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Xenophobia in the Time of a Pandemic: Social Media Use, Stereotypes, and Prejudice against Immigrants during the COVID-19 Crisis 大流行病时期的仇外心理:新冠肺炎危机期间对移民的社交媒体使用、刻板印象和偏见
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-04-30 DOI: 10.1093/ijpor/edab014
Saifuddin Ahmed, V. Chen, A. Chib
Abstract This study examines the relationship between social media use, disease risk perception, social and political trust, and out-group stereotyping and prejudice during a social upheaval. Analyses of primary data collected during the COVID-19 outbreak in Singapore found that disease risk perception is positively related to stereotyping and prejudice against Chinese immigrants. Individuals who used social media for news were more likely to stereotype and express prejudice. However, those who engaged in frequent heterogenous discussions, and had more extensive social networks, were less likely to stereotype and express prejudice. Higher social and political trust was also associated with lower stereotyping and prejudice. Finally, moderation effects of network characteristics on the relationship between risk perception, social trust, and prejudice were observed.
摘要本研究考察了社会动荡期间社交媒体的使用、疾病风险感知、社会和政治信任以及群体外刻板印象和偏见之间的关系。对新冠肺炎在新加坡爆发期间收集的主要数据的分析发现,疾病风险认知与对中国移民的成见和偏见正相关。使用社交媒体获取新闻的个人更有可能形成刻板印象并表达偏见。然而,那些经常进行异质性讨论并拥有更广泛社交网络的人,不太可能刻板印象和表达偏见。较高的社会和政治信任也与较低的陈规定型观念和偏见有关。最后,观察了网络特征对风险感知、社会信任和偏见之间关系的调节作用。
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引用次数: 15
Gender-of-Interviewer Effects in Self-Reported Gender Ideologies: Evidence Based on Interviewer Change in a Panel Survey 访谈者性别对自我报告性别意识的影响:基于访谈者变化的证据
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-04-26 DOI: 10.1093/ijpor/edaa038
International Journal of Public Opinion Research 2020. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edaa017
国际舆论研究杂志,2020。DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edaa017
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引用次数: 0
What Influences Trust in Survey Results? Evidence from a Vignette Experiment 什么影响对调查结果的信任?Vignette实验的证据
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-04-24 DOI: 10.31235/osf.io/qa97b
S. Stadtmüller, Henning Silber, Christoph Beuthner
Today, there are more survey results available than ever before. This increase in survey data is, however, accompanied by a decline in survey quality. Thus, it is more likely than in the past that citizens and politicians get a biased picture of public opinion when relying on survey results. Those misperceptions can have worrying consequences for political discourse and decision-making. With the present study, we aim to investigate to what extent the public draws on survey quality information when evaluating the trustworthiness of a survey result. To explore this research question, we implemented a vignette experiment in an online panel survey (n = 3,313) in which each respondent was confronted with four different, randomly assigned descriptions of a survey and then asked to evaluate the trustworthiness of the respective survey result. The survey descriptions varied regarding the methodological information provided (i.e., sample size, sampling method, and sample balance). The results showed that survey quality information only had a minor effect on the perceptions of trust compared to respondents’ characteristics, such as pre-existing opinions on the topic or general trust in science. Yet, trust in the survey result was significantly influenced by the sample size and sample balance, but not by the sampling method. Finally, in line with information processing theory, the relevance of survey quality information increases with the cognitive abilities of the respondent.
如今,可用的调查结果比以往任何时候都多。然而,调查数据的增加伴随着调查质量的下降。因此,与过去相比,公民和政客在依赖调查结果时更有可能对公众舆论产生偏见。这些误解可能会对政治话语和决策产生令人担忧的后果。本研究旨在调查公众在评估调查结果的可信度时,在多大程度上利用调查质量信息。为了探索这个研究问题,我们在一项在线小组调查(n=3313)中实施了一个小插曲实验,其中每个受访者面对四个不同的、随机分配的调查描述,然后被要求评估各自调查结果的可信度。关于所提供的方法学信息(即样本量、抽样方法和样本平衡),调查描述各不相同。结果表明,与受访者的特征相比,调查质量信息对信任感的影响很小,例如对该主题的预先存在的意见或对科学的普遍信任。然而,对调查结果的信任在很大程度上受到样本量和样本平衡的影响,而不受抽样方法的影响。最后,根据信息处理理论,调查质量信息的相关性随着受访者的认知能力而增加。
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引用次数: 2
Risk aversion and strategic voting 风险规避与战略投票
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-04-07 DOI: 10.1093/IJPOR/EDAB004
D. Martin
Numerous studies investigate how personality traits and individual characteristics influence vote choice. However, the effect of risk attitudes on the proclivity to cast a strategic vote has not been tested yet. This article tests whether the likelihood of defecting from one’s preferred party is influenced by attitudes towards risk. I argue that the utility stemming from expressing a preference by opting for the favored party is a sure thing, whereas the utility stemming from an instrumental choice depends on some probabilities, and consequently that strategic voting is riskier than sincere voting. Using survey data from the United Kingdom and Canada, I find that risk-averse voters are less likely to vote strategically than risk-acceptant ones.
大量研究调查了人格特征和个人特征如何影响投票选择。然而,风险态度对战略投票倾向的影响尚未得到检验。这篇文章测试了叛逃的可能性是否受到对风险的态度的影响。我认为,通过选择受青睐的一方来表达偏好所产生的效用是肯定的,而工具性选择所产生的功效取决于一些概率,因此战略投票比真诚投票风险更大。使用来自英国和加拿大的调查数据,我发现厌恶风险的选民比接受风险的选民更有可能进行战略性投票。
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引用次数: 0
Cognitive Heuristics, Inter-Institutional Politics, and Public Perceptions of Insulated Institutions: The Case of the U.S. Supreme Court 认知启发式、机构间政治和公众对隔离机构的看法:美国最高法院的案例
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-04-06 DOI: 10.1093/ijpor/edaa013
Michael A. Zilis
How do citizens form perceptions about the ideological priorities of insulated institutions? Currently, there is little consensus on how or even whether citizens form such views. Focusing on the Supreme Court, I argue that perceptions of institutional ideology are influenced by an inter-institutional heuristic, or the popular perception that the president directly and indirectly influences the Court’s ideological direction. Using a multiple method approach, I demonstrate that citizens perceive the Court’s preferences to coincide with the president’s, changing predictably in the aggregate and varying substantially at the micro-level. The findings speak to debates about polarization in politics, showing that citizens may perceive insulated institutions as ideologically extreme due to factors beyond their control.
公民是如何形成对孤立机构的意识形态优先事项的看法的?目前,对于公民如何形成这种观点,甚至是否形成这种观点,几乎没有达成共识。关注最高法院,我认为对制度意识形态的看法受到机构间启发式的影响,或者是总统直接或间接影响法院意识形态方向的普遍看法。我使用多种方法证明,公民认为法院的偏好与总统的一致,总体上可预测地变化,在微观层面上变化很大。研究结果与关于政治两极分化的辩论有关,表明公民可能会认为孤立的机构在意识形态上是极端的,这是由于他们无法控制的因素。
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引用次数: 3
The Impact of Confidentiality Assurances on Participants’ Responses to Sensitive Questions 保密保证对参与者回答敏感问题的影响
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-03-25 DOI: 10.1093/IJPOR/EDAA039
Carmen M. Leon, E. Aizpurua, Sophie van der Valk
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引用次数: 0
How Do Campaigns Matter? Independents, Political Information, and the Enlightening Role of Campaigns in Mexico 竞选活动有多重要?独立人士、政治信息和墨西哥运动的启蒙作用
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-03-23 DOI: 10.1093/IJPOR/EDAA029
Rodrigo Castro Cornejo
Based on the Mexican case, this study finds that voters who report low levels of campaign information are more likely to update their vote intention as election day gets closer. Moreover, in contrast to previous studies which argue that political campaigns mainly persuade voters to support candidates against their precampaign dispositions, this article shows that, by the end of the campaign, most voters support the candidate best aligned with their underlying political predispositions—partisanship and presidential approval. In other words, voters become enlightened. This effect is particularly important among independents, a portion of the electorate understudied by the literature on Latin American political behavior.
基于墨西哥的案例,本研究发现,随着选举日的临近,报告竞选信息水平较低的选民更有可能更新他们的投票意向。此外,与先前的研究相反,这些研究认为政治竞选主要是说服选民支持候选人,而不是他们在竞选前的倾向,这篇文章表明,到竞选结束时,大多数选民支持的候选人最符合他们潜在的政治倾向-党派和总统的认可。换句话说,选民变得开明了。这种影响在独立选民中尤为重要,他们是拉美政治行为研究文献中未充分研究的一部分选民。
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引用次数: 9
Mind The Gap! The Role of Political Identity and Attitudes in the Emergence of Belief Gaps 注意缝隙!政治认同和政治态度在信仰鸿沟产生中的作用
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-03-19 DOI: 10.1093/IJPOR/EDAB006
M. Saldaña, Shannon C. McGregor, Thomas J. Johnson
To more fully understand the belief gap hypothesis, this study examines the effect of political identity, education, and partisan media consumption on the formation of attitudes and false beliefs. Using a two-wave, nationally representative online survey of the U.S., we assess people’s attitudes and beliefs toward climate change, on the one hand, and Syrian refugees, on the other. Building on previous studies, we demonstrate that the effect of one’s political identity on attitudes and false beliefs is contingent upon education, which appears to widen the belief gap in consort with political identity.
为了更全面地理解信仰差距假说,本研究考察了政治身份、教育和党派媒体消费对态度和虚假信仰形成的影响。通过对美国进行的两波具有全国代表性的在线调查,我们一方面评估了人们对气候变化的态度和信仰,另一方面也评估了叙利亚难民的态度和信念。在先前研究的基础上,我们证明了一个人的政治身份对态度和错误信仰的影响取决于教育,这似乎扩大了与政治身份认同的信仰差距。
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引用次数: 3
Revisiting the Emotion–Risk Interaction: Do Anger and Fear Moderate the Impact of Risk on Public Support for War? 重新审视情绪-风险互动:愤怒和恐惧是否会缓和风险对公众支持战争的影响?
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-03-16 DOI: 10.1093/IJPOR/EDAA032
Casper Sakstrup, K. Hansen
A key claim in the study of emotions is that anger makes people less responsive to risks, whereas fear makes people more responsive. Although risk is a fundamental concern in the area of military conflict, no studies have directly tested whether anger and fear moderate the impact of risk on public support for war. We test this key claim with casualty risks as our case. Across five experiments (N = 4,559), utilizing well-established treatment material to vary casualty risk and induce emotions, we replicate the central finding that higher casualty risk decreases support for war. Emotions, however, do not moderate the effect of risk. These findings, combined with limitations in existing research, raise debate about the empirical robustness of the prominent emotion–risk interaction as well as widely used emotion inductions.
情绪研究中的一个关键观点是,愤怒会使人们对风险的反应减弱,而恐惧会使人们的反应增强。尽管风险是军事冲突领域的一个基本问题,但没有研究直接测试愤怒和恐惧是否会缓和风险对公众支持战争的影响。我们以伤亡风险为例来检验这一关键索赔。在五个实验中(N = 4559),利用成熟的治疗材料来改变伤亡风险和诱发情绪,我们复制了更高的伤亡风险会降低对战争的支持这一核心发现。然而,情绪并不能缓和风险的影响。这些发现,再加上现有研究的局限性,引发了关于突出的情绪-风险互动以及广泛使用的情绪诱导的实证稳健性的争论。
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引用次数: 2
The Effects of Populist Identity Framing on Populist Attitudes Across Europe: Evidence From a 15-Country Comparative Experiment 民粹主义身份框架对欧洲民粹主义态度的影响——来自15国比较实验的证据
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-03-13 DOI: 10.1093/IJPOR/EDAA018
M. Hameleers, D. Schmuck, A. Schulz, D. Wirz, Jörg Matthes, Linda Bos, Nicoleta Corbu, Ioannis Andreadis
We investigate the effects of populist messages that (a) stress the centrality of “ordinary” people, (b) shift blame to the “corrupt” elites, or (c) combine people centrality and antielitist cues on 3 dimensions of populist attitudes: anti-elitism, homogeneous people, and popular sovereignty. We conducted an extensive 15-country experiment in which we manipulated populist communication as social identity frames (N = 7,271). Multilevel analyses demonstrate that messages stressing the centrality of the ordinary people activate all dimensions of populist attitudes. In contrast, anti-elite messages activate anti-elitism attitudes only for those individuals with lower levels of education and extreme positions on the ideological left–right spectrum. Our findings suggest that populist political communication plays a key role in activating populist attitudes across Europe.
我们研究了民粹主义信息的影响,这些民粹主义信息(a)强调“普通”人的中心性,(b)将责任归咎于“腐败”的精英,或(c)将人民中心性和反精英主义线索结合在民粹主义态度的3个维度上:反精英主义、同质人民和人民主权。我们对15个国家进行了广泛的实验,在实验中,我们将民粹主义传播作为社会身份框架(N = 7271)。多层次分析表明,强调普通人中心地位的信息激活了民粹主义态度的各个方面。相反,反精英信息只对那些受教育程度较低、在意识形态上处于左右翼极端立场的人激发反精英主义态度。我们的研究结果表明,民粹主义政治传播在激活整个欧洲的民粹主义态度方面发挥了关键作用。
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引用次数: 15
期刊
International Journal of Public Opinion Research
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