵守宗教仪式的重要性。这与伊万德通过海格力斯-卡克斯的故事向埃涅阿斯和特洛伊人证明阿卡迪亚人的宗教习俗并非乌纳迷信（8.187）的初衷是一致的。
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Pub Date : 2024-04-19DOI: 10.1017/s0009838824000247
Umberto Verdura
This paper discusses an earlier emendation to fr. 54 GRF Funaioli from Varro's De bibliothecis and argues that, while the text et citro refers to cedar oil, it should not be emended to et cedro. A comparison with a passage from Pliny the Elder (HN 13.86) is used to support the view presented in the article.
本文讨论了早先对 Varro 的 De bibliothecis 中 fr.54 GRF Funaioli 摘自 Varro 的 De bibliothecis，并认为虽然文中的 et citro 指的是雪松油，但不应将其改为 et cedro。文章通过与老普林尼（Pliny the Elder）的一段话（HN 13.86）进行比较来支持自己的观点。
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Pub Date : 2024-04-05DOI: 10.1017/s0009838823001052
Lijuan Lin
This article suggests a new reading for Oribasius’ Libri ad Eunapium 3.13.4. Based on evidence from both Greek and Syriac sources, it argues that the variant contained in Oribasius’ Synopsis ad Eustathium should be adopted as the correct reading of the original.
本文为奥里巴修斯（Oribasius）的《Libri ad Eunapium》3.13.4 提出了一种新的读法。根据来自希腊文和叙利亚文的证据，文章认为应采用奥里巴修斯的《Synopsis ad Eustathium》中的变体作为原文的正确读法。
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