Language and Speech最新文献

Researchers investigating a broad array of questions in spoken language prosody routinely base their arguments on measurements taken from the F0 contours of representative speech samples. These analyses, however, frequently involve abstracting F0 contours away from the segmental strings that bear them, potentially overlooking in the process the role played by segmental qualities such as sonority or periodicity in the realization of F0 patterns by speakers and their interpretation by listeners. This paper reports the results of two experiments investigating how perception of F0 contours is affected by the segmental string over which those contours are realized. The first focuses on gaps in F0 contours created by voiceless obstruents such as stops and fricatives, while the second investigates F0 intervals spanning lower-sonority voiced segments, such as nasals and voiced fricatives. While these two scenarios might at first seem unrelated, we argue that listeners treat both with a single mechanism in perception, namely, by reducing (potentially to zero) the amount of weight accorded to those portions of the contour for determination of the speaker's intended F0 scaling level. We present an account of both effects within a unified model of F0 scaling perception called TCoG-F, with discussion of its implications for phonetic and phonological intonation research going forward.

Research with nonnative speech spans many different linguistic branches and topics. Most studies include one or a few well-known features of a particular accent. However, due to a lack of empirical studies, little is known about how common these features are among nonnative speakers or how uncommon they are among native speakers. Moreover, it remains to be seen whether findings from such studies generalize to lesser-known features. Here, we demonstrate a quantitative approach to study nonnative accent features using Dutch-accented English as an example. By analyzing the phonetic distances between transcriptions of speech samples, this approach can identify the features that best distinguish nonnative from native speech. In addition, we describe a method to test hypotheses about accent features by checking whether the prevalence of the features overall varies between native and nonnative speakers. Furthermore, we include English speakers from the United States and United Kingdom and native Dutch speakers from Belgium and The Netherlands to address the issue of regional accent variability in both the native and target language. We discuss the results concerning three observed features. Overall, the results provide empirical support for some well-known features of Dutch-accented English, but suggest that others may be infrequent among nonnatives or in fact frequent among natives. In addition, the findings reveal potentially new accent features, and factors that may modulate the expression of known features. Our study demonstrates a fruitful approach to study nonnative accent features that has the potential to expand our understanding of the phenomenon of accent.

This short report describes a longitudinal examination of the acquisition of English-aspirated stops by an initial cohort of 24 adult Slavic-language (Russian, Ukrainian, and Croatian) speakers. All had arrived in Canada with low oral English proficiency, and all were enrolled in the same language instruction program at the outset. Initial bilabial stops in CVCs were recorded at eight testing times: six during the first year of the study, again at year 7, and finally at year 10. Intelligibility was evaluated through a blind listening assessment of the stop productions from the first seven testing times. Voice onset times (VOT) were measured for /p/ from all eight times. Mean /p/ intelligibility improved-mainly during a proposed Window of Maximal Opportunity for L2 speech acquisition-but remained below 100%, even after 7 years. For some speakers, early /p/ productions were minimally aspirated, with VOT increasing over time but remaining intermediate between L1 English and L1 Slavic-Language values at 10 years. However, inter-speaker variability was dramatic, with some speakers showing full intelligibility throughout the study and others showing many unintelligible productions at all times. Individual learning trajectories tended to be non-linear and often non-cumulative. Overall, these findings point to a developmental process that varies considerably from one learner to another. It also demonstrates the serious drawbacks of relying on group means to characterize the process of L2 segmental learning.

This study examines how L1 English-L2 French learners use L1 articulatory and acoustic categories to produce L2 vowels that are both similar to and different from their L1 vowels. Previous studies examining the relationship between L1 and L2 sound inventories have found that learners reuse L1 phone categories to produce L2 phones that are perceived as similar, but importantly, there is a lack of articulatory data included in these types of studies, which has reinforced the assumption that vowel categories can be solely represented by their acoustic properties. The present study uses ultrasound tongue imaging data and videos of lip rounding in addition to acoustic data to examine how L1 English-L2 French learners produce the French vowels /i y u e ø o/ compared with their English vowels /i u e o/. The results focus on individual paths to category formation to show how learners articulate L2 vowels, and reveal that they tend to reuse L1 tongue body gestures to produce the French vowels /i u e o/, and lip rounding gestures to produce the round vowels /y u o/. This study demonstrates that transfer of articulatory gestures depends on vowel quality and emphasizes the importance of using articulatory data to inform theories of L2 category formation.

This study investigated how input modes (reading vs. listening) and learners' perceptual learning style (visual vs. auditory) affected the incidental learning of collocations. A total of 182 college students were first assigned to either a visual or auditory group based on their performance on a perceptual learning style questionnaire. Each style group was subsequently subdivided into three groups who were exposed to a series of texts containing unfamiliar collocation items under one of the input conditions: written input, aural input, or no input. Results of the study indicated that both written and aural input led to gains in collocational knowledge, and aural input was more effective than written input. Furthermore, the study provided empirical evidence that there was a moderating role of perceptual learning style on incidental collocation learning. The auditory learners under aural input showed the highest rate of collocation learning among all treatment subgroups.

Fundamental frequency (F0) has been widely studied and used in the context of speaker discrimination and forensic voice comparison casework, but most previous studies focused on long-term F0 statistics. Lexical tone, the linguistically structured and dynamic aspects of F0, has received much less research attention. A main methodological issue lies on how tonal F0 should be parameterized for the best speaker discrimination performance. This paper compares the speaker discriminatory performance of three approaches with lexical tone modeling: discrete cosine transform (DCT), polynomial curve fitting, and quantitative target approximation (qTA). Results show that using parameters based on DCT and polynomials led to similarly promising performance, whereas those based on qTA generally yielded relatively poor performance. Implications modeling surface tonal F0 and the underlying articulatory processes for speaker discrimination are discussed.

Mandarin tone 3 sandhi refers to the phenomenon whereby a tone 3 syllable changes to a tone 2 when followed by another tone 3. This phonological process creates a deviation between the tonal forms realized at morphemic (/tone3-tone3/) and word ([tone2-tone3]) levels, posing questions in terms of how disyllabic tone 3 sandhi words are represented and accessed. The current study conducted three cross-modal lexical decision priming experiments to investigate this issue. Experiment 1 manipulated the frequencies of the initial morpheme and whole word, showing that the higher initial-character frequency against the whole word gives stronger activation to the underlying representation and the lower frequency of the initial character leads to stronger activation of the surface tone. Experiments 2 and 3 operationalized the relative frequency of the initial tone 3 morpheme's realization as a sandhi tone, finding that the competition between the two tonal realizations also influences how T3 sandhi words are accessed. Specifically, the more frequently the T3 morpheme surfaces as a T2 allomorph, the less activated the underlying representation becomes in the mental lexicon. Our results indicate a complex interplay between morpheme, word, and the associated tonal representations in the mental lexicon and that these factors co-determine the lexical access of tone 3 sandhi.

Human communication is inherently multimodal. Auditory speech, but also visual cues can be used to understand another talker. Most studies of audiovisual speech perception have focused on the perception of speech segments (i.e., speech sounds). However, less is known about the influence of visual information on the perception of suprasegmental aspects of speech like lexical stress. In two experiments, we investigated the influence of different visual cues (e.g., facial articulatory cues and beat gestures) on the audiovisual perception of lexical stress. We presented auditory lexical stress continua of disyllabic Dutch stress pairs together with videos of a speaker producing stress on the first or second syllable (e.g., articulating VOORnaam or voorNAAM). Moreover, we combined and fully crossed the face of the speaker producing lexical stress on either syllable with a gesturing body producing a beat gesture on either the first or second syllable. Results showed that people successfully used visual articulatory cues to stress in muted videos. However, in audiovisual conditions, we were not able to find an effect of visual articulatory cues. In contrast, we found that the temporal alignment of beat gestures with speech robustly influenced participants' perception of lexical stress. These results highlight the importance of considering suprasegmental aspects of language in multimodal contexts.

Previous research has shown that it is difficult for English speakers to distinguish the front rounded vowels /y/ and /ø/ from the back rounded vowels /u/ and /o/. In this study, we examine the effect of noise on this perceptual difficulty. In an Oddity Discrimination Task, English speakers without any knowledge of German were asked to discriminate between German-sounding pseudowords varying in the vowel both in quiet and in white noise at two signal-to-noise ratios (8 and 0 dB). In test trials, vowels of the same height were contrasted with each other, whereas a contrast with /a/ served as a control trial. Results revealed that a contrast with /a/ remained stable in every listening condition for both high and mid vowels. When contrasting vowels of the same height, however, there was a perceptual shift along the F2 dimension as the noise level increased. Although the /ø/-/o/ and particularly /y/-/u/ contrasts were the most difficult in quiet, accuracy on /i/-/y/ and /e/-/ø/ trials decreased immensely when the speech signal was masked. The German control group showed the same pattern, albeit less severe than the non-native group, suggesting that even in low-level tasks with pseudowords, there is a native advantage in speech perception in noise.

This paper presents the investigation and analysis of speech accommodation effects in data obtained from Spanish learners of German with varying proficiency levels. The production data were recorded during a collaborative map task of the Spanish learners of German among each other and with a native speaker of German. The map task was designed to target words and phrases with specific segmental and suprasegmental characteristics. These characteristics were derived from contrastive analyses of Spanish and German. The main objectives of the paper were to investigate whether segmental and suprasegmental characteristics of the target language German are affected by phonetic accommodation to varying degrees and whether these differences depend on the proficiency level of the speaker or the interlocutor. The statistical analysis, using regression analyses, revealed inconsistent accommodation effects across learners of different proficiency levels as well as different linguistic phenomena. In line with previous findings the results can best be accounted for by an adaptation of a dynamic system approach.