Language and Speech最新文献

Encoding and establishing a new second-language (L2) phonological category is notoriously difficult. This is particularly true for phonological contrasts that do not exist in the learners' native language (L1). Phonological categories that also exist in the L1 do not seem to pose any problems. However, foreign-language learners are not only presented with oral input. Instructed L2 learning often involves heavy reliance on written forms of the target language. The present study investigates the contribution of orthography to the quality of phonolexical encoding by examining the acoustics of French schwa by Austrian German learners-a perceptually and articulatorily easy L2 phone with incongruent grapheme-phoneme correspondences between the L1 and L2. We compared production patterns in an auditory word-repetition task (without orthographic input) with those in a word-reading task. We analyzed the formant values (F1, F2, F3) of the schwa realizations of two groups of Austrian high-school students who had been learning French for 1 and 6 years. The results show that production patterns are more likely to be affected by L1 grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences when orthographic input is present. However, orthography does not appear to play the dominant role, as L2 development patterns are strongly determined by both the speaker and especially the lexical item, suggesting a highly complex interaction of multiple internal and external factors in the establishment of L2 phonological categories beyond orthography and phonology.

Young children often produce non-target-like word forms in which non-adjacent consonants share a major place of articulation (e.g., [gɔgi] "doggy"). Termed child consonant harmony (CCH), this phenomenon has garnered considerable attention in the literature, primarily due to the apparent absence of analogous patterns in mature phonological systems. This study takes a close look at a potential account of CCH that is compatible with findings from adult word learning, serial recall, and phonological typology. According to this account, CCH is a response to memory pressure involved in remembering and retrieving multiple consonantal contrasts within a word. If this is the main motivation behind CCH, we would expect the resulting child forms to be biased toward full assimilation (i.e., consonant repetition) as it allows maximal reduction of phonolexical memory load. To test this prediction, children's productions of target words containing consonants that differ in both major place and manner were analyzed using two data sources: a single session sample from 40 children aged 1-2 years learning English, French, Finnish, Japanese, or Mandarin; and longitudinal samples from seven English-learning children between 1 and 3 years of age. Prevalence of consonant repetitions was robustly evidenced in early child forms, especially in those produced for target words with the structure CVCV(C). The results suggest that early word production is shaped by constraints on phonolexical memory.

The standard Beijing variety of Mandarin has a clear alveolar-retroflex contrast for phonemes featuring voiceless sibilant frication (i.e., /s/, /ʂ/, /ʈs/, /ʈʂ/, /ʈsʰ/, /ʈʂʰ/). However, some studies show that varieties in the 'outer circle', such in Taiwan, have a reduced contrast for these speech sounds via a process known as 'deretroflexion'. The variety of Mandarin spoken in Singapore is also considered as 'outer circle', as it exhibits influences from Min Nan varieties. We investigated how bilinguals of Singapore Mandarin and English perceive and produce speech tokens in minimal pairs differing only in the alveolar/retroflex place of articulation. In all, 50 participants took part in two tasks. In Task 1, participants performed a lexical identification task for minimal pairs differing only the alveolar/retroflex place of articulation, as spoken by native speakers of two varieties: Beijing Mandarin and Singapore Mandarin. No difference in comprehension of the words was observed between the two varieties indicating that both varieties contain sufficient acoustic information for discrimination. In Task 2, participants read aloud from the list of minimal pairs while their voices were recorded. Acoustic analysis revealed that the phonemes do indeed differ acoustically in terms of center of gravity of the frication and in an alternative measure: long-term averaged spectra. The magnitude of this difference appears to be smaller than previously reported differences for the Beijing variety. These findings show that although some deretroflexion is evident in the speech of bilinguals of the Singaporean variety of Mandarin, it does not translate to ambiguity in the speech signal.

The current study investigates the average effect: the tendency for humans to appreciate an averaged (face, bird, wristwatch, car, and so on) over an individual instance. The effect holds across cultures, despite varying conceptualizations of attractiveness. While much research has been conducted on the average effect in visual perception, much less is known about the extent to which this effect applies to language and speech. This study investigates the attractiveness of average speech rhythms in Dutch and Mandarin Chinese, two typologically different languages. This was tested in a series of perception experiments in either language in which native listeners chose the most attractive one from a pair of acoustically manipulated rhythms. For each language, two experiments were carried out to control for the potential influence of the acoustic manipulation on the average effect. The results confirm the average effect in both languages, and they do not exclude individual variation in the listeners' perception of attractiveness. The outcomes provide a new crosslinguistic perspective and give rise to alternative explanations to the average effect.

Persian polar questions are characterized by a rise-fall followed by a low F0 plateau and a final rise. A production experiment was designed which systematically manipulated question length and the position of stress in the nuclear accented word in the question. Results revealed that distances between tones can strongly affect their scaling and alignment in predictable manner. With respect to scaling, our data show that the postnuclear low F0 target is realized considerably higher in short questions in which tonal crowding is more acute. This scaling adjustment of the L affects the following H tone, such that the final H is realized higher in tonal space, relative to the other crowding contexts. The results for duration show that in short questions, syllable duration is significantly lengthened so that there is room for tonal targets to be realized. In addition, the alignment data in this study suggest that crowding contexts incrementally affect the temporal adjustment of tonal targets. In some circumstances, tonal crowding results in anticipatory retraction of tones, while in others it results in carry-over tonal displacement depending on the direction of the prosodic pressure. These results can best be explained in an auto-segmental approach to intonational phonology in which intonation contours are treated as strings of distinct high and low tones associated with specific elements in the segmental string.

Infants' speech perception is characterized by substantial changes during the first year of life that attune the processing mechanisms to the specific properties of the ambient language. This paper focuses on these developmental changes in vowel perception. More specifically, the emergence and potential cause of perceptual asymmetries in vowel perception are investigated by an experimental study on German 6- and 9-month-olds' discrimination of a vowel contrast that is not phonemic in German. Results show discrimination without any asymmetry in the 6-month-olds but an asymmetrical pattern with better performance when the vowel changes from the less focal to the more focal vowel than vice versa by the 9-month-olds. The results concerning the asymmetries are compatible with the Natural Referent Framework as well as with the Native Language Magnet model. Our results foster two main conclusions. First, bi-directional testing must be mandatory when testing vowel perception. Second, when testing non-native vowel perception, the relation of the stimuli to the native language vowel system has to be considered very carefully as this system impacts the perception of non-native vowels.

Previous investigations have shown various interactions between spatial concepts and speech sounds. For instance, the front-high vowel [i] is associated with the concept of forward, and the back-high vowel [o] is associated with the concept of backward. Three experiments investigated whether the concepts of forward/front and backward/back are associated with high- and low-pitched vocalizations, respectively, in Finnish. In Experiments 1 and 2, the participants associated the high-pitched vocalization with the forward-directed movement and the low-pitched vocalizations with the backward-directed movement. In Experiment 3, the same effect was observed in relation to the concepts of front of and back of. We propose that these observations present a novel sound-space symbolism phenomenon in which spatial concepts of forward/front and backward/back are iconically associated with high- and low-pitched speech sounds. This observation is discussed in relation to the grounding of semantic knowledge of these spatial concepts in the movements of articulators such as relative front/back-directed movements of the tongue.

To date, research on wordform learning biases has mostly focused on language-dependent factors, such as the phonotactics and neighborhood density of the language(s) known by the learner. Domain-general biases, by contrast, have received little attention. In this study, we focus on one such bias-an advantage for string-internal repetitions-and examine its effects on wordform learning. Importantly, we consider whether any type of segmental repetition is equally beneficial for word recall, or whether learning is favored more or only by repeated consonants, in line with previous research indicating that consonants play a larger role than vowels in lexical processing. In Experiment 1, adult English speakers learned artificial consonant-vowel-consonant-vowel words containing either a repeated consonant (e.g., /sesu/, "c-rep"), a repeated vowel (e.g., /sepe/, "v-rep"), or dissimilar consonants and vowels (e.g., /sepu/, "no-rep"). Recall results showed no advantage for v-reps but higher accuracy for c-reps compared with no-reps. In Experiment 2, participants performed a label preference task with the same stimuli. The results showed dispreference for both c-reps and v-reps relative to no-reps, indicating that the results of Experiment 1 are independent of wordlikeness effects. These outcomes reveal that there is a form-learning bias for words with identical consonants but not for words with identical vowels, suggesting that a domain-general advantage for repetitions within strings is modulated by a language-specific processing bias for consonants.

This study investigates whether a presumed difference in the perceptibility of cues to lexical stress in spectro-temporally degraded simulated cochlear implant (CI) speech affects how listeners weight these cues during a lexical stress identification task, specifically in their non-native language. Previous research suggests that in English, listeners predominantly rely on a reduction in vowel quality as a cue to lexical stress. In Dutch, changes in the fundamental frequency (F0) contour seem to have a greater functional weight than the vowel quality contrast. Generally, non-native listeners use the cue-weighting strategies from their native language in the non-native language. Moreover, few studies have suggested that these cues to lexical stress are differently perceptible in spectro-temporally degraded electric hearing, as CI users appear to make more effective use of changes in vowel quality than of changes in the F0 contour as cues to linguistic phenomena. In this study, native Dutch learners of English identified stressed syllables in CI-simulated and non-CI-simulated Dutch and English words that contained changes in the F0 contour and vowel quality as cues to lexical stress. The results indicate that neither the cue-weighting strategies in the native language nor in the non-native language are influenced by the perceptibility of cues in the spectro-temporally degraded speech signal. These results are in contrast to our expectations based on previous research and support the idea that cue weighting is a flexible and transferable process.

This study explores speech processing of English coda laterals (dark L's) in second language (L2) listeners whose native language does not permit laterals at syllable coda positions. We tested L2 listeners' (native Mandarin) perception of coda laterals following three Australian English vowels differing in phonological backness, including /iː/, /ʉː/, and /oː/, which represent a front vowel, and central vowel, and a back vowel, respectively. L2 listeners first completed an AX task which tested their ability to discriminate between /iː/-/iːl/, /ʉː/-/ʉːl/, and /oː/-/oːl/, and then they completed an identification task with eye-tracking which tested their ability to distinguish vowel-lateral sequences and bare vowel categories using explicit phonological-orthographical labels. The results show that vowel backness plays a key role in L2 listeners' perceptual accuracy of English coda laterals, whereas the eye-tracking and identification data suggest some paradigmatic differences between the two tasks. Mandarin listeners show excellent discrimination and identification of coda laterals following a front vowel and poor performance following a back vowel, whereas the central vowel has led to intermediate patterns.