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American Public Opinion on US Responses to Russia's Nuclear Threats in Ukraine 美国公众对美国应对俄罗斯在乌克兰核威胁的看法
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-04-06 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13490
Kaitlin Peach, Andrew Fox, Kuhika Gupta, Joseph Ripberger, Cheyenne Black, Tristan Winkle, Hank Jenkins-Smith

Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, President Vladimir Putin's nuclear threats have reshaped the global nuclear landscape, potentially altering public attitudes toward nuclear deterrence and weapons use. This article examines American preferences for United States responses—nuclear, conventional, or nonmilitary—to three hypothetical scenarios involving Russia's potential use of nuclear weapons against Ukraine. Drawing on data from the 2022 National Security Survey by the Institute for Public Policy Research and Analysis, we find that the American public generally favors conventional military responses over nuclear options, even in the face of increased nuclear threats. Qualitative analysis reveals that respondents primarily apply a “logic of consequences,” prioritizing strategic military utility over ethical or normative concerns when considering responses. These findings have significant implications for US nuclear policy and the theoretical discourse on nuclear nonuse.

自俄罗斯于2022年2月入侵乌克兰以来,弗拉基米尔·普京(Vladimir Putin)总统的核威胁重塑了全球核格局,可能会改变公众对核威慑和核武器使用的态度。本文考察了美国对美国应对措施的偏好——核武器、常规武器或非军事——以应对俄罗斯可能对乌克兰使用核武器的三种假设情景。根据公共政策研究与分析研究所(Institute for Public Policy Research and Analysis) 2022年国家安全调查(National Security Survey)的数据,我们发现,即使面对日益增加的核威胁,美国公众也普遍倾向于传统的军事反应,而不是核选择。定性分析表明,受访者主要采用“后果逻辑”,在考虑回应时优先考虑战略军事效用,而不是道德或规范问题。这些发现对美国核政策和不使用核武器的理论论述具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Classical Realism, Practices, and Paradiplomacy: The International Activities of Canadian Provinces 古典现实主义、实践与准外交:加拿大各省的国际活动
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-03-27 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70008
Grant Dawson

This article proposes a general theory of paradiplomacy based on Hans J. Morgenthau's classical realism (emphasizing emotions) and practices. It tests this theory on Canadian provincial international activities from 1945 to 2020. Morgenthau conceives of politics as a struggle for love and power that is universal but pluralistic in its social manifestations. Practices can be found everywhere, so variegated paradiplomacy practices are a global inevitability. The article argues that the provinces filter paradiplomacy through a distinct practice called the “diplomatic tradition of Canadian federalism” as one way of engaging in domestic power politics. The article distills the practice background into a three-part social mechanism—asymmetry, ambiguity, and accommodation—and in the case study confirms it using a version of process tracing and practitioner interviews. The article's theory is not only plausible; it is also necessary because the paradiplomacy field lacks a theory on which to found assumptions that can be integrated into IR paradigms and trajectories, such as emotions, practices, and the renewed interest in classical realism.

本文以摩根索的古典现实主义(强调情感)理论和实践为基础,提出了一种泛外交理论。它以1945年至2020年加拿大省级国际活动为例验证了这一理论。摩根索认为政治是对爱和权力的斗争,这种斗争是普遍的,但在其社会表现形式上是多元的。实践随处可见,因此多元的副外交实践在全球是不可避免的。文章认为,各省通过一种被称为“加拿大联邦制外交传统”的独特实践来过滤准外交,作为参与国内权力政治的一种方式。这篇文章将实践背景提炼成一个由三部分组成的社会机制——不对称、模糊和适应——并在案例研究中使用过程追踪和从业者访谈的方式来证实这一点。这篇文章的理论不仅似是而非;这也是必要的,因为副外交领域缺乏一种理论,可以在此基础上发现可以融入国际关系范式和轨迹的假设,如情感、实践和对古典现实主义的重新兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Public Policies to Restrict Food Marketing to Children in Latin America: Progress and Challenges 拉丁美洲限制向儿童推销食品的公共政策:进展与挑战
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-03-20 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13470
Florence L. Théodore, Regina Durán, Lizbeth Tolentino Mayo, Alondra Coral Aragón-Gama, Vania Lara Mejía, Priscila Moreno, Paulina Barquín, Paola Villaverde, Fiorella Espinosa de Candido, Maria Isabel Ferre Eguiluz, Simón Barquera

Despite evidence showcasing the exploitation of children's vulnerability by the food industry through such marketing, only a few countries globally have regulated unhealthy food marketing. This study aims to assess the progress, challenges, and lessons learned in implementing policies restricting unhealthy food marketing to children in Latin America and the Caribbean. Using qualitative methods, including a literature review, online surveys, country selection based on regulatory standards, and in-depth interviews, the study focuses on five front-runner countries: Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Peru, and Uruguay. Results reveal varying degrees of child protection across these countries, with challenges related to technical, financial, and industry interference. Monitoring and evaluation efforts are limited, except in Chile. Recommendations include avoiding conflicts of interest, promoting cooperation between sectors, ensuring autonomy of health ministries, regulating social media marketing, imposing strong penalties, and allocating specific budgets for policy phases. In conclusion, while progress is evident in Latin American and the Caribbean, there is a need for strengthening the implementation and especially the regulatory frameworks, responsive monitoring, and evaluation processes, emphasizing health over commercial interests to improve food environments and safeguard public health.

尽管有证据表明食品工业通过这种营销利用儿童的脆弱性,但全球只有少数国家对不健康食品营销进行了监管。本研究旨在评估拉丁美洲和加勒比地区在实施限制向儿童推销不健康食品的政策方面的进展、挑战和经验教训。本研究采用定性方法,包括文献综述、在线调查、基于监管标准的国家选择和深度访谈,重点关注五个领先的国家:阿根廷、智利、厄瓜多尔、秘鲁和乌拉圭。结果显示,这些国家对儿童的保护程度各不相同,面临着与技术、财政和行业干预有关的挑战。监测和评价工作有限,智利除外。建议包括避免利益冲突,促进部门之间的合作,确保卫生部的自主权,规范社交媒体营销,施加严厉的惩罚,以及为政策阶段分配具体预算。最后,虽然拉丁美洲和加勒比取得了明显的进展,但仍有必要加强执行,特别是监管框架、响应性监测和评价进程,强调健康高于商业利益,以改善食品环境和保障公众健康。
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引用次数: 0
Collision Course: How Iran and Israel Brought the Middle East to the Brink of War 碰撞历程:伊朗和以色列如何将中东带到战争边缘
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-03-18 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70004
Rob Geist Pinfold, Clive Jones, Anoushiravan Ehteshami

This policy analysis asks: what has caused and now sustains the violent escalation cycle that is re-defining the Middle East and how will this all end? It analyses Iran and Israel's grand strategies. It argues that both employ force to achieve strategic depth and both bifurcate the region into two blocs doomed to constantly fight for hegemony. Equally, they both share the same flaws. Israel and Iran alike prioritise conflict management over conflict resolution. But neither are effective are achieving this pessimistic goal. Concurrently, the ongoing conflict has precipitated a role reversal in Iran and Israel's regional visions. Israel is a traditionally a status quo power, whereas Iran has followed a revisionist grand strategy. However, it is Israel that is now the region's peremptory revisionist power. This is because the October 7 attacks have caused Israel to no longer tolerate hostile actors on its borders. Equally, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu seeks a1967 moment: a regional reordering in Israel's favour. Conversely, Iran is now an increasingly status quo power; it seeks a cease-fire in the current conflict because it feels that it is losing and needs to preserve its regional assets.

这一政策分析提出了这样的问题:是什么导致并维持了正在重新定义中东的暴力升级循环?这一切将如何结束?它分析了伊朗和以色列的大战略。它认为,两者都使用武力来实现战略纵深,都将该地区分成两个注定要不断争夺霸权的集团。同样,他们都有同样的缺点。以色列和伊朗同样将冲突管理置于冲突解决之上。但这两种方法都无法有效实现这一悲观目标。与此同时,持续的冲突加速了伊朗和以色列在地区愿景中的角色逆转。以色列传统上是维持现状的大国,而伊朗则奉行修正主义的大战略。然而,以色列现在是该地区专横的修正主义大国。这是因为10月7日的袭击使以色列不再容忍其边界上的敌对行为。同样,以色列总理本雅明•内塔尼亚胡(Benjamin Netanyahu)也在寻求一个1967年的时刻:一场有利于以色列的地区重组。相反,伊朗现在日益成为维持现状的大国;它在目前的冲突中寻求停火,因为它觉得自己正在失败,需要保留其在该地区的资产。
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引用次数: 0
Correction to “The Dynamics of Governance and Sustainable Development Goals in the Global South” 更正“发展中国家治理与可持续发展目标的动态”
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-03-12 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70012

Original text in paragraph 2 of “Introduction” section

With its 17 SDGs and 169 targets, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development1. demonstrates the international commitment to achieving worldwide sustainable development in its social, economic and environmental dimension (United Nations, 2015). What makes the SDGs special is the broad acceptance and commitment of the international community, the comprehensive definition of sustainable development in its different dimensions made measurable through 232 indicators, and the understanding that these sustainability goals are universal, integrated and indivisible. The emergence of the goals can be understood in the context of and as a response to global problems emerging in the wake of globalization processes and increasing global interconnectedness.

Correction

In paragraph 2 of the “Introduction” section, the paragraph should be replaced with the following:

Building on the achievements of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are a set of 17 objectives that aim to eradicate poverty, safeguard the environment, and promote peace and prosperity, among others. Achieving any one of the 17 goals will require addressing problems related to another. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development features 169 targets and 17 Sustainable Development Goals, indicates the global commitment to attaining sustainable development in all its social, economic, and environmental dimensions (United Nations, 2015). The comprehensive definition of sustainable development is quantified by 232 indicators in all dimensions, widely accepted and committed by the international community. It is also recognized that these sustainability goals are universal, integrated, and inseparable.

As Glass and Newig (2019) perceptively point out, there is broad acceptance and commitment of the international community to SDG2030, the comprehensive definition of sustainable development in its different dimensions made measurable through 232 indicators, and the understanding that these sustainability goals are universal, integrated and indivisible. Decision making and interactions between different stakeholders are defined by institutions, procedures and systems that make up global governance. The emergence of these goals can be understood in the context of and as a response to global problems emerging in the wake of globalization processes and increasing global interconnectedness.

We apologise for the unintentional omission of the citation of the 2019 article by Professors Glass and Newig due to the oversight that the reference being omitted in the final version submitted. To rectify this problem, we have made a correction on the opening paragraph of the essay to include the citation of the 2019 article by Glass and Newig.

《2030年可持续发展议程》有17个可持续发展目标和169个具体目标。展示了在社会、经济和环境方面实现全球可持续发展的国际承诺(联合国,2015年)。可持续发展目标的特殊之处在于国际社会的广泛接受和承诺,可持续发展的不同维度的全面定义通过232个指标进行衡量,以及对这些可持续发展目标的普遍、综合和不可分割的理解。这些目标的出现可以在全球化进程和全球相互联系日益加强之后出现的全球问题的背景下加以理解,并作为对这些问题的回应。在“引言”部分第2段中,该段应改为:可持续发展目标(sdg)是在千年发展目标(MDGs)成就的基础上,包括17项目标,旨在消除贫困、保护环境、促进和平与繁荣等。实现17个目标中的任何一个都需要解决与另一个相关的问题。《2030年可持续发展议程》包含169个具体目标和17个可持续发展目标,表明全球致力于在社会、经济和环境各方面实现可持续发展(联合国,2015年)。可持续发展的综合定义是用232个指标在各个维度进行量化,被国际社会广泛接受和承诺。人们还认识到,这些可持续发展目标是普遍的、综合的和不可分割的。正如Glass和Newig(2019)敏锐地指出的那样,国际社会对SDG2030的广泛接受和承诺,通过232个指标对可持续发展的不同维度进行了全面定义,并认识到这些可持续发展目标是普遍的,综合的,不可分割的。不同利益相关者之间的决策和互动是由构成全球治理的机构、程序和系统定义的。这些目标的出现可以在全球化进程和日益增强的全球相互联系之后出现的全球问题的背景下和作为对这些问题的回应来理解。由于在提交的最终版本中遗漏了参考文献,我们无意中遗漏了Glass和Newig教授2019年文章的引用,对此我们深表歉意。为了纠正这个问题,我们对文章的开头段进行了更正,以包括对Glass和Newig 2019年文章的引用。
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引用次数: 0
Sing safety: Understanding South Sudanese protection strategies through song 歌唱安全:通过歌声了解南苏丹人的保护策略
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-03-06 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13498
Sylvia A. N. Nannyonga-Tamusuza, Naomi Pendle

We advocate for ethnomusicology—the critical study of the dialogical relationship between music and the contexts that define it—as one of the research approaches that humanitarians and peacekeepers should use to better understand civilians' self-protection strategies during conflict. Humanitarian protection strategies have not kept all civilians safe, so there is growing scholarly and policy attention to self-protection strategies. It is important that humanitarians do not simply instrumentalise self-protection strategies but understand the politics and logics behind them. This article argues that paying attention to music can help humanitarians understand self-protection strategies, especially as music can create space for discussion even about emotive or political topics that cannot be verbalised in other ways. Musicians also often have an authority that can help shape behaviour, and songs are often used to share strategies to stay safe. Music can also create important memories and social meanings around protection strategies. This article is based on research in Warrap State, South Sudan—a region that has long histories of colonial and post-colonial armed conflict, military mobilizations and aid actor interventions as well as established musical norms and evolving self-protection strategies.

我们提倡民族音乐学——对音乐与定义音乐的背景之间对话关系的批判性研究——作为人道主义者和维和人员应该使用的研究方法之一,以更好地了解冲突期间平民的自我保护策略。人道主义保护战略并没有保证所有平民的安全,因此学术界和政策部门越来越关注自我保护战略。重要的是,人道主义者不能简单地将自我保护策略工具化,而是要理解其背后的政治和逻辑。这篇文章认为,关注音乐可以帮助人道主义者理解自我保护策略,特别是因为音乐可以创造讨论空间,甚至是无法用其他方式表达的情感或政治话题。音乐家通常也有权威,可以帮助塑造行为,歌曲经常被用来分享保持安全的策略。音乐还可以围绕保护策略创造重要的记忆和社会意义。本文基于对南苏丹瓦拉普州的研究,该地区在殖民和后殖民时期的武装冲突、军事动员和援助行为体干预以及建立的音乐规范和不断发展的自我保护战略方面有着悠久的历史。
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引用次数: 0
The Safety of Strangers: The Realities and Politics of Protecting Civilians in Times of War 陌生人的安全:战争时期保护平民的现实与政治
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-03-06 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13499
Naomi Pendle, Tom Kirk

Recent wars have brutally shown that civilians are not safe. This is despite high-level global commitments and multi-billion-dollar humanitarian spending to keep civilian strangers protected. The high civilian death tolls in recent armed conflicts are prompting new questions about how and if we can protect civilians in times of war, and what the real politics of such protection is. In this special section and its introduction, we argue that it is essential to pay attention to civilians' actual experiences of protection and their own strategies for staying safe. Normative schemes, including those that seek to offer safety to strangers, are always contested and negotiated and are always bound up in claims for legitimacy, power and public authority. We argue that it is in civilians' quotidian experiences of staying safe that we can best see and understand the local, national and international politics of civilian protection, as well as the forms of safety that are prioritised by civilians themselves. To do this, the special section draws together qualitative, ethnographic and ethnomusicological research in Sudan, South Sudan and Uganda to shed light on how the international community can keep civilians safe.

最近的战争残酷地表明,平民并不安全。尽管全球高层承诺并投入数十亿美元的人道主义资金来保护平民。在最近的武装冲突中,平民死亡人数居高不下,这引发了新的问题,即我们如何以及能否在战时保护平民,以及这种保护的真正政治意义何在。在本特别章节及其导言中,我们认为必须关注平民的实际保护经历及其自身的安全策略。规范性方案,包括那些寻求为陌生人提供安全的方案,总是受到争议和协商,总是与对合法性、权力和公共权威的诉求联系在一起。我们认为,正是在平民保持安全的日常经验中,我们才能更好地看到和理解地方、国家和国际的平民保护政治,以及平民自身优先考虑的安全形式。为此,本专栏汇集了在苏丹、南苏丹和乌干达进行的定性、人种学和人种音乐学研究,以揭示国际社会如何保护平民的安全。
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引用次数: 0
Safety Among Displaced South Sudanese in Khartoum: The Role of Christian Faith Communities 在喀土穆流离失所的南苏丹人的安全:基督教信仰团体的作用
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-03-06 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13497
Nelly Caesar Arkangelo

Christianity occupies an integral part of South Sudanese journeys through wars and displacement. This article explores the role of Christian faith communities in providing protection during South Sudanese displacement. As an epicentre for displaced South Sudanese in the region, this research focuses on the displaced South Sudanese at camps and camp-like settlements in Khartoum, Sudan. In these camps there is a lack of access to basic services due to the displaced South Sudanese's compromised position as refugees and foreigners. The article builds on previous scholarship on the role of Christian communities as peace brokers, community leaders and spiritual mentors in South Sudan and the borderlands. It argues that through self and community—protection strategies, including advocacy and mobilisation of displaced South Sudanese and collaborations with other protection actors, Christian faith communities leverage their position as ‘displaced believers’ to provide vulnerable South Sudanese in Khartoum with a sense of community, dignity and protection.

基督教在南苏丹人经历战争和流离失所的旅程中占据了不可分割的一部分。本文探讨了基督教信仰团体在南苏丹流离失所期间提供保护的作用。作为该地区流离失所的南苏丹人的中心,本研究的重点是在苏丹喀土穆的难民营和类似营地的定居点流离失所的南苏丹人。在这些难民营中,由于流离失所的南苏丹人作为难民和外国人的妥协地位,他们无法获得基本服务。这篇文章建立在之前关于基督教社区在南苏丹和边境地区作为和平掮客、社区领袖和精神导师角色的学术研究基础之上。它认为,通过自我和社区保护战略,包括倡导和动员流离失所的南苏丹人,以及与其他保护行动者合作,基督教信仰社区利用其作为“流离失所的信徒”的地位,为喀土穆的弱势南苏丹人提供社区意识、尊严和保护。
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引用次数: 0
Protection and Containment: Surviving COVID-19 in Palabek Refugee Settlement, Northern Uganda 保护和遏制:在乌干达北部Palabek难民定居点生存COVID-19
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-03-06 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13496
Sophie Mylan

Humanitarian assistance is framed around ‘protection’. Deciding whom to protect and against what is not straightforward, particularly during a pandemic. In Uganda, policies to protect against COVID-19 embraced containment through the reduction of movement and the securitisation of borders. Refugees in Uganda were described as particularly vulnerable to COVID-19 and therefore in need of protection, whilst simultaneously perceived to be a health security threat. This article critically explores containment and protection by focusing on refugee self-protection. Ethnographic research was carried out during COVID-19 in Palabek refugee settlement in northern Uganda, amongst refugees from South Sudan. In contrast to containment policies that curtailed mobility in order to ‘protect’, research findings demonstrate that self-protection included dynamic social boundaries around the settlement, and harnessed mobility. The latter drew on social, political, and historical borderland dynamics between (South) Sudan and Uganda. Effective social boundaries around Palabek were only created when policies of containment had legitimacy. Boundaries were circumvented when legitimacy waned and wider socio-economic challenges, particularly regarding food insecurity, came to the fore. If humanitarians and the Ugandan government had understood the essential need to consider self-protection, they might have paid more attention to ensuring the long-lasting legitimacy of COVID-19 containment policies amongst refugees.

人道主义援助的框架是 "保护"。决定保护谁、保护什么并不简单,尤其是在大流行病期间。在乌干达,防范 COVID-19 的政策包括通过减少人员流动和边界安全化来进行遏制。乌干达的难民被描述为特别容易感染 COVID-19,因此需要保护,同时也被视为健康安全的威胁。本文以难民自我保护为重点,批判性地探讨了遏制与保护问题。在COVID-19期间,我们在乌干达北部的帕拉贝克难民定居点对来自南苏丹的难民进行了人种学研究。与为了 "保护 "而限制流动性的遏制政策不同,研究结果表明,自我保护包括定居点周围的动态社会边界,以及对流动性的利用。后者借鉴了(南)苏丹和乌干达之间的社会、政治和历史边界动态。只有当遏制政策具有合法性时,帕拉贝克周围才会形成有效的社会边界。当合法性减弱,更广泛的社会经济挑战,尤其是粮食不安全问题凸显出来时,边界就会被规避。如果人道主义者和乌干达政府了解考虑自我保护的基本需要,他们可能会更加重视确保 COVID-19 围堵政策在难民中的长期合法性。
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引用次数: 0
Seeking safety: Identifying protection gaps for artists in South Sudan 寻求安全:确定南苏丹艺术家的保护缺口
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-03-06 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13500
Kara A. Blackmore

Protection of artists during times of conflict has no specific framework in international humanitarian law. However, cultural sites, artefacts and institutions are protected. Advocates working from the position of ‘cultural rights’ understand that artists who are specifically persecuted should be protected for defending human rights. Artists are targeted during conflict just like material culture for their symbolic contribution to society. During times of armed conflict, artists have few places to go. This worsens in protracted conflicts that drag on for generations. In contemporary South Sudan, conflict has driven out artists seeking protection and freedom of expression. This article contributes empirical evidence from South Sudan to reveal how artists experience the protection gap and how they become informal protection stakeholders. Identifying self-protection strategies gives insights for opening up further research on social and political phenomena impacting disputed territories or places impacted by long-term symbolic violence. In these contexts, this chapter shows the pathways artists take to not only seek shelter but to continue their work in exile.

在国际人道主义法中,对冲突期间艺术家的保护没有具体的框架。然而,文化遗址、文物和机构受到保护。站在“文化权利”立场上的倡导者明白,那些特别受到迫害的艺术家应该受到保护,因为他们捍卫了人权。艺术家和物质文化一样,因为他们对社会的象征性贡献而成为冲突中的目标。在武装冲突时期,艺术家们无处可去。这种情况在拖延几代人的长期冲突中恶化。在当代南苏丹,冲突驱逐了寻求保护和言论自由的艺术家。本文提供了来自南苏丹的经验证据,揭示了艺术家如何经历保护缺口,以及他们如何成为非正式的保护利益相关者。确定自我保护策略为进一步研究影响有争议领土或受长期象征性暴力影响的地方的社会和政治现象提供了见解。在这些背景下,本章展示了艺术家们不仅寻求庇护,而且在流亡中继续他们的工作的途径。
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引用次数: 0
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