Language and Speech最新文献

This work presents the results of an auditory language of origin identification experiment. Disyllabic and trisyllabic logatomes were recorded by speakers of Bulgarian, Czech, Polish, and Russian, and presented to L1 speakers of the abovementioned Slavic languages. The goals of the test were to verify the ability of lay listeners to recognize the linguistic origin of speakers, based on spoken samples with limited segmental and suprasegmental information, and to correlate the signal features with the subjects' performance. It was found that position of word stress is not an important predictor in language recognition. However, inherent vowel characteristics such as duration and vowel space computed by the means of Pillai scores correlate with subjects' performance. Both the linguistic profile and the familiarity with closely related languages also appear to be relevant predictors of listeners' performance. Finally, the information-theoretic notion of surprisal applied on regular cross-linguistic sound correspondences was correlated with recognition scores; though, the correlations did not reach the threshold of statistical significance. We conclude that auditory identification of linguistic origin by lay persons, native speakers of closely related languages, is possible even when exposed to limited segmental information, which can serve as a cue in the identification of linguistic origin.

This study uses non-native perception data to examine the relationship between perceived phonetic similarity of segments and their phonological patterning. Segments that are phonetically similar to one another are anticipated to pattern together phonologically, and segments that share articulatory or acoustic properties are also expected to be perceived as similar. What is not yet clear is whether segments that pattern together phonologically are perceived as similar. This study addresses this question by examining how L1 English listeners and L1 Guébie listeners perceive non-native implosive consonants compared with plosives and sonorants. English does not have contrastive implosives, whereas Guébie has a bilabial implosive. The bilabial implosive phonologically patterns with sonorants in Guébie, to the exclusion of obstruents. Two perception experiments show English listeners make more perceptual categorization errors between implosives and voiced plosives than Guébie listeners do, but both listener groups are more likely to classify implosives as similar to voiced plosives than sonorants. The results also show that Guébie listeners are better at categorizing non-native implosive consonants (i.e., alveolar implosives) than English listeners, showing that listeners are able to extend features or gestures from their L1 to non-native implosive consonants. The results of these experiments suggest a cross-linguistic perceptual similarity hierarchy of implosives compared with other segments that are not affected by L1 phonological patterning.

A recurring finding of research on the L2 acquisition of coda obstruent voicing is that, in terms of the phonetic parameters that serve to realize the voicing contrast, learners are overwhelmingly more accurate with duration than the voicing of the obstruent itself. The current work expands our understanding of this asymmetry in two ways. First, as previous studies have focused almost exclusively on learners of English, we investigate here whether L2 learners' superior production of duration is also found among learners of other target languages via a study of Mandarin-speaking learners' production of French stop and fricative codas. Results from 18 Mandarin-speaking learners of French, primarily of beginner and intermediate proficiency who completed a sentence reading task, parallel those of previous studies with greater accuracy observed for vowel duration than the laryngeal voicing of the obstruent. Second, we explore potential sources of this asymmetry, in particular, the roles of L1 experience as well as of universal factors, namely, the relative perceptual salience of duration versus voicing, and the articulatory difficulty of voicing obstruents.

Heritage speakers contend with at least two languages: the less dominant first language (L1), that is, the heritage language, and the more dominant second language (L2). In some cases, their L1 and L2 bear striking phonological differences. In the current study, we investigate Toronto-born Cantonese heritage speakers and their maintenance of Cantonese lexical tone, a linguistic feature that is absent from English, the more dominant L2. Across two experiments, Cantonese heritage speakers were tested on their phonetic/phonological and lexical encoding of tone in Cantonese. Experiment 1 was an AX discrimination task with varying inter-stimulus intervals (ISIs), which revealed that heritage speakers discriminated tone pairs with disparate pitch contours better than those with shared pitch contours. Experiment 2 was a medium-term repetition priming experiment, designed to extend the findings of Experiment 1 by examining tone representations at the lexical level. We observed a positive correlation between English dominance and priming in tone minimal pairs that shared contours. Thus, while increased English dominance does not affect heritage speakers' phonological-level representations, tasks that require lexical access suggest that heritage Cantonese speakers may not robustly and fully distinctively encode Cantonese tone in lexical memory.

The current study investigated the merger-in-progress between word-initial nasal and lateral consonants in Fuzhou Min, examining the linguistic and social factors that modulate the merger. First, the acoustic cues to the l-n distinction were examined in Fuzhou Min. Acoustic analyses suggested a collapse of phonemic contrast between prescriptive L and N (phonemes in the unmerged system), with none of the six acoustic cues showing any difference across L and N. Linear discriminant analysis did identify acoustically distinct [l] and [n] tokens, although the mapping onto the phonetic space of prescriptive L and N substantially overlapped. Speakers of all ages and both genders tended to produce [l], and low vowels correlated with more [n]-like classification. In perception, AX discrimination data showed Fuzhou Min listeners confused both prescriptive L and N and acoustic [l] and [n]. Greater sensitivity to the acoustic differences occurred in the context of low vowels and a nasal coda, supported by the acoustics of the stimuli, and younger listeners were more sensitive to the difference between [l] and [n] than older listeners. In two-alternative forced choice (2AFC) identification, Fuzhou Min listeners also identified the merged form as L more frequently than N, with more L responses elicited in the context of low vowels and in the absence of nasal codas. Overall, although Fuzhou Min speakers produced some acoustically distinct [l] and [n] tokens in the context of a sound merger, these productions did not map onto prescriptive L and N. In addition, younger listeners were more sensitive to the acoustic distinction than older listeners, suggesting an emerging acoustic contrast possibly arising due to contact with Mandarin.

Prosodic cues help to disambiguate incoming information in spoken language perception. In structurally ambiguous coordinate utterances, such as three-name sequences, the intended grouping is marked by three prosodic cues: F0-range, final lengthening, and pause. To indicate that the first two names are grouped together, speakers typically weaken the durational and tonal cues on the first name whereas they are strengthened on the second name, compared with a structure without internal grouping. The current study uses a gating paradigm to test whether listeners can decide about the internal grouping of a coordinate structure by already exploiting prosodic information on the first name. One hundred ninety-two stimuli were cut into seven parts (gates) and presented to naive participants (n = 45) successively (gate by gate) with increasing length of the utterance and amount of prosodic information. In a two-alternative forced-choice decision task, accuracy was above chance level after the second name. However, more than half of the participants could already reliably detect grouping patterns after the first name. These interindividual differences point toward the existence of different subgroups with diverging prosodic parsing strategies. Furthermore, listeners were sensitive to speaker-specific prosodic patterns. Depending on speaker-specific characteristics and individual parsing capacities, it seems possible-at least for a subgroup of listeners-to make predictions about the underlying grouping structure of coordinated name sequences based on early prosodic cues.

When a sentence is produced with contrastive prosodic prominence, the word that carries the prominence becomes more salient, and alternatives to that word are usually implied. In processing, this implies that focused words and their alternatives should be more strongly activated. Previous research on focus processing has primarily been confined to Germanic languages. The current paper reports on two experiments investigating the role of prosodic prominence in immediate (Experiment 1) and long-term processing (Experiment 2) of focused words and focus alternatives in Mandarin. Prosodic prominence was effective in activating focused words and their alternatives. In the memory task, this facilitation effect was only found toward the beginning of the experiment. We attribute this difference to task-related adaptive use of prosodic prominence in utterance processing. This research sheds light on whether, when, and how listeners use prosodic prominence to identify important information and to evoke alternatives during sentence comprehension.

A phenomenon called "repetition reduction" can increase articulation rate in adults by facilitating phonetic and motor processes, which indicates flexibility in the control of articulation rate. Young children, who speak much slower, may not have the same speech motor flexibility resulting in the absence of the repetition reduction effect. In this study, we tested whether spontaneous repetitions of young children are produced with a faster articulation rate than their original utterances. Twelve monolingual English-speaking children were observed at four time points between 2;0 and 3;0 years of age. A significant increase in articulation rate and syllable count was found using multilevel models for all utterances over the 1-year period. At each time point, however, the repeated utterances were produced significantly faster than the original utterances even though the content and syllable count differed minimally. Our findings conform to the pattern of adult studies suggesting that a "naturistic" form of repetition reduction is already present in the speech of children at 2;0 years. Although certain aspects of speech motor control are undergoing rapid development, existing motor capability at 2;0 already supports flexible changes in articulation rate including repetition reduction.

We present an implementation of DIANA, a computational model of spoken word recognition, to model responses collected in the Massive Auditory Lexical Decision (MALD) project. DIANA is an end-to-end model, including an activation and decision component that takes the acoustic signal as input, activates internal word representations, and outputs lexicality judgments and estimated response latencies. Simulation 1 presents the process of creating acoustic models required by DIANA to analyze novel speech input. Simulation 2 investigates DIANA's performance in determining whether the input signal is a word present in the lexicon or a pseudoword. In Simulation 3, we generate estimates of response latency and correlate them with general tendencies in participant responses in MALD data. We find that DIANA performs fairly well in free word recognition and lexical decision. However, the current approach for estimating response latency provides estimates opposite to those found in behavioral data. We discuss these findings and offer suggestions as to what a contemporary model of spoken word recognition should be able to do.

This study analyzes the production of native (L1) and foreign (L2) vowels by 42 L1 English learners of French (ELoF) at the start and end of a 6-month residence abroad (RA) in a French-speaking country. Data are also reported from a delayed post-test, which takes place 10 months after a subsection of participants (n = 27) return to the L1 English environment. Results reveal systemic phonetic drift in ELoF's L1 English vowels over the RA, and this accompanies the phonetic development occurring in the participants' L2 French vowel system, a phenomenon we label "tandem drift." This L1-L2 link is also supported by interspeaker variation: the individuals whose L2 French vowels shift the most are also the participants who exhibit the most substantial L1 phonetic drift in the same direction. Results for the L1 re-immersion time point suggest a partial-but not complete-reversal of phonetic drift, whereas no reversal of the L2 gains made over the RA is apparent. Nevertheless, at the individual level, the learners whose L2 gains reverse the most upon L1 re-immersion are also most likely to exhibit reverse phonetic drift in their L1. Overall, these findings indicate a relationship between L2 speech learning and L1 phonetic drift, which we argue is driven by the global phonetic properties of both L2 and L1 becoming linked at a representational level. Although these representations appear malleable, it is clear that recent changes are not guaranteed to reverse despite substantial re-exposure to L1 input. Implications for the distinction between drift and attrition are discussed.